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Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 28 Oct 1970

Vol. 249 No. 1

Death of Member. - Financial Statement.

On the 16th of this month I announced certain measures which the Government had decided to take in relation to prices and incomes up to the end of 1971. To-day I will be putting before the House some Financial Resolutions to complement those measures in bringing under control the inflationary forces which show no sign of easing of their own accord — rather the reverse. This inflation is clearly manifesting itself in symptoms which are plain to all — money incomes far outpacing national production, rapidly rising prices, an increase in consumption of imported goods and a continued serious deficit position in our balance of payments. This steadily worsening situation could not be allowed to continue and the Government had to face up to the task of formulating a programme of restraint which has, understandably, aroused opposition in some quarters. The Government are convinced of the necessity for prompt and effective action to safeguard the economic future of the nation and we will not be deterred by any unpopularity which our policy may encounter.

Incomes

The forces which are generating inflationary pressures are of long standing. Total domestic income rose by 10½ per cent in 1968 and by 11 per cent in 1969. The acceleration in the rate of growth of employee income in the non-agricultural sector was much greater — 13½ per cent in 1969 against 10½ per cent in 1968. By far the greater part of this increase came from increased earnings, as distinct from increased employment. In regard to the likely development of incomes in 1970, it is provisionally reckoned that total domestic income will rise by about 11 per cent, with non-agricultural employee income increasing by as much as 13-14 per cent. This trend of income increase is far in excess of the real growth of national production which is likely to be of the order of 2 per cent in 1970.

Consumer prices

Over the decade 1958-67 consumer prices rose on average by about 3 per cent. Following increases, in accordance with this pattern of 3 per cent in 1966 and in 1967, the index rose by almost 5 per cent in 1968. In 1969 the inflationary momentum gathered further pace and a rise of 7½ per cent was recorded. This exceptionally high increase has been exceeded in the current year — the latest index for mid-August shows a rise of 8.4 per cent as compared with a year ago.

The rise of 7½ per cent in our consumer prices in 1969 compares with increases in the same year of 2.6 per cent in Italy, 2.7 per cent in Germany, 5.4 per cent in the United States and 5.5 per cent in the United Kingdom. While prices and costs have been rising sharply this year in the United Kingdom and other industrial countries, we continue to outpace most countries in our rate of cost and price inflation. For example, our rise of 8.4 per cent in consumer prices in the 12 months to August last compares with a rise of 6.7 per cent in the United Kingdom over the same period. In fact, our price rise in this period was greater than the price rise in all the advanced countries of Europe. Indeed, only two European countries have had greater price increases than Ireland this year.

Consumer spending

Consumer spending last year was very buoyant, rising by almost 12 per cent in money terms and by nearly 4 per cent in volume. This rise in consumption was reflected in a big increase in imports of goods ready for consumption which contributed to the record deficit of £69 million on current external account.

In the early months of this year the momentum of consumer spending, helped by pre-budgetary purchases, gathered pace. In March and April the retail sales index, which provides an indication of the trend of consumption, rose by no less than 16 per cent in money terms and by 9 per cent in volume. The pace slackened considerably in the following months and, for a while, actually fell in volume, largely as a result of the disruption caused by the cement and bank disputes. The indications since July are that, with the settlement of the cement strike and the revival of activity in the building industry, consumer demand is again becoming strong. In August and September imports of consumption goods ready for use are provisionally estimated to have risen by 10-15 per cent as compared with the corresponding months of 1969.

Balance of payments

Our exceptionally large deficit in the balance of payments last year was due to a rapid increase in merchandise imports which was not offset by growth in merchandise exports. Earnings from tourism were not sufficient to bridge the steadily growing gap between exports and imports. This gap more than doubled between the two years 1967 and 1969, rising from £107 million to £218 million.

The trade return for the first nine months of 1970 shows no real improvement in the position. The import excess over the whole period was marginally less by £3 million but this was due to distorting movements in imports of ships and aircraft. If these commodities are excluded, the import excess rose by £7 million.

The troubles in the north and our rapidly increasing prices must have deflected many tourists from our shores this year, and it is unlikely that our tourist receipts will show much increase. Some improvement in invisible receipts under other heads is expected but the overall position is likely to be a deficit not far short of £60 million.

Competitiveness

In 1969 unit wage costs in Irish industry increased by over 10 per cent, a rate which was more than double that in British industry. No firm figures for 1970 are available as yet but it is possible that these costs will show a further increase of 10 per cent. While this rate is only slightly higher than that expected for British industry in 1970, it represents, nevertheless, a further deterioration in our competitive position.

Effects of inflation

While higher prices for imports have been to some extent responsible for these adverse economic trends, the main cause has been excessive income increases. Increases in incomes in excess of the growth of national productivity cause prices to rise by roughly the amount of the excess. This price inflation has many undesirable — and, indeed, dangerous — consequences both for the individual and for the economy. It creates a vicious circle of price rise — income increase — price rise. It encourages people to spend instead of saving. With low savings, there is low investment and fewer job opportunities are created. Consumption is encouraged thereby enlarging our import bill. Price inflation also erodes the competitiveness of our goods both on the domestic and foreign markets thereby reducing exports and further increasing imports and unemployment. It discourages tourists, whose spending is particularly important for the less developed areas, from coming here.

