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Dáil Éireann debate -
Thursday, 12 Mar 1964

Vol. 208 No. 6

Committee on Finance. - Vote 46—External Affairs (Resumed).

Debate resumed on the following motion:
"That the Vote be referred back for reconsideration"—Deputy Dillon.

I rise to support the motion standing in the names of Deputy Dillon and others, but before doing so, I should like to comment on the statement of the Minister in introducing his Vote. I wish to join with other Deputies who complained, legitimately, I believe, that the Minister omitted reference to our application for admission to the Common Market. Deputies will remember that this time last year great stress was laid on the prospect of our immediate entry to the EEC and the advantages that would entail. In fact, our future economic development was based on the assumption that we would join the Common Market at an early date. In omitting to refer to this serious and important matter, the Minister was guilty of a grave dereliction of duty and I trust he will inform the House of what his intentions are and what our hopes for the future are in this respect when he comes to reply.

From the defence point of view, I should like to express some views on the Cyprus question. With Deputy D. Costello, I subscribe to the view that if we can do anything—and I think we can—to bring back peace to that troubled island, we should make every effort to meet the wishes of the United Nations to send a force there. It is, however, imperative that we should have full information on the objects of such a force. It is well to recall that on a recent visit to Northern Ireland, the British Prime Minister asserted that partition in Cyprus would be impossible and could not be considered. He was standing on ground where that outrage has been imposed by a British Government without the support of a single Irish member of Parliament.

This is a matter that should be continuously before our minds. Every effort should be made to deal with the problem of discrimination. Discrimination is there. Our fellow citizens are suffering grave hardships in that territory. Of course, the truth is that anybody not in Fianna Fáil suffers the same hardship here. Indeed, there have been boasts that it is only right that even briefs be extended to those who have an interest in politics to encourage them to take part in them. I shall not develop that. It shows the trend of thought within the Party now in Government.

The Minister for External Affairs would have no responsibility.

It relates to External Affairs to the extent that I am submitting the Minister and the Government had a guilty conscience. They could not easily charge the people in Northern Ireland with offences of which they themselves were partially guilty.

In relation to the motion standing in our name, the action of the Minister for External Affairs did not surprise me at all. It did not surprise a number of my colleagues that the Minister would be a party to the suppression of material facts that, in justice, should have been mentioned. The fact that they jump from 1923, when we joined the League of Nations, to 1933 implied that they made application to join. Unless you read it carefully, you would believe that they applied to the League of Nations, and in a short time afterwards, Mr. de Valera became President of the League. In 1923, I was a Deputy and an Army officer. I know the circumstances in which it was proposed to make application for membership to the League of Nations. I am aware that the then Leader of the Opposition outside the House— they were members of the House but not in it—sent a telegram of protest to the Secretary-General of the League of Nations demanding that we not be admitted. But the big point was that under no circumstances should the Treaty of 1921 be registered as an international instrument. The argument was that if such registration took place it would bind us for all time. We argued in this House at that time that that was not so, that the purpose was to put it on an international plane. All credit to Mr. Cosgrave and his Government of that day. They succeeded in having that registration take place.

I am happy to say that the advice of the then international law adviser to the League of Nations was given to me at that time on Lake Geneva with our representative in Geneva, who was not recognised, the late Mr. MacWhite. I carried that memorandum back from Geneva to the President of the Executive Council, Mr. Cosgrave. It was a big mistake on the part of the Minister for External Affairs that he did not include the telegram he sent protesting against our admission to the League of Nations. It would be an historical document of great importance. They made it a matter of grave importance at that time. Ladies went up and down with placards protesting against our entry into the League of Nations. We took the Presidency of the League of Nations in 1933, but we do not give any credit or thanks or mention the names of those who made that possible. I do not want to denigrate anything Mr. de Valera did, and I have no intention of doing so. I assert, however, that when a Deputy of the Fianna Fáil Party can say in this House that they wrote this book to suit themselves at the taxpayers' expense, it is an outrage on all public decency.

I wish to deal now with the omission of Griffith and Collins. I will accept what the Taoiseach said the other day—that this State was founded in 1919—but who was responsible for its establishment in 1919? Who was the father of Sinn Féin who established the principle of remaining at home here and establishing an Irish Parliament? Who stood down in the interests of unity from the Presidency of the Sinn Féin organisation in 1917? Arthur Griffith. Who worked here in poverty and hardship for Ireland when he could, if he wanted, have secured a good remuneration that would have allowed him and his family to live in very comfortable circumstances? He is not to be mentioned.

