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Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 16 Feb 1966

Vol. 220 No. 11

Private Members' Business. - Public Transport Services (Resumed).

Debate resumed on the following motion:
That a Select Committee of Dáil Éireann consisting of fifteen members of whom five shall be a quorum, be appointed, with power to send for persons, papers and records—(1) to examine methods of recruitment to all grades of services in CIE; (2) to examine the manner in which contracts are sought and placed by the company; (3) to review its working methods and practice; (4) to examine its advertising methods; (5) to review its income and expenditure generally; and (6) to make recommendations on these matters and such other matters related to public transport services and their operation as the Committee think fit.
—(Deputy Lindsay).

When the debate was adjourned last night, I had started to elaborate, in an objective way, I hope, on what I feel should be done in relation to this motion. If the terms need broadening, or if the Minister feels that a different method of approach would be more feasible, everybody would be satisfied, as long as it was recognised that we have focused attention on what is rapidly becoming an amazingly serious national problem.

As I tried to explain to the Minister, this is a complex problem in its ramifications for the people in the employment of CIE, in the nature of the service, and in the nature of the return that people are getting. Above all, it has become something that we in this House must watch jealously because of its impact on the taxpayer. In this debate I am actuated by a motive to get away as far as possible from who was right and who was wrong in the past. We know that catastrophic mistakes have been made and that there have been all kinds of queer methods of recruitment. As I said when opening this debate, we know that for a very large number of people, CIE has become the hub of their universe in so far as they are conditioned not only to employment in it but also in so far as many of their families have come from the second and third generation ranks to serve in it. Over the years there have been difficulties about staff relations, considerable difficulty on the question of remuneration and, I would say, no company has a sorrier record in relation to pensions and other problems related to retired personnel than CIE.

I do not want to start into the details of the mistakes that were made or who made them. Rather I want to get the House down to the discharge of what I feel is its responsibility now, to get this Committee under way. If the Minister has a better alternative, then as long as he can provide a realistic approach to a resurveying of the position and a coming to grips with the problem, he will get the unanimous and wholehearted support of this House in his efforts to put this company right. Many years ago, even when a Government I supported were in office, I said that we would never get down to the basic problems of our transport system or solve them by bringing in alleged experts from outside to give us reports which only added confusion to the confusion already existing. It was indeed in circumstances in which one might have hoped for an escalation into a practical and successful company that CIE was born.

We all know that the Dublin transport company was a flourishing and effective company when it was amalgamated with CIE, that it had been able to manage its affairs in such a way as to be able to replace equipment, modernise its system and provide a good transport system for the people. We felt then that there might be some hope of making more effective savings in one direction, a more practical replacement of equipment in another, but all those bright hopes have ended in disaster and woe.

What are we going to do? What problem faces us in this House? It is very clearly pinpointed by this motion because we have a moral responsibility and duty to the people to see that they get the type of service to which they are entitled, particularly when they are paying a considerable amount by way of subsidy. We also have a bounden duty to give security to the people who have devoted their lives to the transport system. I feel that a proper investigation of CIE affairs will not reflect any discredit on the run-of-the-mill worker, whether he be bus driver, conductor or maintenance man. We will find that most of the waste of money is on a level above that, above the hardworking and exceptionally able types that we have in general in the manual grades, in the bus drivers and conductors. The wastage seems to be in remoter offices and area control stations and in what I would like to call cullable and prunable administration.

Whatever the cause, we have a duty to come to grips with it, to analyse the defects and postulate a solution. If we are led to believe that there are difficulties in the CIE freight section, that it is uneconomic and that the difficulties are virtually insurmountable, let us have a look at it and see is it practical to abandon it or what is the alternative. Let us see what security can be provided for the workers. If other section of CIE are in difficulties, let us have a frank appraisal of them. Let us use our collective intelligence and, on the evidence that can be made available to this Committee, let us find out in what direction we are going, where that direction must be changed and how we can build a better future.

If this matter is faced honestly and practically, if the workers are taken into our confidence and given a factual appraisal of the situation, they will give—as they always have—as much co-operation and understanding to the solution of the problem as any other section involved. I say that without fear or equivocation. We have had many unrealistic statements condemning the workers in CIE. My plea is not for recrimination or vexatious argument, whether the Minister was right to close down this or that branch line, or whether that Government were right or this Government were wrong; all I want is that we get down to an unbiased investigation of the situation.

