Our Constitution re-echoes the conviction of the majority of our people that the family is the fundamental unit of our society and, as such, is deserving of all protection the State can give. The reality of Irish society is that, on the death of the husband, the widow and her family are crushed by a multitude of economic and social pressures to the point at which family life becomes a nonentity, something which does not exist or, if it exists, operates under pressures which deprive the children and, indeed, the mother of the emotional bonds and the sense of security which should be theirs.
We in Fine Gael accept the desire of all Members of this House to improve the lot of widows. We would hope that the Minister and the Government will not express any resentment of our motion or the tabling of the motion. I understand, indeed, that they intend to accept it. That is the right attitude and I certainly hope that will be the Minister's declaration. We are all politicians and by nature we are responsive to public demands.
The purpose of this Fine Gael motion proposed by Deputy Barry, seconded by Deputy O'Donnell, and supported by other speakers, including Deputy Joan Burke, herself a widow, is to bring pressure to bear on the Minister for Social Welfare so that, at this critical time of the year, he can go to his colleague, the Minister for Finance, and say: "Look, we are on the spot. We have had this motion passed unanimously in Dáil Éireann. This pressure is building up. The widows of Ireland are no longer prepared to accept the position of fourth, fifth or tenth class citizens. They ask that Irish society should now honour in the spirit as well as in the letter the declaration of our Constitution that family life must be respected and that they should get from Irish society the financial and other supports necessary to put them, deprived of the breadwinner, in as good a position as it is possible for Irish society to support."
We believe that the allowances which are now paid to young mothers who have families to rear are appalling. Because of the Fine Gael conviction that widows are grossly unprovided for, when we published our detailed statement on social welfare policy as far back as January, 1969, we proposed a minimum pension of £5 a week for widows, not that we regarded that then as being the optimum, but because we regarded it as being a goal which could be achieved in the short run. We regarded it as the bare minimum for a widow with, of course, equivalent benefits for children. It was also with the same limitations in mind but, at the same time, compelled by the necessities of the situation, that last December the Fine Gael Party resolved that the widows' contributory pension should be increased immediately from a minimum of £4 10s a week to £6 a week, with payments for all dependent children increased from 18s to £1 10s weekly. In respect of non-contributory pensions, Fine Gael maintain that the minimum pension should be increased from £4 5s to £5 10s a week and that the support for children should be increased from 15s to £1 5s a week.
We appreciate that this will cost a great deal more money but we say that, if we are to have any respect for our society, we cannot ask our society to pay anything less to the widows and orphans in our midst. One of the least excusable scandals in our society is the provision in our law which drastically cuts or abolishes the non-contributory widow's pension if the widow earns more than £4 a week. That figure has been in application, if my recollection is correct, for a decade or more. When £4 a week represents less than two days pay that is a terribly mean means test to apply to widows. It surprises me, indeed, that the Department even bother to keep to such a paltry figure because it is so small as to discourage widows from taking even part-time employment to supplement what the State accepts as being an inadequate level of support for widows.
The Deputy from North County Dublin, Deputy P.J. Burke, took great delight in the humanitarian approach of the Dublin Health Authority which supplements inadequate State pensions for widows with payments from home assistance. I think he should feel a sense of shame that the Dublin Health Authority and other health authorities find it necessary to supplement State social welfare payments with home assistance. What is the definition of home assistance? It is a payment which is made by law to people who are unable by their own industry or other lawful means to pay for the necessities of life, food, clothing and shelter. The lawful means available to widows who are not working are their pensions. Here we have a situation in which local authorities find as a matter of law and fact that widows dependent on State pensions are unable by their own industry or other lawful means to provide for the necessities of life. Our society can do a great deal better than that and must live up to its responsibilities.
We appreciate all the disadvantages of throwing social welfare supports into the general pool of taxation. As long as necessary support for widows and other necessitous people in our midst is in competition for funds with everything from the revival of Irish to the Institute for Advanced Studies, the widows will come last in the queue. That is the reality not only in our society but in all other societies in which social welfare is thrown in as something which does not take priority over everything else. That is why we in Fine Gael have argued and will continue to argue for the establishment of a family fund financed out of identifiable insurance contributions and out of identifiable taxation so that it could not be touched no matter what other demands might be made by the many other activities which are proper to the State. The only way in which we will ever have adequate social welfare provision is by setting aside identifiable funds which are financed in an identifiable way.