These are not theoretical deductions of what might happen if prices rise excessively. We are at present experiencing many of the adverse consequences I have mentioned. Thus, over the past year, industrial production has slackened significantly. While strikes accounted for some of this, the fall in industrial production in the second quarter of 1970 is a matter of serious concern; excluding seasonal adjustments, this was the first fall since the second quarter of 1966. Unemployment has increased. Consumer imports are mounting and the external deficit is at an unacceptably high level. Tourism is in danger of losing its momentum.

It was to mitigate these consequences that controls in income increases were recently announced and that this Suppelmentary Budget is being introduced. These measures may cause some hardship, but if they had not been introduced, the hardships which we would have had to face would have been far greater and more enduring. As an economy we do not live in isolation. We must pay our way even at the cost of some restrictions. If these are not applied when, as at present, the occasion demands it, large-scale unemployment and emigration would ultimately ensue. We would, in fact, be throwing away the fruits of social and economic development which we have so painstakingly gathered over the last decade or so.

Real Incomes

We cannot enjoy a standard of living higher than that which our national output justifies. If we continue to insist that we can, the realities of economic life soon show us our mistake. Past trends in real and money incomes are sufficient to bring this home to us. Over the last decade, total money incomes have increased by almost 120 per cent. Over the same period, real incomes rose by nearly 50 per cent. The disparity between these two sets of figures goes far to explain the increase in prices of 48 per cent over the period in question. The growth in national output over the decade was almost 50 per cent. This is similar to the rise in real incomes over the period, a factor which illustrates the close relationship between real income and national output.

To bring the matter closer to home — wages of industrial workers rose by 42 per cent between 1965 and 1969. In real terms the increase was 19 per cent, the amount by which the national output rose over the same period.

We must dispel the illusion that rising money incomes represent rising living standards. They do not. It is the rise in national output that is the true and only real measure of the increase in the standard of living.

Income restraint

There is, therefore, no truth in the assertion that the recently announced restraints on income increases will erode workers' living standards. The increase in these living standards in recent years has been but a fraction of the increase in nominal incomes. The Government's proposals will narrow this gap while ensuring that real standards will increase on a sounder and more desirable basis than before. The Government are fully aware that these restraints on incomes will be unwelcome to many because they have disappointed those who think that their money incomes can continue to grow rapidly, irrespective of the rate of expansion of our national output. These people are ignoring the experience of recent years which has made it clear beyond any doubt that, when money incomes rise faster than output, part of the increase will inevitably be negatived by rising prices. However, many people show an extraordinary reluctance to face this elementary truth. They concentrate on raising the nominal value of their income without regard to its real value to them, and also without regard to the suffering their action imposes on some of their unprotected fellow-citizens, or to the grave injury they inflict on the national economy.

Timing of Government Intervention

The Government would have much preferred that a programme of voluntary restraint on incomes would have been agreed between employers and employees, when it was so obvious that this was vital to our national wellbeing. We did not intervene until it was quite clear that agreement would not be reached and until claims had been made for some 13th round pay increases which must have startled many ardent trade unionists both in this country and abroad. Wildly unreasonable though these demands were, we know from experience that they would have set the pattern for 13th round claims generally and, because the country simply could not afford them, they would have disrupted national activity on a wide scale and for a long time, before being settled, inevitably, at a level that could not be justified by reference to the growth in national output. No responsible Government could have delayed action any longer or have refrained from the measures which we propose to adopt. We have a duty to safeguard the national economy and to protect the weaker sections of the community from the consequences of the selfish actions of their better placed fellows. We do not intend to fail in that duty however unpleasant it may be.

Those who oppose these measures must reckon with the fact that, if no action is taken, prices could well rise next year by as much as 10 per cent. Since prices have already risen sharply in 1969 and 1970, a further and even greater price rise in 1971 would aggravate the serious social and economic problems which rising prices have already generated. Failure to act now would, in addition, mean that the external deficit would be much greater than even the record 1969 level. Corrective measures to avoid price increases and external deficits of this order are clearly unavoidable in the national interest.

Legislation on prices and incomes

It would be inappropriate for me to anticipate the specific proposals which will be contained in the forthcoming legislation on prices and incomes. There are, however, a few general comments which I would like to make at the present stage.

As I have mentioned, the final stage of the Employer/Labour Conference discussions took place in an atmosphere where truly staggering claims were being put forward and where it appeared that expectations had been aroused of increases in excess of 12th round settlements. The Government were, therefore, forced to review the situation in the light of these developments. The Government's initial proposal was to spread the burden evenly over all incomes and to apply in 1971 a uniform increase of 6 per cent, with adjustments, to all employees. They came to this conclusion with extreme reluctance as they were aware that it would limit the increases payable in 1971 to amounts below what would have applied in certain instances if the second phase of 12th round agreements had been allowed to run its normal course. They felt, however, that the balance of advantage lay in treating all employees on a common basis.

It has now become clear, however, from the public reaction, that adherence to this approach might well jeopardise the general acceptability of the proposals. The Government have accordingly reconsidered the matter and, as I announced yesterday, have decided that the restrictions should not apply to the increases due under the second phase of 12th round agreements in 1971. Subject to this modification, the new legislation will incorporate the measures announced on 16th October.