I am sick to death of the kind of ministerial answer, the Pontius Pilate act of washing one's hands of one's problems because they are alleged to concern the day-to-day administration of the company. We are sitting here like caged chimpanzees looking at a situation we know is deteriorating. Since this House is subscribing a vast sum towards this company, we should not be told in a casual and callous way we have no right to information. If we are to pull the company out of the slough into which it has fallen, we will have to do it on the basis of a thorough investigation, the restoration of public confidence and the restoration between all concerned within the company of confidence and goodwill. The taxpayer will have to get a proper explanation of the use of the money provided to make good losses. The ordinary user of the system will have to get a proper service and an understanding of the limits of the service. The workers will have to understand the difficulties facing them.

Fundamentally, CIE — and I say this with a fair experience of travel— in so far as it is possible for it, is doing a first-class job. I say without hesitation that many of the mainline trains and main route buses and tourist buses have set a standard we can be proud of and give a service we are justified in claiming to be on a par with, if not better than, that of many of the countries around us. Try British railways or European railways at crowded periods and in times of difficulty and you will be very glad to come home and appreciate that CIE, in the circumstances, is doing a worthwhile job.

We have to get down to analysing these bulk costs and seeing where they can be pruned effectively without affecting the system itself. We have to get down to restoring confidence in the company. To have a general manager saying the company is bust and throwing cold water on the whole system is no help in this situation. It is no help to tell the workers they cannot get any increase in wages because the company is bust. It would be far better to get down to analysing the position, telling the workers what has happened and in what way they can co-operate in restoring the position and improving their future. If we do that—and, to my mind, this Committee would be the ideal way of getting an objective, non-political atmosphere into this reappraisal—we would be discharging our responsibility to the taxpayers.

There is a practical and sensible way out of the difficulty, if we look for it on the basis of getting the facts as they exist. We have in this Oireachtas people who would be ideal to conduct such an investigation. With the co-operation and goodwill of all sections of the House and of the public, we could get from that Committee a factual reappraisal of CIE that would enable us to talk sensibly about tackling the problem and to get away from this unreal atmosphere in which the Minister is apparently sitting on some throne or rostrum far away from reality and without any responsibility. As long as this House has to foot the bill, as it has to the extent of millions of pounds at present, we have a right to ensure that not only do we know what is going on but that we will not allow criminal carelessness, bad administration and even vicious attacks on the workers. We are not going to allow the company to be ground into dust and see a break-up that would cause hardship to many families and deprive pensioners of their security. We have a moral responsibility and we must discharge it.

I recommend earnestly that the Minister face this problem by taking the House into his confidence and setting up the type of all-Party Committee that could investigate fairly and objectively the whole issue. Having done that, let us ensure that we in our time do something to make certain we have the type of public transport the country needs, that it will be a worthwhile service and that the workers engaged in it and their children will have security through the stability and solidarity of the company.

One hesitates to rise in this House to contribute to any debate on the transport industry because of the sorry experience we have had over the years in connection with that industry. Over the years we have seen successive Ministers bring in legislation and we have heard rosy prognostications as to the effects that might flow from a particular Bill or motion. Co-operation has been sought from all sides of the House—and indeed, in the main, that co-operation has been forth-coming—but, in spite of the prognostications, the achievements have been almost nil.

It would be as well for me at the outset to say what the Labour Party think of the motion before the House. We think it is a timely motion. We think the House should interpret it as such. Whether or not the House does, we are convinced that the people of the country, whether they be the users of public transport or the workers on public transport, or indeed the chairman or board or management of public transport, will welcome it because we think the time has come, even belatedly, to have another look at the affairs of CIE. Because of that, the Labour Party propose to support this motion—not for all the reasons outlined in the motion and not for some of the hidden implications that lie therein, but on the general policy that we think this would be one step in the direction we have always advocated, namely, that this House, the elected representatives of the country, representing the people of the country, frustrated and debarred by the present Minister from raising even the smallest inquiry about CIE, desire to commit to a Committee of this House a general examination of the situation there.

I am sorry to have to say that many of the difficulties, indeed, the major difficulties, of CIE, happen to synchronise with the advent to this office of the present Minister for Transport and Power. The people are really regarding it as a bit of a joke now, and small blame to them. They can read in the daily papers that whenever their public representatives endeavour to make an inquiry in this House about CIE, not necessarily a critical inquiry, the Minister flips them off with the excuse that he is not responsible for the day-to-day activities of CIE.

In many other of his statements, with which I propose to deal very briefly, the Minister has projected himself in sharp contrast with the Taoiseach on fundamental principles in relation to public transport. We can see from his statements and from his activities in relation to public transport—some of them public and some of them private— that the Taoiseach, who can be judged on his record as Minister for Industry and Commerce, appears to have a different set of principles from those of the Minister who now holds the portfolio of Transport and Power. Indeed, in many ways I think the Taoiseach can be congratulated on the enlightened legislation he introduced and carried through this House, in successive Transport Bills. Furthermore, he was always at pains to ensure, in any relevant legislation that was brought here, that he invited and encouraged, not just verbally but in practical ways, the co-operation of the trade unions. Being a very wise man, the Taoiseach knew that, with the set-up of the transport industry here, which has largely to be subsidised, if you do not get the co-operation of the trade unions, you have little hope of success.