When the Dáil was established and when the then Prime Minister was in the United States, from 1919 to 1921 Arthur Griffith carried on the Premiership until he was arrested. When he was arrested, who then carried on the Premiership? Michael Collins. Not only did he carry on the Premiership and control of the Government, but he was also Minister for Finance; he was the Director of Intelligence, he was the co-ordinator of all activities within the enemy ranks that could be to our advantage. Yet he is to be ignored. When the Minister for External Affairs, in green trousers and green socks, can get a whole big photograph in this book, I cannot understand why four lines could not have been given to Collins and Griffith or to the fact that there was a Government from 1922 to 1932. In my opinion, the green socks the Minister had on were the green socks of the Army uniform in which he served to September, 1922. The Minister for External Affairs, as he is now, was then an Army officer, the same as myself, accepting the Treaty.

That is not true. I never had a uniform. I never accepted the Treaty. I accepted the Dáil.

I shall assert what I am going to assert and I do not want help from anybody on my own benches or elsewhere. I shall assert the facts as I know them. Not only that, but he was a paid Army officer at the same rate as I was paid until September, 1922. I say that he got the same imprest account as I got from the Minister for Finance. I only know that the Auditor General and the Finance officer here in the Department of Defence made sure I accounted for every farthing I got. I shall leave it at that. But I know the Minister could not treat Collins decently. He could not have that generosity that he should have had to a person like Collins who did so much for the person who was then Commanding Officer of a Northern Division. Collins went further. Collins appointed him a commander of certain forces in 1922 and he accepted it.

That is a revelation.

I feel that the Government and the Minister for External Affairs cannot tolerate the names of Collins or Griffith because they are jealous of their achievements. They cannot tolerate the names of Cosgrave or O'Higgins, McGilligan or anyone else who built this nation and who built this Parliament from 1922 against tremendous odds—and I shall not put it any further than that.

You put it too far. You will get your answer.

I am sure the Minister for External Affairs would like to take me by the neck, but never while I am alive and while there is a breath in me, will he close my mouth or make me withdraw any statement of fact that I make and I make no statement that is not a statement of fact and that I cannot prove.

The Minister very blandly took out this document today—Handbook— and this other document produced by us, this booklet entitled Ireland. There is not a single photograph of a Minister, the Taoiseach or anybody else of that inter-Party Government that produced it—not in a white shirt, not in a blue shirt, not in any shirt, green socks or no socks. It is produced as a factual statement, giving credit to the people who helped to found the State.

Yes. It did it objectively and nobody complained of that then. It was accepted as an objective statement. The Saorstát Éireann Official Handbook, though, is produced as a series of articles with the name of the writer attached to every article. Anyone who liked could challenge any assertion made by any one of those people. It could have been challenged then. The Minister took out these two books today and falls back on them—for what? He fell back on them for a justification for the production of this Handbook.

Griffith and Collins were not mentioned in the article on history in that book.

Nobody was. No name was mentioned.

But this is the gravamen of the charge—that we should have mentioned them.

There is no gross misrepresentation in it.

If the Minister cannot have the ordinary decency to listen and if he interrupts, he may expect perhaps something more than he wants. I shall not be diverted from my line of argument, which is that whether this State was established in 1919 or 1922 the founders of this State were Collins and Griffith. Even if I knew it to be the truth, if the Minister for External Affairs said it, I would begin to doubt it.

If it is asserted that this State was established in 1919, I accept that: it certainly was the foundation stone on which the structure was built. From the first Dáil up to the present Dáil, they were the legitimate authorities in this country and I say that today even though I do not agree with the Government that is over there. But, thank God, this is the legitimate Dáil of this country and the legitimate Government. Is it not too bad that the people who were consistent in establishing and in maintaining that continuity of authority from the first Dáil to the present Dáil should now be challenged as if we had done something that we ought to be ashamed of; that, for maintaining and sustaining the elected Parliament of this country and its decisions, we are to be held up to odium and to have things said about us?

The Minister for External Affairs may say as much as he wants to say. Take, for instance, his threats. I remember him threatening me before and I think it is no harm to remind him of it. The day or night after the Treaty was signed there was a meeting in the billiard room in Clones at which Commandant-General Aiken was present, amongst others. A number of very determined speeches were made that night. It was imperative that I should support that Treaty and we know the threats that were issued that night.

I examined the Treaty. I did what I did to the best of my judgment and to the best of my ability. I am happy to feel that what I did I did in the best interests of this country and that we can enjoy what we have today, were it not for Partition.