I have dealt at some length with wages and salaries because they constitute 60 per cent of all incomes and because, in the economy as a whole, they dominate the cost element in production. Restraint on incomes is not, however, being confined to pay. It is being applied right across the board to dividends, rents and fees for professional and other services, as the Government feel that it is essential that the curbs should apply to incomes generally. At the same time, complementary action is being taken to extend and strengthen price control.

I have no doubt that on reflection our people will realise that, in our present difficult economic circumstances, no more equitable solution could be devised. It has the real merit that whatever they receive in 1971 is more likely to retain its real value than it would if the Government were to avoid decisive action.

Government expenditure

The controls on incomes and prices are primarily designed to prevent the unjustifiable increases in nominal money incomes and costs which would have been experienced next year if present trends had been allowed to continue without interruption. But the existing pressure of demand needs to be reduced also. Excessive demand in both the public and the private sectors must be attacked without delay. The inflationary effects of a likely deficit on Government current account must be minimised and the over-rapid expansion of public expenditure moderated.

The sharp rise in pay rates and in prices experienced over the last six months or so has, of course, increased public expenditure, a large part of which consists of remuneration for the public service. It will be recalled that a similar increase in the last financial year was matched by a corresponding rise in revenue, over and above the budget estimate. As a substantial allowance was made for revenue buoyancy in this year's budget, there is no evidence that last year's pattern will be repeated. Present indications suggest that current outgoings could be some £23 million over the budgetary level while revenue will show only a small rise. This means that there would probably be a deficit of the order of £21 million on current account if no action were taken to reduce it. To meet a deficit of this size by borrowing would be inappropriate and indeed, indefensible, in view of the inflationary pressures affecting the economy generally. We have, therefore, been carrying out a vigorous and searching review of all heads of current spending in order to bridge the budgetary gap as far as possible from the expenditure side. It is regrettable that, at this stage of the financial year, the scope for economies is quite limited. Most items are, by now, fully committed and virtually incapable of being cut. We have, however, instructed all Departments and agencies that economies must be achieved wherever possible, even at the expense of dislocation and possible suspension of some services. We have decided to secure economies of over £7 million and to hold current spending within a total of just over £491 million. These reductions do not preclude the possibility of some further assistance for agriculture this year. The Government are considering representations made by farming organisations and a decision will be taken when their examination of the matter has been completed.

Capital spending also is being subjected to a critical review and, while reductions at short notice are not easily achievable, we hope to bring the capital programme below the total of £194.5 million contemplated in the budget.

The principal non-capital items exceeding the budget provisions are as follows:

£m.

Public service remuneration

8.2

Additional assistance to CIE

3.6

Social Welfare

3.6

Health

2.8

Defence

1.6

When this year's budget was being prepared, a provision of £10 million was made to cover the current year's pay increases for the public service. This figure was based on a realistic assessment of the kind of pay round the economy could reasonably support. In the event the 12th round for the public service was fixed at a level higher than provided for, and grade claims required more money than expected. The modified pay restrictions now proposed, while reducing the bill, could not head off a net excess of about £8.2 million over the budget provision. This excess is spread across all heads of the public service — teachers, gardaí, Army, the Exchequer element in local authority staff costs as well as the central civil service.

Despite the recent fares increase, CIE continues to experience serious financial difficulties attributable mainly to high pay awards for large numbers of employees. CIE could not meet the escalating pay bill from revenue at the old rates; the company was obliged to raise its fares but there were obvious limitations to this and, as a result, a substantial part of the extra cost must be met by the Exchequer.

The big increase in expenditure on the Social Welfare vote is mainly related to the prevailing state of the economy. There has been a sizeable and persistent rise in the numbers unemployed — a factor which should give pause to those advancing extravagant pay claims, because it may well be an early manifestation of the much greater fall in employment which unchecked inflation could bring about.

There are a number of reasons for the excess looming on the Defence vote. These include the extension of the Cyprus mandate, the cost of additional security measures, provision for fishery protection vessels and a short-fall in receipts from the UN. The large excess on the Health vote is mainly caused by price and other cost increases reflecting general inflationary pressures.

The Exchequer cannot escape these extra liabilities, and in so far as they cannot be met either by offsetting economies or by the revenue provided in the budget, it is necessary to consider raising part of the money from additional taxation. Otherwise, the entire deficit would have to be paid from borrowing which would, of course, aggravate the inflation from which the economy is suffering.

Fiscal measures

Ideally, in circumstances of such inflation, fiscal policy should aim at producing a current budget surplus, thereby drawing off purchasing power and dampening demand. But at this stage of the financial year, and given the size of the likely excess of expenditure over revenue, it is unrealistic to think of producing a surplus. Further reductions in expenditure beyond those indicated are impossible without severe hardship and widespread disruption of services. The increase in the tax burden which would be required to produce the requisite revenue in the remaining five months of the financial year would be quite severe. My purpose, therefore, is to minimise the likely deficit by the greatest possible reduction in spending and by a number of tax measures which I consider likely to have desirable effects in moderating present inflationary tendencies.