In very sharp contrast to the attitude of the Taoiseach, we have the activities of the Minister today. Co-operation, which is offered by the trade unions, is largely spurned. The Minister appears to avail of every opportunity that presents itself to him to convey to the workers that they are not working hard enough, that productivity is bad, that they are really not pulling their weight. Then he expects CIE to be viable. He expects it to advance, to cut losses and even to break clear, when he avails himself of every opportunity that presents itself to him of insulting the workers concerned. I hope I am not unduly critical of the Minister when I say that, to people engaged in transport, he is now regarded as the iconoclast of public transport in this country.

I should tell the Deputy——

I shall not interrupt the Minister and I hope the Chair will not allow him to interrupt me.

It might help the Deputy if I told him that the warnings I gave were given with the full consent of the Government and of the Taoiseach.

I am coming to that. The people engaged in transport and, indeed, any section of the public who take an intelligent view of the problem of public transport will readily tell you that the ultra-conservative approach of the Minister does not tally not alone with the thoughts of many members of his Government but with legislation that has been passed by this House and which the Minister is obliged to carry out. He avails of every possible device to get out of the spirit of the Transport Acts, to get out of the spirit of the legislation passed here. He can do this cleverly at times by obeying the letter of the Act but abandoning the principle enshrined in the legislation passed by the Oireachtas and which he is expected to carry out.

Speaking as one who has some knowledge of the relationship between the unions and CIE, all I can say is that, by a series of misadventures, mishandlings and deliberate spite, I think it is not unfair to say that the unions have come to the conclusion that the Minister is endeavouring to bring about a situation where there will be a headon collision between the board and management of CIE and the trade unions. The negotiating machinery which worked for many years for all grades of CIE, before the advent to his present office of the Minister, is now dead. I do not mind saying that that is done deliberately, as far as I can see, because of the policy that has been advocated by the Minister and because of the actions he has taken in spite of the spirit of the Transport Acts. The Minister is so conservative and so anti-nationalised transport that he appears to be obsessed with the idea of not making the Transport Acts work.

Let me give an example. Under the Transport Acts, the Minister is charged with having a properly integrated transport system by rail and road. He is also charged, of course, in the Transport Acts, with having adequate salaries, pay and conditions for the employees. The various unions dealing with CIE employees have negotiated the several rounds of wage and salary increases and, as well as that, they have negotiated, through the machinery in which the management of CIE participated, fringe benefits of one type or another. They have negotiated status benefits. But, lo and behold, the Minister, in his wisdom, instructed the unfortunate board of CIE that the cost of any of these benefits, which were gained through the negotiating machinery which happened since the ninth round of wage increases, could not be offset by an adjustment in their charges.

That might be defended and justified were the Minister to be consistent in his attitude as far as other State or semi-State companies under his Department are concerned. He says to CIE, in effect: "If you give a status increase to your employees, you may not adjust your charges", while he allows another company under his charge, the British and Irish Steam Packet Company, within the last few days, to increase their charges on various commodities and freight from five to ten per cent.

There was a time, of course, when the British and Irish Steam Packet Company was being challenged by people in this House with having foreign interests but it is under the direct control of the Minister now. While the Minister says "no" to CIE, he says "yes" to the B & I and then he turns his mind towards the air company. We all know that the Minister is air-minded. He turns to the air company which, again, is under his direct control, and allows an increase in charges. He says "yes" to the B & I and to the air company but he says "no" to CIE. I wonder how the Minister would feel if he were on the Board of CIE and meeting that kind of frustration.

With the very best will in the world, the board of management of CIE in all their endeavours have been bedevilled by the sins of the Minister, sins of commission and sins of omission. The board of management do not know from day to day what the Minister will say about public transport. The other day, when the Minister found it necessary to comment on a statement made by the General Manager of Córas Iompair Éireann, what he did in fact, was to disown the manager. What the manager said was merely a repetition of something the Minister said a few weeks before that but when that was not politically expedient, the Minister had no compunction whatsoever in immediately welshing on the General Manager and disowning him.

The public, of course, are baffled by this carry-on. It can be appreciated that those of us in this House who are not within the inner circle are equally baffled. We and the people whom we represent are entitled to ask the Minister what can we believe when the Minister, the Board and the Manager of CIE are speaking every second day in divers tongues. Whom are we to believe? When will somebody make up his mind as to where we are going as far as public transport is concerned? That is a fair question and I hope the Minister in replying to the motion will comment on it.