Is the Deputy saying I asked him to or threatened him that he should vote for the Treaty?

I am sure the Minister——

Wait a second. The Deputy's line is a sort of hint or allegation that I asked him to support the Treaty or threatened him that he should support the Treaty.

The threat was what failure to ratify it or approve it would mean.

——I asked him to or threatened him that he should vote for the Treaty!

The Minister was one of the people who asserted that I should vote for the Treaty at that meeting in Clones.

The Deputy is a liar.

Thank you, Sir. I hope the Chair will now note that that is a very improper remark to make.

The word "liar" is unparliamentary.

If Deputy MacEoin withdraws his lie, I will withdraw calling him a liar.

That is repetition.

I have asserted what I have asserted. There were many people there. Some have gone to their reward. Many are still alive and can say whether what I have said is true or false.

I have said what I wanted to say.

I assert that it is true. They were not discouraging us that night as they have been discouraging people since and the number of people prepared to fight today are a greater number than they were that night. We could all fight then. It was safe. Be that as it may, the bone of my contention is that the Government failed grievously in not mentioning these two men. If there were no mention of anybody, that would be all right. If it were just a general statement that we built up the State and this Government continued that building process, without any eulogy of anybody, then I could understand it, and there would be no complaint. To eulogise certain people who took a certain course, and who have done certain things, is what is wrong. As has been properly pointed out, they jump from 1923 to 1933, with the League of Nations as the first plum, as if they had just stepped straight into it. It is a pity that matters better forgotten should be resurrected, but I cannot help that. It is an outrage to omit the names of these people from the short summary of the history of this country while mentioning others who played much minor roles.

Why did the Deputy not mention them in his short summaries?

No names were mentioned.

Why were they not mentioned? That is the question.

Is it not a pity the Minister for External Affairs did not write them? Would he not have been very happy to write that, too? Would he have rewritten it? Is Deputy Dolan telling the truth when he says the Minister wrote it for his own benefit?

Wrote what? I am responsible for the document. I am Minister for External Affairs.

Deputy Dolan told us you wrote it for your own benefit. Will you use the nice word to him that he used to me? The Minister for External Affairs and the Fianna Fáil Party never want to hear anything except what suits them and what pleases them.

All the Deputy is trying to do is to run away from Cork and Kildare. You have "Corkitis". You are trying to kick up a row about this simply because you were beaten in Cork and Kildare.

What about Sligo-Leitrim and North-East Dublin?

(Interruptions.)

The Minister will be worried before the day is over.

All the fuss is about the by-elections.

I wonder when the Minister first went to Cork.

I have been in Cork very often.

You were. I wonder what contacts the Minister made with people in Cork in 1922. I wonder what suggestion was made that General Collins should go to Cork. The Minister mentions Cork. Let him put that in his pipe now and smoke it.

Why does the Deputy not face up to the question? Why did he not put his name in his handbook if he thinks it is the right thing to do in this sort of thing? Why did he not, at the same time, give a list of books, as we did, about Collins and about Griffith?

The names of Michael Collins, Arthur Griffith and Kevin O'Higgins are imprinted on every one of our hearts and will be loved and revered by every one of us.

I hope they have a better pedestal than the Deputy's heart.

If I have not a better heart than the Minister's, God help me. I would be badly starved if I had his heart.

Tell us about Cork.

The omission is grave. We take exception to it. If the Minister for External Affairs is responsible, and he says he is, then the least the Government can do, in my opinion, is to ask the Minister for External Affairs to resign and, at the same time, withdraw the book. That is the least they can do. Deputy Burke said today that Collins is revered by him. There are many on the opposite benches here who regard Collins and Griffith with affection.

Why did you not put them in the books then?

But that is the question: Why did you not put their history in the books, the history you are asking me to put in this one?

Why did you put in any other name except his?

We, at least, gave a list of books about him; you did not.

When we were writing that book we did not put in Eamon de Valera; we did not put in Douglas Hyde; we did not put in William Cosgrave; we did not put in Kevin O'Higgins.

Cathal Brugha.

We did not put any name in. We put in a very clear statement that the Irish Republican Army carried on a guerilla struggle, led by Michael Collins and Cathal Brugha, against the British. Is that not mentioned?

If that will satisfy you, but you want a history of him, and we have given about 15 histories.

Does the Deputy want me to write a history?

I certainly would not want the Minister to write a history. That would be the last thing. God forbid that I should even suggest the like.