Prospects for 1971-72

At this stage in the present financial year it is necessary to have regard to the economic situation which is likely to confront us next year and to select a fiscal programme suitable to that situation. As part of revised arrangements for a more orderly consideration of budgetary matters, preliminary estimates of expenditure and revenue in 1971-72 were made several months ago and the Government have had them under examination for quite some time. The total figure of expenditure showed an alarming increase over the current year, due principally to the steep upward trend in pay and prices. Our primary aim has been to cut back this figure so as to reduce the pressure on demand and to bring the total as close as possible to estimated revenue at existing rates. By considering next year's expenditure well in advance of the usual time, I hope to introduce more flexibility and to minimise the constraints imposed by commitments.

It would, of course, be inadvisable to take final decisions at this stage on next year's expenditure as developments over the coming months must be taken into account but, subject to that reservation, the work of settling the broad outlines has nearly been completed. The utmost economy in Government spending will be imposed even though this may involve reductions in certain services and the deferment of many improvements which would be desirable if the general economic and financial situation were easier.

Budgetary policy

Up to now, budgetary policy has aimed at balancing current expenditure and current revenue rather than deliberately producing a surplus or a deficit. Over most of the last decade, a deliberate policy of deficit budgeting would have been contrary to the requirements of our general economic situation, but some economists would argue that, in certain years, it would have been justifiable to aim at a surplus. To the extent that this could be achieved only by increasing taxation, however, it would be necessary to guard against the danger that the tax burden might discourage enterprise and retard the satisfactory rate of economic growth attained in the sixties. But the intense and growing inflation of recent years, and the extent to which money incomes have been racing ahead of national output, may make it necessary to reconsider our former attitude. While, as I have already explained, a surplus could not now be achieved in 1970-71 without severely disrupting the economy, this does not rule out the possibility that we shall in future aim at a surplus on current account in conditions of inflation or at a deficit when economic activity is depressed.

Additional taxation

Against the total of just over £491 million within which we hope to contain current expenditure in 1970-71, we estimate total revenue at £477 million leaving a deficit of under £14 million. It will be appreciated that the uncertainty normally attaching to estimates, even at this stage of the year, is heightened as a consequence of the prolonged closure of the banks.

I propose to raise the sum of £5.3 million by additional taxation and to meet the residual deficit by borrowing. I have given a great deal of thought to the selection of tax measures which will have the least effect on the cost of essentials and will have little if any impact on persons in the lower income ranges. In view of the restraints on prices and incomes, I consider that it would be undesirable to increase the burden of direct tax on personal taxpayers. The Government are determined that fiscal policy will not only curb inflation but will, to the maximum extent possible, avoid price increases which would make it more difficult to hold the line regarding restraint in incomes. For this reason I am, on this occasion, leaving untouched the main body of indirect duties.

Taxation of companies

I propose, therefore, to obtain the bulk of the additional taxation required by increasing the direct taxation of companies by £3.5 million this year.

At present, companies are liable to pay corporation profits tax at the rate of 7.5 per cent on the first £2,500 of profits and at the rate of 23 per cent on the balance. Income tax at the rate of 7s in the £ is also payable, but the corporation profits tax is deducted in arriving at the profits chargeable to income tax. As a consequence, the maximum combined rate of income tax and corporation profits tax is just under 50 per cent.

I propose to disallow the deduction for corporation profits tax in computing the profits chargeable to income tax. The change will come into effect this year and will increase the amounts of tax due for payment by companies on 1st January, 1971. It will yield an additional £3.5 million in the current year and £6 million in the year 1971-72. The maximum combined rate of income tax and corporation profits tax on companies will be increased to 58 per cent. As companies can deduct income tax on payment of dividends, the net effective burden of tax on companies is reduced to 44 per cent in a typical case where about 40 per cent of profits is distributed to shareholders. This is not high when compared with that in other European countries.

Wholesale tax

In our existing state of growing inflation I consider it advisable to curb expenditure on luxury and less essential items. I propose, therefore, to increase to 20 per cent the rate of wholesale tax on those articles which are now liable at 15 per cent. The increased rate will take effect from 1st November. The articles which will be subject to the 20 per cent rate are yachts and other pleasure craft; motor cars, motor cycles, scooters and mopeds; caravans; radio and television sets, radiograms, record players, gramophones and gramophone records. The estimated yield from the increase is £0.9 million in the present year and £3.2 million in a full year.

Road tax

The only other tax increase I am proposing is to raise the rate of road tax on private vehicles by approximately 25 per cent with effect from 1st November. The new rates will be as follows:

£

Cars not exceeding 8 h.p.

20

Cars over 8 h.p. and up to 9 h.p.

23

,, ,, 9 h.p.,,,,,,10 h.p.

26

Cars over 10 h.p.

26

plus £4 for each h.p. or part h.p. in excess of 10 subject to a maximum charge of £50.

The increases work out at somewhat less than 25 per cent for small cars and somewhat more for bigger cars. The rates applicable to motor cycles will be subject to a corresponding scale of increases.

It is estimated that these measures will yield an additional £0.9 million this year and £2.1 million in 1971-72, all of which will be made available for general Exchequer purposes.

Savings

The restrictive effects of this additional taxation, added to the restraints on prices and incomes, should help to abate the excess demand now coursing so rapidly and so injuriously through the economy. Personal saving can make a limited but worthwhile contribution. The instalment savings scheme was launched recently to encourage the individual saver to set aside part of his income for a definite period in return for a sizeable tax-free bonus. It is too early yet to appraise the response to that scheme but the indications so far are very encouraging.