The Minister must know that for several months there have been suspicions and suggestions regarding the future of the road freight department of CIE. Many public representatives, not including myself, have made reference to the fact that the feeling abroad was that the road freight department of CIE was to be disbanded. That is no secret at all. Indeed, credence is lent to that because of the Minister's record on nationalised transport as against private enterprise. Personally, I believe the Minister has already made up his mind to denationalise the road freight services of CIE. He should consult the Taoiseach about it because when the last Transport Act was being passed here, the Taoiseach in no uncertain fashion gave his views on that matter.

I hope the Minister will stop and think and try to envisage the hurlyburly and confusion that would result from denationalisation of the road freight services. The services would be thrown back where the Minister would want them, into private hands, from which through successive Acts of the Oireachtas they were rescued down the years. Once again, we would have the old private haulier employing nonunion labour—the Minister would not object to that but some of us on this side of the House would object; there would be no definite rates of pay, no definite hours of work, no fixed wages, no overtime, no conditions. The Minister might describe that situation as private enterprise where the profit motive would prevail and he might feel, as he said on another occasion, that under such a system things would find their own level. That view happens to be rather Victorian as far as we in the Labour Party can judge. It smacks of the pre-1913 situation in this country. I hope I am not wronging the Minister but I think the time has come when he should say in this House, in reply to this motion, that all these suggestions are not well founded. He should debunk the rumour that he proposes to denationalise or in any way whittle down the road freight services of our nationalised industry.

We come, Sir, to the closing of what the Minister calls uneconomic branch lines, feeding lines to the main lines, of CIE. The Minister must have heard the current rumour. I refer to the branch line between Mallow and Waterford. The Minister was at a function in Mallow recently and, immediately after that, attended a function in Waterford. Between the two functions, somebody must have whispered in his ear that people were suggesting that he proposed to close that vital line which feeds not alone Waterford but Rosslare and points east. Indeed, a CIE spokesman, when questioned about it, said that no decision had been made but that a survey of traffic was being carried out to see if the line was economic or not.

I am quite sure that the people in West Cork read that statement with unrestrained humour. Before the decision to close the West Cork line was taken, there were many inquiries made in this House and directly of CIE as a result of which we knew that there was a team of workers and alleged experts and cost accountants and time and motion fellows and every sort of bucko you could gather from here to Donegal surveying the line. The ultimate end of it, of course, was the stupid decision to close the West Cork line. I say here that, as sure as night follows day, unless this House indicates its opposition to the policy of the Minister, and does that now on the basis of this motion, Deputy Kyne will no longer be able to travel to Dungarvan on the train from Mallow. There will be no railway line between Mallow and Waterford.

Again, I hope I am wrong. I say these things deliberately because I know I am interpreting the feeling of all concerned and I hope that, by saying them deliberately, I may tempt or provoke the Minister to make a statement as to what he intends. I warn him in advance that it will be no use his replying and saying that he has nothing to do with it, that it is purely a matter for CIE. The Minister is charged under the Transport Acts with seeing that a properly integrated transport system is provided for all our people. It does not say under any section of the Acts that it must be economic in respect of any particular section of the country. There is a social obligation on this House, apart from any consideration, to provide these services.

I regret very much that on the occasion of the closing of the West Cork line and the closing of the Waterford-Tramore line, the Minister consistently and deliberately refused to see the elected representatives of the people living in those areas; in other words, the farmers, generally small farmers, the shopkeepers, the publicans, the parents of children travelling to and from school by rail. All these had some opinion to express and they could only express that opinion through their public representatives. But the Minister spurned any attempt made either individually or collectively by public representatives, or through the county council, to meet the people in a friendly manner.

I do not think any of us in local authorities would regard ourselves as experts on these matters but every public representative in west Cork had an entitlement to go to the Minister and say: "Look, this is the position as we see it," giving the Minister an opportunity to reply: "And this is how I see it," and have the whole matter debated out in a democratic fashion.

May I tell the Deputy that he has about five minutes left at this stage.

The motion stipulates that one of the terms of reference of the proposed Committee might be to examine the methods of recruitment to all grades of CIE. I want to make one brief comment on that. I understand Deputy Lindsay commented on promotions in CIE and I think he claimed that in order to get any worthwhile promotion, one needed to be a member of the Minister's Party. By and large, in respect of the ordinary grades, I do not think that is true. However, I know definitely that, in respect of some of the higher posts and in regard to the higher pundits in CIE, promotion was obtained because they were active members of the Fianna Fáil Party or because their father or their uncle happened to be the chairman of the local branch.