One of the drawbacks of our whole social welfare code is, of course, that we limit the number of people who are compulsorily insured. This is no longer justifiable. Everybody who has an income in Ireland should be contributing towards the social insurance fund. We are sick and tired of listening to all the differences that are supposed to exist between Ireland and the rest of the world. We are supposed to have more farmers, more independent employed people, more self-employed people; we are supposed to be so utterly different from the rest of mankind that we cannot bring in a scheme of universal insurance. We do not accept that, and it is because we do not accept it that we have been pressing for a properly financed welfare fund and if this came into existence, then we believe that adequate provision would be made for widows.
We know for a fact that the inevitable experience of Irish society is that out of every five women who marry, four will be widows and of the women who will be married, 45 per cent of those widows will have very young children to rear, from the age of seven years or under, at the time their husbands die. These are things which have been established by the statistics available to us and there is a clear obligation on our society so to arrange its affairs that we provide the necessary financial security for such people. It is no answer to say that we are free to arrange our individual insurances to provide against widowhood and for orphans. We are, and so are we free to provide for our health expenses and so we are free to provide against the many other unavoidable consequences of the sins of Adam and Eve, but human nature being what it is and human experience teaching us certain lessons, we know that the majority of people will not make provision for these things. Indeed, the people who need most of all to have provision made for these inevitable hardships of life are often times not in a position to pay for them themselves and so the money must be collected from those who are in a position to pay, and here the State has a clear obligation which our State has not as yet fulfilled.
I appreciate that our present Minister is a kindly man and wishes to do more. I anticipate that that will be the tenor of his remarks. He can be assured as far as Fine Gael are concerned that we will not in any way withhold support from him now or on the day of the Budget for the provision which is necessary but we say that he must if he is to get better support and acceptance for increased taxation or increased insurance contributions, isolate the money coming into an identifiable fund so that people will know what they are paying for. I think there are very few causes in Ireland which have a greater support across the board to all sections of the people than the cause of our widows and here I think a tribute is due to the Association of Irish Widows for the manner in which they have, in a most dignified and conscientious way, made their case during the three or four years of their existence. Let us not ignore their plea. We know they are justified.
I suppose there is no Member of this House who is not aware, within his own circle of associations and family, of widows. Does the heart of everybody not go out to the widow in her-distress at the time of the death and, indeed, the days and weeks and months immediately following but how soon we tend to forget the widow? She is invited hither and thither and cared for and advised in the weeks immediately following the death of the spouse, but how often this concern evaporates with the passage of time and one feels that the widow is now adjusted, is now all right and able to look after herself, and she suffers from what Deputy Burke referred to as something of a lesser standing in our society. This should not be so, and on reflection, each of us as an individual would agree that it should not be so, but unfortunately, it is the tendency and it was because of that tendency the widows themselves organised, so that they could lean on one another and learn from one another; but this is a terrible reflection on us all, and we must make great amends so that we can banish this feeling of insecurity and this sense of isolation which our widows at present inevitably feel because society is not supporting them and encouraging them in the many ways in which it should be doing it.
I am going to anticipate a further argument of the Minister who will probably point out that the rate of pensions has not only kept pace with increases in the official cost of living index but has, in fact, outdistanced the official cost of living index. I would say to the Minister, as I have said before, that it shows you just how utterly inadequate the cost of living index is as a measure of the standard of what life should be. The truth is that pensions of all kinds have not kept pace with rising living standards, and, of course, the standards in our society have improved and it is proper that they should have improved, but it is because pensions have not kept pace with rising living standards that the void between the pensioners and people who are in more comfortable circumstances grows and that makes hardship, that makes loneliness and that makes the insecurity of widowhood all the more difficult to bear. We must, therefore, as a society take substantial steps to improve that situation. There are other ways in which the widow's lot could be improved, of course, and one of these would be to increase substantially children's allowances. We in Fine Gael have already pointed out that we have the lowest children's allowances in Europe and if children's allowances were to be increased, as we believe they should, by at least two-thirds, it would be of some substantial benefit to widows and orphans.
Deputy Tully and others very properly spoke about the difficulties of widows in what are sometimes called the middle income group or the middle classes. The aim of any social welfare code should be that in the event of the death of the breadwinner, the standard of living of the family should not be lowered in any way. Those words are contained in our resolution, that the living standards should be maintained, and if a widow has had the good fortune while her husband was alive to live in a purchase house which carries considerable rates, then we should provide sufficient income for that widow that she does not have to sell the house; but we do not and again and again, if there is not a family available to provide the necessary money to pay rates, widows have found themselves obliged to sell out the house and to use the capital, which should be there to provide a home of money to pay rates, widows have found themselves obliged to sell out the house and to use the capital, which should be there to provide a home of equal standard for herself and her children, to pay rent on a flat, which at present rates means that the capital very quickly declines, and often times a widow finds herself in considerable distress at the end of it.