Credit policy

It is regrettable that our action on prices and incomes and on the fiscal front cannot be rounded out by suitable measures in relation to credit. However, the bank closure has deprived us of reliable information regarding developments in the credit field over the last six months. As soon as adequate information becomes available a credit policy appropriate to the economic situation will be formulated.

Conclusion

The increases in taxation proposed in this Supplementary Budget are estimated to yield £5.3 million in the remaining months of this year and £11.3 million in 1971-72. They are presented as a rational and necessary supplement to the prices and incomes policy and as part of a series of reasoned measures whose purpose is to re-impose some degree of balance on the economy. To many persons in the lower ranges of incomes they will bring the reassurance that the Government are seriously concerned at the personal hardship caused by soaring prices following in the wake of unreasonable and unsustainable pay settlements. Detached observers, both at home and abroad, will recognise that the Government are firmly determined to slow the gathering impetus of inflation and to restore order in the economy.

The remedy we are prescribing may be unpalatable but I trust that it will not be too long before its good effects begin to materialise. We shall continue to keep the general economic situation under close and constant scrutiny and, while we confidently expect that the steps we have chosen will prove adequate, we shall be prepared if necessary to take further action in the months ahead.

Our economy is fundamentally sound and in the past decade has achieved a rate of growth far in excess of anything experienced before. It is our firm belief that the measures we are now taking will give it a breathing space in which to recover from the effects of the inflationary developments of the past year or two. This short pause will give the economy time to renew its strength and resume the advance towards the realisation of its full potential for economic and social expansion.

TABLE EXPLANATORY OF SUPPLEMENTARY CURRENT BUDGET, 28 OCTOBER, 1970

(Figures in brackets refer to budget presented on 22 April, 1970)

REVENUE

EXPENDITURE

£m.

£m.

£m.

£m.

1. Tax Revenue (excluding Motor Vehicle Duties)

393.70

(393.70)

1. Central Fund Services ]excluding Payments to Road Fund)

88.36

(88.36)

2. Motor Vehicle Duties

14.83

(14.83)

2. Payments to Road Fund

12.85

(12.85)

3. Non-Tax Revenue

68.54

(66.36)

3. Supply Services (non-capital)

389.82

(373.68)

4. Add

£m.

Wholesale Tax

0.90

Motor Vehicle Duties

0.90

Income tax

3.50

5.30

5. Deficit

8.66

Total

491.03

(474.89)

Total

491.03

(474.89)

Department of Finance,

28 October, 1970.

(Cavan): Give him a clap.

(Interruptions.)

He made it up as he went along.

The fact that the Minister's statement concluded without even the traditional timid suspicion of a clap from the few Fianna Fáil Deputies who remained in the House to listen to him and from the few members of the Government who sat through it is surely indicative of the realisation not only by the Government but the party that this Government has now landed the country in a most appalling economic mess.

Deputies

Hear, hear.

Today we had what the Minister has been pleased to call a package deal. We had measures which are drastic and severe, much more so than they should have been; measures which were improvised and hasty, giving evidence of hasty thinking and bad planning but, above all, we had a situation disclosed today which has resulted from the Government's panic decision last week to take action because of their conviction that their vacillation had created an impossible situation.

Everybody knows that inflation is insidious and dangerous. It is insidious because initially it is a pleasant thing and the more it goes on the more it gives an appearance of prosperity and the temptation is to let in an atmosphere of euphoria and to regard the make-believe as a reality. It is dangerous because eventually and inevitably it corrodes the pay packets of the workers and saps the earning power of the economy and eventually brings about its own deflation. It is a cruel end if inflation is not attended to and watched. Of course, in order to deal with inflation you need prudent management; you need wise planning and, above all, you need courageous and dedicated government and this is just what we have not had in the past two years.

Deputies

Hear, hear.

Inflation really hit this country in the early weeks of 1969. The Government knew it; the economists knew it and the people knew it. Not only did it hit the economy but it spread quickly, so much so that an alarmed Minister for Finance took to radio and television on March 18th, 1969, to proclaim a national emergency because we were face to face with an economic crisis.

Deputies may remember that broad-cast. Here are some of the headlines: "Haughey Warns On Costly Pay Increases"; "Warns That Hardship Will Result"; "Haughey Terms The Situation Critical". That was the time when, if we had in office a prudent, wise and courageous government, remedial action could have been taken which would have averted hardship to the workers. But, of course, to take action would have meant unpopularity at that time. It would have meant that the Government would be faced with an initial electoral disadvantage. This took place in the dying days of the last Dáil and so, three weeks after the crisis was announced, the then Minister for Finance on behalf of the Government waved his fairy wand and proclaimed a state of prosperity. He brought in a Budget some three or four weeks later, in the latter part of April, a phoney Budget with his eyes on the ballot boxes and the Dáil was dissolved and an election held.