Did the Minister ever go to the trouble—I am not accusing the Minister of any personal interest in this, and I want to make that quite clear— of checking on the allegations made with regard to promotions? Did he ever get a census of the promotions resulting from the reorganisation of the administrative work and the staff? Did he ever inquire how these people got where they did? I can assure the Minister that some duds were promoted, such duds that they had to be removed from office again. They were, of course, removed under the Act which provided them with handsome compensation. The fellow who was not fit for the job was promoted because he had Fianna Fáil connections. He was promoted overnight into a position he was not capable of filling. Subsequently he let down the management of CIE and the political bosses who supported his promotion. He was removed and compensated under legislation passed by this House. Many a decent man might have retired early to make way for younger men.

Deputy Collins referred to CIE pensions. From time to time here the Minister has referred to the miserable pittance that CIE gives to the conciliation grade workers as being all right because they are drawing national health or the old age pension. That is no business of CIE and it is no business of the Minister. Any extra benefits these people draw they draw because they contributed to the social welfare schemes and what they get they get by right.

I should, in conclusion, like to pay tribute to the vast improvements CIE has brought about in all spheres of its activities. It has done that in spite of the Minister and in spite of the frustrations he has caused for it. Whatever unrest or dissension exists now amongst the staff of CIE, and it is widespread, results from the arrogance and incompetence of the Minister for Transport and Power.

I support the motion. It is true that no public body in this country has been subjected to so much comment and so many criticisms as has our national transport system. Scarcely a week passes without pronouncements in the newspapers from the Minister or someone else. Much of the talk and many of the statements have been marked by gross exaggeration and show a complete absence of factual information. A worse feature has been noticable of late. Our transport workers have been unfairly criticised by some. They have been maligned by others. There has been talk of the company going burst. There has been talk of denationalisation of the whole or part of our national transport system. In view of all the wild talk and all the unfounded criticism, it is high time the record was put right.

The motion before the House shows the correct approach. This is the obvious way in which to carry out a detailed examination of the affairs of CIE. A review of the company's affairs is not alone vitally necessary but a matter of extreme urgency. I agree with Deputy Lindsay when he said last night in introducing this motion that we should approach this whole question in a calm, rational manner, with goodwill on all sides. There are many questions which have to be answered. For instance, is the annual subsidy justified? Can it be reduced without interfering with the services or with the employment of the workers? Should economics be the sole consideration? Is transport to be regarded as an essential public service providing facilities in areas where it is not economically profitable to do so? And most important of all—a question which is most revelant to the debate on this motion—can economies be effected without interfering with the system?

These and many other questions spring to mind, and many so-called experts have advanced theories relating to these questions. However, as I have already said, there is a colossal amount of confused and ill-informed thinking about our transport system. It is for this reason that a Select Committee of Dáil Éireann should be established forthwith to examine the matter and make recommendations relating to our transport system. We must look at this question of transport from a national viewpoint. We must consider the special circumstances of this country, the geographical factors, the physical, social and economic factors. I agree with the other speakers who have said we have a good transport system. Definitely our rail services compare favourably, and more than favourably, with the rail services in Britain or on the Continent. Our national transport system is a very large employer, one of the largest employers in the State. I want to repeat what Deputy Collins has said, that if CIE is in difficulty, it is not the fault of the ordinary worker in the company. From my experience, I am convinced that the employees of CIE are as fine a body of workers as can be found anywhere, not only in this country but in any other country, and I disagree entirely with the attempts that have been made to show our transport workers in any other light.

I believe we have become obsessed with this question of a subsidy. It is entirely wrong to keep harping on the subsidy without taking into account the many other factors that are involved—the service provided, the employment given and the many other social and economic factors. To get a true picture in relation to the subsidy, we must examine the situation and compare the investment in CIE with the investment in other fields of economic activity. I do not know whether there are any facilities available in this country for carrying out a comprehensive comparative analysis of State investment, but I recall that in the recent NIEC Report this fact was adverted to, the need for a scientific comparative analysis of State investment.

The subsidy being paid to CIE must be put into its proper perspective. That should be done without further delay, and I believe that setting up a Select Committee, as suggested in this motion, is the correct approach. It is vitally important that we should review the situation before it deteriorates any further. It is vitally important that public opinion should be properly informed in regard to this problem and that the various factors involved in providing a national transport system should be made known clearly and be based on all the factual information that can be obtained.