What are you weeping about then? Certainly Governments should not write history. There are 15 histories which deal with Collins and the rest of them mentioned in that book. You gave none. You made no mention of Collins. The history of Collins that Deputy MacEoin has been talking about was not mentioned in your book.

Neither was anybody else.

I do not know whether it is the Minister for External Affairs or I who is making this speech.

I am trying to help the Deputy to make his.

I know, but the Minister is very anxious to see that I make the one he would like.

The Deputy may make his own but I am helping him.

It is a strange thing that on a certain occasion here when one of my colleagues asserted a certain thing that was not in accordance with fact, I stood up and said so on the spot. Then everybody over there was shouting that it was great that I was able to assert the truth. However, when I say something that does not suit them it is a lie. That is the sort of thing I expect from them.

I am arguing that the Government should reconsider this whole matter, that they should withdraw the book. The Minister for External Affairs has said that he is responsible for publishing it, that he is responsible for the series of photographs. There is one of himself, and a sum of £9,000 was spent on this production and some of it went on that photograph.

It is all coming back very quickly. With the publicity, the sales are going skyhigh.

The Government should take that step and the Minister himself should resign. I know he has always suffered from an inferiority complex and it is too bad that at the end of his days he should carry on the spleen he had against those who did so much for him. I shall leave it at that, regretting the attack that has been made upon the sacred and glorious names of Arthur Griffith and Michael Collins who worked so hard, who mastered every detail and who advocated the establishment of an Irish Parliament here by the members refusing to go to Westminster, establishing an Irish Government and effacing themselves all the time in the interests of unity and harmony. It is regrettable that people who did that great work should be ignored as if they never existed.

One of the worst offences of which the Minister is guilty is in regard to the President. The President should have a photograph on the front page of this booklet, the place of honour. Whether I like him or not or whether I disagree with him or not, I revere him and the office he holds. If any photograph were to go in in colour, it is his that should be in it. I put that to the Minister and to the Government and ask them seriously to consider that whole question.

Finally, I appeal to the Minister to make a short summary of the efforts of Griffith and Collins in the building of the State, whether it was 1919 or 1922, that they state that the previous Government secured for Ireland membership of the League of Nations and membership of the International Labour Office and secured recognition at home and abroad of our status as an independent nation. The summary should also indicate that we secured the passage through the British House of Commons of the Statute of Westminster, an Act to legalise for the British what we held was the position. The Statute of Westminster did not give us anything but it did legalise for the British the position we held that we were a free sovereign independent nation and that the other members, Canada, South Africa, and so on, were independent states. Out of all the shouting it was the only time that ever a word of tribute was paid by the then Taoiseach that there was progress made that he did not think possible. One short word, even that much in the booklet, would be something. It could be used then but could not be used ever since and no recognition must be paid to it forever.

I regret we are engaged on a discussion on the Civil War again. I was one of the participants. I fought against the Treaty but still I am a great admirer of Michael Collins and a great admirer of James Larkin and possibly if I were Minister for External Affairs I would have their photographs in the booklet. However, different people see things in different ways. Perhaps the Minister was trying to keep out all the participants in the Civil War. I know there is a picture of de Valera but he is the President. There is a picture of Deputy Lemass but he is the Taoiseach and of Deputy Aiken but he is the Minister for External Affairs. There is no picture of anybody except those who now hold office. Perhaps the Minister thought that if he put in photographs of Collins and Griffith, he would have to put in those of Cathal Brugha and Liam Lynch. There are strong views on both sides.

The State was not founded in 1922 but in 1919 and it was a tribute to the participants on both sides that the State was founded. What happened in 1922 had nothing to do with what was made possible in the previous struggle. The issue of the Civil War was another kettle of fish and I do not want to enter into that. There were terrible things done in that Civil War and if we were to discuss it, those terrible things would be brought in. The Opposition would be most unwise to start making too much bones about it because things happened in that Civil War of which the Opposition can be ashamed and we do not want to bring them up. Over the years we have done our best to avoid that. I happen to be President of the Old Fianna and half the members of that body are people who took part on the other side. We never discuss it. Most of the IRA organisations are made up of both sides and we attend Masses together.

I shall make one more point in regard to the late James Larkin. This is merely an outline of history dealing with leading figures and while Larkin was not a leading figure in that sense, he did enormous social work.

He was a leading figure.

But not the leading figure.

He was a leading figure for the workers.

I am saying this book is only an outline and it includes only the leading figures in each period.

Progress reported; Committee to sit again.
The Dáil adjourned at 5 p.m. until 3 p.m. on Tuesday, 7th April, 1964.
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