The people are now paying the price of the dishonour that Fianna Fáil and every member of the Government did to the country at that time. They knew there was a crisis. They were afraid to face up to it because they wanted to retain their hold on office. The election took place and they had, one would have expected, the obligation then of dealing with inflation which was still developing and still affecting the economic strength of the country. Frankly, I and every other Deputy and everybody at all concerned with the economic affairs of the country expected that this nettle would have been firmly grasped by Deputy Haughey as Minister for Finance when he prepared to introduce the Budget on 23rd April this year. But no. In the absence of Deputy Haughey that Budget was introduced and it did not even recognise the existence of inflation — quite the contrary. It proceeded to do the one thing that would make the inflationary situation ten times worse: it proceeded to double the turnover tax.

Of course, now we know why. On April 23rd that Government was in the grip of a power struggle and it was not thinking of the economy of the country but each member was thinking of the other man's shoes and that is why an ill-conceived, disastrous Budget was then introduced by a government feuding and intriguing among themselves and merely concerned with scoring personal points instead of doing their duty by the people.

Deputies

Hear, hear.

The result is that alarmed by their own vacillation, their own inefficiency and their own neglect they are forced now, in a doomsday situation — if I may use that term, to borrow it from a recent trial — into action. But the unfortunate thing is that what they are doing now is too late. The harm has already been done. They let things go too far and the plain fact is that the danger of inflation has already left its mark on the economy and the inflationary deflation is already taking place. There is growing unemployment; there is falling production. The Minister himself told the story in his speech — a fall in industrial production in the second quarter of 1970, unemployment increasing, tourism losing its momentum and the economy already deflated as a result of uncontrolled inflation.

In other words the timidity and the vacillation of this Government has already marked the score, set the course for our economy. No wonder social welfare has gone up. No wonder the indent for social welfare has increased outside the Budget proposals because unemployment is rising. We have already started to price ourselves out of export markets because our costs have increased. Production is falling and the economy is deflated. Therefore I say that whatever benefit or merit, from an economic point of view, there might have been in this Budget it is now too late. The only effect of these proposals will be further to deflate the economy, further to increase unemployment, further to affect production and further to make for a severe recession.

This is the price of incompetence. This is the price the people have to pay because that Government over there had not sufficient honour to act as they should have in the spring of 1969, because they were not prepared to do the right thing and the courageous thing, to take remedial action when it was necessary. Their failure to do that has to be paid for now by growing unemployment queues, by people having to pay increased prices, by a pay freeze, by all the things that affect ordinary under-privileged people paying for the mistakes of Fianna Fáil. I say that these measures are hastily conceived. I say they are improvised. I say they are the result of panic and their marks are there in everything that has been done.

A package deal, says the Minister for Finance, announced 11 days ago as a result of a Government decision. People will remember what was announced — a pay freeze starting there and then, a pay freeze in accordance with which and under which the State was going to dishonour its own agreements, its own pledged word; a pay freeze which was going to frustrate phased wage agreements that had been brought about as a result of careful and patient collective bargaining. The Minister announced it and he said that these terms were not negotiable; he was not going to budge and every Fianna Fáil camp follower and sycophant from the Minister for Justice down cried "courage — what a courageous Government this is" but they were met by an angry roar of annoyance from an aroused people, expressed through the trade union movement, through the Fine Gael Party and through other responsible organs of opinion — a roar of anger at the social injustice involved in the State proceeding to dishonour its pledged word.

Then that roar of anger was taken up by those inside Fianna Fáil who wished to make use of it for their own particular purposes. Suddenly, before the Fianna Fáil Party met last night the Government proceeded to change feet and announced that they were going to give way. The sycophants over there were not crying "courage", they were crying "caution". They were not clapping them on the back, they were saying "take care". The result is that the Government were forced to recede. What is left? A hastily contrived measure of taxation and a pay freeze aimed at deflating an economy already deflating. The wrong measure at the wrong time.

It is perfectly clear that these decisions, this policy, are symptomatic of a tired team of Ministers, too long in office. It is time for them to go. There is token rumour in the papers that the Taoiseach is thinking. Let him stop thinking. Let him have courage, dissolve Dáil Éireann and go to the people.

Deputies

Hear, hear.

I believe that this discussion and these limited proposals are certainly irrelevant to the economic situation in which we find ourselves and more particularly irrelevant to the political situation that has obtained over the last six or nine months. Before I talk about these new proposals I would say, with reference to a suggestion made earlier, that the sooner we get on to the Motion of No Confidence the better because these proposals will not have the slightest impact on the tremendous economic difficulties we have, the difficulties created by a party who have been in office since 1957.

I am inclined to agree with Deputy Charlie Haughey in a remark he made at his press conference last Friday, that he saw no necessity for a Supplementary Budget. There is a necessity for a Budget, a Budget that will do what Fianna Fáil pretend all their Budgets do and that is to distribute in a far more equitable fashion the moneys available to the Government and to make people who can afford to pay more to pay more.

I wonder what this is all about. The Government are to raise £5.3 million by three tax proposals and to borrow the other £8.7 million. It appears to me that if that is the extent of the problem that they see, a deficiency of £14 million, they are certainly not "with it" as far as all the various ills we have are concerned. I would describe the Minister's proposals and his great furore as "much ado about nothing". We are told there will be an increase of £3.5 million in direct taxation on companies. Whether or not this will be passed on to the consumer we just do not know, but the Minister will have to insist that this will not be done. We know there are various devices whereby certain returns can be concealed and, with a little bit of manoeuvring and bookkeeping, this increase could be sent down the line, despite what the Minister said on the last measure on which he spoke, in relation to prices and incomes. If the Minister is sincere he will ensure absolutely strict price control.