In my opinion—and I am as much entitled to my opinion as any of the so-called experts who have been expounding on transport and on CIE— there must be room for economies in any large commercial concern of this kind. I am quite sure that an examination of the affairs of CIE will reveal many places where economies could be effected. Deputy Casey's reference to the possibility of the Mallow-Waterford railway line being closed reminds me that not very long ago the Minister for Transport and Power opened a new marshalling yard at Mallow. Mallow was always an important junction. Before and after the war, it handled traffic to the local factory, and during the war, in addition, it handled turf and so forth. With the closing of the west Cork railway line and some of the branch lines in Kerry and with the possibility now of the Mallow-Waterford line being closed, the question arises: is the expenditure on this marshalling yard justified? I do not know what it cost but I am sure it must have cost several thousands of pounds to erect it. We could pinpoint another case last year where a bus service from Dublin to Killarney was introduced, despite the fact that during the tourist season there are five or six trains in both directions every day.

I believe economies can be effected but I am also convinced that a certain amount of subsidy will always be necessary and, not alone that, but that it can be fully justified. I see possibilities of CIE earning more money with the expansion of our tourist business. There are many problems relating to transport of which the public are not aware and the time is overdue for a complete review of our thinking in regard to transport and the operation and organisation of our system.

I urge the Minister to accept this motion and if, in some respects, it is not feasible to do what it asks, to set up some other machinery to carry out this examination. Finally, I appeal to him, for heaven's sake, to refrain from any more wild and exaggerated statements about this company and its future.

I intervene simply to endeavour to get from the Minister either confirmation or denial of the rumour that has persisted over the past year or year and a half that the Mallow-Waterford line via Fermoy and Dungarvan will be closed and that the service will be directed through Clonmel to Waterford. If that is so, as a member of Waterford constituency, I should like to protest in advance in this House and to inform the Minister that all of Waterford, east and west, and much of east Cork will be denied a service which, particularly in summertime, is of vital importance as the link between Cork via east and west Waterford and east Cork to Mallow with the mailboat.

Irish citizens, their relatives and tourists generally use that service in ever-increasing numbers from early May to October or practically November. There will be no alternative by bus. West Waterford and east Cork will become completely denied any service if that line is closed down. In County Waterford our experience in connection with the Tramore closure was that when we went to see CIE officials to protest against the closing, and in fact to put forward proposals as to why it should not be closed and about solving the difficulties about loss on the line, we were met with a pointblank refusal to discuss any such services and the only thing we were permitted to discuss was the type of alternative service.

In wintertime, the Fermoy-Dungarvan link with Mallow is vital from the beet factory point of view. Thousands of tons of beet, right up through west Waterford and east Cork, are conveyed to Mallow during the campaign period. If that line were closed, it would mean that an extraordinary number of lorries, privately-owned or run by CIE, would come on the roads already overcrowded and harassed with too much traffic, to the detriment, first, of the livelihood of the people of the area and, secondly, of the ratepayers who have to provide the wherewithal to keep the road surfaces intact.

There are some economies the Minister could advise CIE personnel to investigate rather than endeavouring to cut off what should be a social service and should be so regarded. Presumably CIE will never be a paying concern. When the British and Irish shareholders pulled out of the railways—it was for the very same reason that the B and I shareholders decided to sell to the State—it was because the time of the train as a profit-earning factor had passed. Competition from motor cars, bus services and all the advanced techniques of travel have ensured that no longer can profits be made from a railway, but there are more important things than profits. There is the social service for the people. Not all the people have motor cars or can secure bus services. The railway is still an important, and indeed the only, service available to many country people, especially in winter when snow lies heavy on the roads. That was proved during the blizzards some two years ago which lasted for eight to ten weeks in the south of Ireland. If rail services had not been functioning during that time, most of the industries would have been brought to a halt and many living in the country would have been without what they required to carry on business or even to live.

I can suggest some economies in services so blatantly unnecessary that I often wonder why they exist. For instance, why must we have hostesses on Irish trains? Surely it must be the shortest railway in the world to have hostesses when one travels between Dublin and Cork. Apparently, we need to be accompanied by a type of nursing young lady, to take care of the passengers. I have experience of travelling on that line and I was approached to know if everything was all right and I was told that if I wished, I could have tea or a meal. Surely I was competent to know that much myself? I can understand the provision of nurses on cross-channel steamers and the need for hostesses or first-aid women on long train journeys in the US or even across Europe on the Orient Express but surely from Dublin to Cork, this is absolutely unnecessary. Or is it a case of jobs not for the boys but for the girls? I understand many of our university students are recruited during the holidays for such work or, at least, if not now, they were in earlier days.

Is it not strange also that if the hostesses are primarily there to take care of mothers travelling with young children who are, say, tired from a cross-channel journey, we do not have hostesses on the Rosslare-Cork express? There are no hostesses on the Rosslare-Cork express and during the summer months that train is packed with tired mothers whose children have been ill. It is different from Dublin to Cork and surely that is unnecessary expense and waste of money. It may be very trivial in the light of a £2 million subsidy but it is surely on things like that that there is necessity for a Committee to examine every possibility of saving money in CIE.