The reality is that the scheme of rates remission is of no assistance to any widow who has not more than the bare subsistence level paid to non-contributory pensioners. If a widow earns, or even receives from her connections, as much as £1 a week above the bare level of the non-contributory pension she is deprived from getting any assistance under the rates remission code. This is not a criticism of the rates remission code. It is a criticism of the gross inadequacy of the widows' pensions and the other welfare services which we should be offering to widows.
One of the great shortcomings of our whole social welfare code is that there are 16 different means tests. Most of these do not affect people who are in relatively comfortable circumstances throughout their lives. They do not have to submit to these tests as long as they have an adequate income. What is the plight of the widow who has had a comfortable income when her husband is alive and then finds herself thrown into the loneliness and distress of a home in which there is no man to look after her or to counsel her, and no partner to help her? In most cases she does not know where to turn. She does not know what she is entitled to. She does not know how to go to the various welfare offices, the Department of Social Welfare, the Department of Health, the local health authorities, the local county council, or the Department of Education in order to get the many benefits to which she, in her poverty, becomes entitled.
There is a great deal to recommend a system under which the Registrar of Deaths would notify the local health authority or the welfare authority in the event of the recording of the death of a man leaving a widow. In such cases the welfare officer could call around to the widow and could assist in the preparation of a claim for the widows' pension, the medical card or home assistance, if that should be necessary, and of the claims for the many other benefits to which the widow would be entitled. We ought to end the system which operates in this country under which the welfare code is operated in a conspiracy of silence. We do not adequately advertise our available to them and their orphan welfare schemes. It is a pity that the whole welfare and pension code are phrased in language which makes it impossible even for well-lettered people to understand. The Minister for Social Welfare should make a special effort to remedy this position. We are quite well aware of the fact that the Department of Health, the Department of Social Welfare and the home assistance authorities are now paying out far more money to more people than they paid two, five or ten years ago. To some extent this is because of the growth of the various societies, such as the societies which look after old people, the schemes like meals on wheels, the home visiting committees and, of course, our local authority-operated domiciliary welfare scheme. Why has the demand increased? As the welfare workers increased and went about their work they found pockets of poverty and individuals who were suffering destitution, neglect and impoverishment through sheer ignorance of their entitlement. A great deal more needs to be done in this sphere if real help is to be given to our people in our time in the quantity to which they are entitled. That is why I strongly advocate that once it becomes officially recorded anywhere that a breadwinner has died the local authority should send a welfare officer to assist the widow in the preparation of her many claims. One cannot rely on relations or friends. In a large number of cases the relations and friends do not themselves know what help is available. There are many Deputies in this House and members of local authorities who did not know what benefits people were entitled to until they became members of public authorities and found it necessary to make inquiries. It was only through their experience in looking after people that such people became untrained and then more experienced welfare officers. That is a very clumsy and utterly inadequate way in which to operate a welfare service and one that no progressive society should be satisfied with.
The motion asks Dáil Éireann to be conscious of the grave hardships suffered by widows because of the quite inadequate social welfare services children and calls on the Government to provide a comprehensive social welfare code for widows and their families so that their standard of living will not be lowered by the deaths of family breadwinners. May we urge on the Minister to receive the motion in the spirit in which it is put before him? It is not put before him for the purpose of scoring political points. I do not believe that the widows are in the least interested in any of us scoring points or taking credit for anything we have done in the past, or trying to blame others for not doing more. Together we must try to do a great deal better. Deputy O'Connell queried the wording of the motion and expressed disappointment in it in that it was not more specific. The Deputy knows the difficulty which faces members of the Opposition of the House and back-bench members of the Government side. They are prohibited by the rules of the House from moving any motion which may impose a charge on the public funds. Even though we in our hearts and in our heads are convinced that this country can at least afford £6 a week for widows, we cannot table a resolution asking Dáil Éireann to pay £6 a week to widows. That is the reality. If the Minister comes in with such a proposal on Budget day and if he earmarks the tax which has to be collected to pay that sum, I am sure that no one in this House will vote against such a necessary resolution. It is necessary because it is not going to provide any immense degree of comfort or any wonderful security or even rid widows of fears but it at least would be some indication that we want to bring the widows a little higher than they are at the moment and that is below the poverty line. That is no way in which to treat the families in our society which we guarantee in our Constitution to protect. We are not protecting or even safeguarding them. It is really a miracle that the widows of Ireland have done as well as they have. Some of the best of our citizens, as we know, have come from homes in which the father has died while the children were young. These people have performed miracles and we know that only saints perform miracles. That is why I believe that the widows of Ireland are the unrecorded and unhonoured saints of Ireland. We cannot honour them in this life but let us at least provide the widow with some little degree of comfort by providing a more adequate pension than our welfare services have done in the past.