The Minister proposes to increase the wholesale tax to get a further £900,000 in the current financial year. He lists certain things which he describes as luxuries or near luxuries. This increased taxation will have its effect. It will have its effect on those workmen and tradesmen who have to have a car in order to travel to their work. It will certainly have an effect on those who travel on motor cycles or scooters. I think the Minister should take another look at this particular provision to see how it can be modified. We are told £.9 million is to be raised by way of road tax. In view of the criticism by Fianna Fáil in the past about robbing the Road Fund, we are, I think, entitled to ask whether that £.9 million will go into the Road Fund or whether it will be used as ordinary revenue.

We are also told that prices may rise 10 per cent next year. There will, of course, be another Budget in between, but there should be some indication that those who are on small allowances vis-à-vis the cost of living will get some sort of compensation in the very near future, compensation which is not provided for here despite what the Minister has said about price increases. There is nothing whatever in this. As I said, a debate on these proposals will not get anybody anywhere because this Budget does nothing more than relieve the Government of their responsibility of facing a deficit of £14 million at the end of the present financial year.

It is high time a stop was put to the antics of the Fianna Fáil Party. They are speedily bringing the Government and the country into chaos, in some cases into anarchy and disorder. Do they realise what damage their behaviour has done over the last six months? Do they realise that a certain amount of irreparable damage has been done by their activities — in some cases by their inactivity? Not alone have they damaged the economy by their neglect but they have completely shattered the morale of the people. We have reached the stage where nobody can believe anything that any Government Minister says.

Deputies

Hear, hear.

We had an example of this chaos on the part of the Minister for Finance in regard to the 12th round and phased agreements when he did an about face, under what pressure we have yet to discover. It is obvious the Government have devoted no attention to the affairs of the nation. I should like to take the Taoiseach up on one point he made when closing the debate on the Motion for the Adjournment. He alleged that this party had agreed to the proposed long recess. We had not. We agreed that business should be concluded by a certain date in July but we complained bitterly of the inactivity on the part of the Government and of the Dáil over such a long period, a period during which so many things were happening, things which should have been discussed here by the Members of this House.

Words do not appear to mean anything any more. In this I accuse the present Minister for Finance. If he looks at column 2028 of the Official Report of 20th May, 1970, he will see there an assurance given by him that there would be no Supplementary Budget this year.

Would the Deputy quote?

If the Minister insists I will get one of my colleagues to get a copy of the debate.

I am sorry. I thought the Deputy had the copy.

I do not know what reason the Minister had for saying that at that particular time. The framing of a Budget may be Government responsibility but there is always the mark of the Minister for Finance on it. We do not know whether it was the mark of Deputy Haughey that was on that particular Budget, or that of Deputy Colley, or of the Taoiseach, or of the Government as a whole. Deputy Haughey said last Friday night there was no necessity for a Supplementary Budget. He certainly should know. We said that the Budget introduced last April was wrong and ill-conceived. We said it was ineffective in its purpose and in its implementation. We said it was injurious, as it has since proved to be, to the economy and to the livelihood of the men, women and children of this country.

There were two major problems to be faced when the Budget of 22nd April was introduced. One was unemployment and the other was prices. These problems were not tackled by the Government in that Budget. If they had been we would not now find ourselves in a situation in which unemployment stands at the unusual figure of 58,821. In the month of September unemployment was 9,412 higher than it was in September last year. Neither was there any effective action taken, even though the Minister had the machinery at his disposal, to deal with prices because in the second quarter of last year, as a direct result of the doubling of the turnover tax, prices went up by 4.1 per cent.

That Budget last April was supported by all the members of the Fianna Fáil Party. It was defended very vigorously by Deputy Colley, Minister for Finance. I believe that Budget is responsible for our present economic crisis. One would imagine from the statements of the Minister today and the various statements of the Taoiseach and other Ministers that somebody else was to blame. Fianna Fáil ought to accept once and for all that they have the primary responsibility for the economy. They have the primary responsibility to ensure that there is no inflation. Inflation has been growing over the last three or four years and the Government have not taken effective measures either to minimise or to cure that situation. It is not the members of the Government who will suffer as a result of inflation; it is the ordinary wage and salary earners and the farmers.

We have a measure introduced here today by the Minister, defended vigorously and vehemently. It is a measure designed to ensure that the incomes of wage and salary earners and their standard of living will not be improved for another few years. I do not believe the people can trust the Fianna Fáil Party any longer. They certainly can have no faith in the various economic measures they have introduced over all the years they have been in government since 1957.

The Taoiseach said he is quite sure he will have a majority in a few days or in a week's time. I am not too concerned about the internal difficulties of the Fianna Fáil Party, but I am concerned because they are the Government. I am concerned that as a result of the in-fighting which has gone on in the last five or six months irreparable damage has been done to the country and to its economy. Because of the advance publicity in regard to this Budget we thought it would be designed to alleviate a very, very bad situation. The economic life of the country is at stake in this Budget. It appears tome that more important to the members of the Fianna Fáil Party is the life of the Fianna Fáil Party. Even though the Taoiseach says he has a majority now, I do not believe that he has a mandate for either this Budget or the repressive wage and salary legislation he tried to push through this House. I do not think he has any mandate for anything else he introduces here.