In 1926 I could leave the town where I live at 7.45 a.m. and travelling by Waterford, could be in Dublin by 12 o'clock. In 1965, it was impossible to do that. The only service to Dublin today is through Mallow, leaving at 10.15 a.m. and arriving at 3 p.m., almost five hours travelling. That is strange progress over the course of time. A train leaves Waterford for Dublin at 8.10 a.m. but there is no connection with it from any part of east or west Waterford. If that train were put back to 9 a.m. or 9.15 a.m., it would be available to travellers from all over Waterford and portion of east Cork. Apparently that type of management does not enter into the scheme of things with CIE.

Every day of the week except on Sundays, a bus leaves Waterford at practically the same time and serving the same areas as the train and in the opposite direction, there is no transport at all. Surely there is a need for some Committee to investigate such anomalies? We are told that there is a survey going on and it is rumoured that the members of that survey team have already made up their minds to close the Mallow to Waterford line. I would like the Minister, if that rumour is unfounded, to let the people working on the line know that so that they will be free in their minds and can continue working where they are working at present without having the fear of having to leave the places where they have set up their homes to seek employment elsewhere.

I rise to support this motion. It is agreed that there is public disquiet throughout the country regarding the general functioning and management of CIE. The employees of CIE are frustrated and have little security. It is high time the House was told what can be done to help in a situation that seems to be gradually deteriorating. If this system is to be allowed to continue to deteriorate as it is, the whole service will grind to a halt.

The railways of any progressive country are of the utmost importance to its economy and for the future of this country it is essential that we should have an efficient and up to date railway service. I doubt if we have that today with CIE in the doldrums as it is at present. When replying to the debate on the Free Trade Agreement, the Taoiseach said that he was always 20 years ahead of his time. It would be no harm if we quoted from what the Taoiseach said in volume 94 column 1635 when speaking on the Transport (No. 2) Bill. The Tánaiste, as he was then, said:

Are we to take no account of the fact that the Dublin transport company, by more efficient management, succeeding in replacing obsolete equipment with fresh equipment, and, not merely repaid loans but reduced capital liability while, at the same time, giving cheaper fares to the public as well as substantially improving the conditions of the workers?

We know how far out he was in making that forecast. We have not got cheaper fares. The opposite is the case and our fares are supposed to be the highest in Europe. Perhaps the Minister will tell us if that is correct.

As regards substantially improving the conditions of the workers, we know that is not the case and that there are fewer people employed on the railways today, that they are frustrated and that they have very little security.

Continuing the quotation he went on to say:

What was done in the case of the Dublin transport company can be done for transport as a whole in this country. That is what we believe, and it is because we believe that that is possible....

He continued at column 1637:

We believe that, by an improved system of working, and by more efficient management, it will not merely be possible to effect the reequipment of the company with up to date equipment, but to do so, while at the same time providing cheaper transport....

We have not been provided with efficient management since 1944 and certainly we have not been provided with cheaper transport. I doubt if we have an efficient transport system at the present time.

Our cattle industry is a very important industry. To a large extent, the prosperity of the country depends upon it. Our exports are vital and necessary, but go to the majority of fairs and markets in this country and you will hear criticism, and justifiable criticism, of the transport services available at those fairs. It might not be no harm to point out that in 1942 the control of the GSR was taken over by the Government. A chairman was appointed, a Mr. Reynolds, who was described by the then Minister for Industry and Commerce as the greatest transport wizard in Europe. He was also Chairman of the Dublin United Tramways Company. In 1944, CIE was formed, after the DUTC was amalgamated with it. In 1947 CIE got into financial difficulties and Mr. Reynolds left the concern, taking with him a considerable amount of ready cash alleged to be due to him when his original company, the General Bus Company, was taken over by the DUTC.

The inter-Party Government which came into office in 1948 passed a new Transport Act and appointed Mr. T.C. Courtney as chairman. The company continued to make losses but it can be said that after the change of Government, the chairman did not get much help or co-operation from the incoming Government. In 1958, a new Transport Act was passed in which the Government guaranteed any working losses by the company. A new chairman was then appointed, Mr. Andrews, and it was again said that with his record, CIE would break even after a lapse of five years. We know that that did not materialise, that all the Government's promises about CIE were unfounded and——

The Taoiseach did not say that: he did not promise.

I am quoting the record in which he said "that CIE should"—I am not saying "would"—"should break even after a lapse of five years".

And he issued some warnings also. However, I will not interrupt the Deputy.