Therefore, why wait? Why cannot this House now give its decision whether Fianna Fáil should continue in office? I am not concerned about that party but in view of past happenings why not give the members of Fianna Fáil who appear to oppose him an opportunity of declaring if they have confidence in him.

It is not for me to delve too deeply into this matter but there have been some extraordinary comments made in the past weekend. One of the ex-Ministers has stated that the Taoiseach should adopt the honourable course— namely, to resign. Others suggested there was no necessity for the introduction of a Supplementary Budget; another was directly opposed to having Deputy Jack Lynch as Taoiseach. Such fun and games may be all right in the Fianna Fáil Party but the people of the country are suffering and are demoralised. For that reason, so far as those measures are concerned we shall not delay the House. They are not of any great consequence and will do nothing to alleviate our difficulties.

One can only be astonished at the casual and bland approach of the Taoiseach and of the Minister for Finance. The Minister announced the proposals for a wage and salary freeze with a smile on his face and then gratuitously told us they would last for only a while. I do not know for what period they will continue because the Government, the Taoiseach and the Minister for Finance have totally ignored the trade union movement, which has been severely criticised and blackguarded in some quarters recently.

The Minister for Finance introduced these proposals with indecent haste. There was not proper and full consultation between the trade union movement and the Government on the proposals before us. There was much loose talk about exorbitant demands. There was a report in the papers to the effect that one union was seeking £19 10s per week. If the Minister knows his job he is aware that this is not so. There was no such demand made by any trade union executive on any employer and on the basis of such loose talk there was no justification for the Minister for Finance for introducing these repressive measures that were supported by the entire Fianna Fáil Party here today.

However, that is the approach adopted by the Minister for Finance in these urgent matters; but who can forget what the Taoiseach said quite recently when he stated in reply to a question that there was no crisis? I do not believe anybody else in the Fianna Fáil Party believed that statement.

We had another crisis merchant, Deputy Haughey. When he was Minister for Finance on the 18th March he spoke about a crisis, but two weeks afterwards he told the House in a bland manner that there was no crisis. The Minister for Lands in some part of the West of Ireland told us recently that there was no crisis; and we had the father figure, ex-Taoiseach Mr. Seán Lemass, announcing on the "7 Days" programme last night that there was no crisis — it was only a matter of personal differences. I do not know what is meant by personal differences within Fianna Fáil, but some of those Deputies regarded as rebels proclaimed themselves to be a different type of republican than Deputy Colley or Deputy Lynch.

There are many crises in this country. There is the economic crisis in which we have inflation and for which the Government are responsible. We have a crisis in the matter of prices for which the Government are responsible and we also have a crisis in unemployment. There exists a crisis in agriculture for which the Government are responsible. We have a crisis in the matter of houses whereby unfortunate families must wait six or seven years before getting a house. That is the responsibility of the ex-Minister for Local Government, Deputy Boland, whom the Taoiseach once described as the Rock of Gibraltar.

We have a crisis in regard to our balance of payments but what do the proposals now suggested do to remedy all the defects I have mentioned? The present proposals are a patchwork effort and the entire exercise is so miserable that we would nearly have given permission to borrow the £14 million.

Taca will give it.

I have spoken many times about the introduction of a capital gains tax but we are told that the effort would not be worthwhile. Some of the efforts the Government make to collect revenue may not be considered worthwhile and I suggest that they should introduce not only a capital gains tax but introduce a tax that would ensure that the people who have money pay their rightful share of tax.

The Minister said that in the Bill there would be control over dividends and profits, but we all know that if a person at a certain level in business is told his salary cannot exceed X thousand pounds per year there are many ways of reimbursing him. He can be given a car, his subsistence allowance can be increased, he can be given more money for entertainment expenses, but what can the Minister do to ensure that these things are not done? He will take power if Dáil Éireann gives him that power, but we will not. He will try to control the wages of people who pay every penny due on their income tax. There was talk some three or four years ago of a proposal to ensure that people would pay income tax in accordance with their real incomes, but nothing was done. The road workers, the factory workers and the civil servants cannot evade payment.

There are five or six crises which we regard as very serious; we have recently had the grave crisis in the north that was exacerbated by the antics of members of the Fianna Fáil Party. I do not believe that this petty and pitful package of proposals is any answer to these crises. Public morale has been completely shattered by recent events, and this I regard as possibly the most serious crisis of all. When we go to our constituencies we are asked by people: "What is happening? What are the Government doing?" How can the Government expect to have the confidence and respect of the people after the events of the past six months? The people are astounded by what has happened and they are disillusioned about the integrity of Ministers and those who hold public office.

Fianna Fáil have done immense damage to the economy and to the morale of the Irish people. It appears that the affairs of the nation have been completely ignored but the Government cannot ignore them any longer. The interests of the country should not be subordinate to the interests of Fianna Fáil. The affairs of the nation and the crises, which the Taoiseach does not believe exist, are second place on the Government's agenda. My party consider it is time that the ordinary people of Ireland are heard and we believe that the electorate should be allowed to vote.

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