This did not materialise and the 1963 Act guaranteed CIE a subsidy of £2 million per year. We are now told, despite all the promises, that CIE is broke. Following the passing of the 1958 Act, a reorganisation was introduced and five area managers were appointed. One was appointed in Dublin, and one in Cork, one in Limerick, one in Waterford and one in Galway, and the greatest criticism of everybody was that these area managers had very little previous railway or transport experience and that they were promoted because they were of the right political colour.

That is an absolute lie. They are first-class, competent men and I have heard them praised beyond measure by the people in the area concerned.

Is the Minister entitled to say that this is a lie?

The word "lie" is undesirable and should not be used.

I apologise. What the Deputy said is untrue.

Does the Minister deny that when the CIE doctor died in Mullingar a few hours afterwards he promised another doctor the job and when Deputies called on the Minister, and on other Ministers, the Minister said that the position was filled?

Since I became Minister, I have had nothing to do with doctors or area managers, and the Deputy will not libel me.

That happened in Mullingar. Ask some of those Deputies who were "rooting" for other doctors. Shortly after that, an area manager was appointed for Cork and—the Minister can deny this if he likes—I think he was a junior engineer. A strike took place in the area which cost CIE £300,000 in hard cash, together with a permanent loss of traffic. They have not yet got a lot of it back. This strike was caused by the mishandling of the company's staff relations scheme and the relevant section dealing with disciplinary procedure. Some time after the strike, this area manager was promoted to a post in Dublin where he could do very little harm. He retired under the provisions of the 1958 redundancy clause. I should like to know if the Minister denies that. There were two vacancies in the Cork Goods Depot, the agent and the chief clerk, and the appointments were made through political influence. Following these appointments, the work of the Depot went into very serious arrears. I challenge the Minister to say whether it is not true that a considerable sum was spent on extra staff and in overtime to try to bring the accounts up to date. Is it not true also that a very large sum had to be written off as irrecoverable due to the blunders which were made and because of political appointments? Is it not also true that subsequently the chief clerk retired under the 1958 Act and the goods agent was removed to another post without loss of salary? Are those statements not true? From my information, they are true and they were due to the fact that people who knew very little about CIE but had political influence were promoted to important jobs and they fell down on those jobs.

Absolute nonsense.

All right. Let the Minister inquire into it. It is quite true. Following the coming into operation of the 1958 Act, a large number of permanent staff were declared redundant at a time when CIE carried hundreds of temporary staff. In view of the fact that CIE is subsidised by the State, it is surprising that the Minister for Finance has not got a representative on the Board of the company to keep a watch on unnecessary expenditure.

We have heard much about the closing of branch lines and we know that in the past when branch lines were closed the Board and the Minister— and the Minister should realise that he is a servant of the people—acted in a dictatorial and arrogant manner. They refused to meet Deputies, Senators, county councillors, farmers, business people and others to discuss the closing of those lines. It is questionable whether the wholesale closing down of branch lines and stations has proved a benefit to CIE. Experience has shown that when a branch line or a section of a line is closed, the company does not get all the business previously handled by the railway on its road services and that it has the effect of giving more business to its competitors. As other members have stated, this should be regarded as a social problem, and I agree with Deputy Casey in that regard.

Another serious matter for the general welfare of rural Ireland is that when branch lines and stations are closed the business of small towns and villages, which was previously handled by rail, is deflected through the road system operating to the larger cities and towns. As a result these towns and villages miss the payroll of the railway stations.

The old Great Southern Railways had two managers, a general manager and a traffic manager. They had no deputies and they relied on an experienced and efficient staff to carry out their directions and to do the business of the company. Today CIE has scores of managers. I do not know how many, but in any event it is supposed to be top-heavy with them. The Minister can deny that later on if he wishes. It has scores of managers who are provided with high-powered staff cars. The result is that very often the ordinary staff have no idea of what their functions are. All the head-quarters of the seven companies amalgamated in Dublin are fully occupied and this fact can be confirmed by referring to pages 55 and 56 of the telephone directory.

Recently we read in the newspapers that a Mr. O'Higgins, the Dublin City Services Manager of CIE, appealed to the authorities to ban all private cars from the city centre and to leave the area clear for CIE buses. It would be a very good idea if the Minister for Transport and Power and his Mr. O'Higgins would give a good example in this respect, and persuade the well-paid executives of CIE to set a headline in economy.

I want to ask the Minister is it true that the higher executives in CIE have free passes from their homes to their offices? Is it not true that they prefer to use company staff cars to get them from their homes to their offices and back again each day? Anybody can see the various district managers, area managers, freight managers and others arriving. In many cases the car holds only one person. His position and importance can be judged by the type of car he is in.

Debate adjourned.
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