asked the Minister for Foreign Affairs if, in view of the grave danger of deaths arising from the hunger strike at Crumlin Road Jail, Belfast, he will make urgent representations to the British authorities to concede political status to the prisoners concerned.
Private Notice Question. - Northern Hunger Strikers.
It is a matter of great concern to everyone in the House that anyone should risk death by hunger strike.
In the present situation it is clearly the desire of the Irish people, North and South, of all shades of political opinion that there should be in Northern Ireland a cessation of violence—whatever its origin or purpose. This is essential to enable political progress to be made. We must be clear about this—Dáil Éireann has consistently taken a stand in favour of a reasoned and peaceful approach to the question of the future of our country. We are entitled to insist that violence should end and that justice should prevail.
Our views on all these matters are well known to the British authorities. I am sure I speak for the House as well as for the Government in calling for an end both to violence and the present hunger strike.
Hear, hear.
The question I asked has not been answered. I do not press that, but I do want to ask the Minister whether, arising from his reply, he is in fact indicating that justice prevails in the Six Counties and that this is a justification for jailing the people who are now on hunger strike? That is No. 1.
No. 2, these people, who may be regarded by some as gangsters, as gunmen, as terrorists, and given all sorts of appellations, are now in their 24th or 25th day of hunger strike for a principle and that principle, to them, must be of very grave significance to endanger their lives by hunger. If this is so, what is at issue in so far as the authorities are concerned except regulations, red tape if you like? Surely in these circumstances, when the wish of all in Britain, in the Six Counties, and the Twenty-six Counties is for peace, a just peace and a lasting peace, this is the time of all times when those authorities should waive their regulations and their red tape and give to these men of principle, these very brave men, the status which would enable them, if nothing more, to wear their own clothes. That is about all it really means, and yet it is being denied and denied to the point of death in some cases and may be in many cases before this week or next week is out. I would appeal to the Minister to make it in every way known to his associates in the Six Counties and in Great Britain, who have the authority to change this situation, to do so now before it is too late and to say that there is not anybody in this country who does not want peace but it is not peace at any price and this, I think, should be clearly understood and we should get the opportunity if saying it in our own way in this House in the very near future.
Can this House take it that the Government have made appropriate representations to the British authorities at this particular juncture and, if so, why was it so secretly done? Why do we not, as citizens of the country, know what the Government are doing in these instances?
I think the House has largely accepted my stated practice over the last two years, or however long I have been in this post, not to say what went on in representations between Governments. What I tried to do in answering the question was to bring home to everybody concerned the actuality that no matter what we say privately or publicly the decision of the British Government in this case will be their own decision and there is very little that can be usefully said in this House to help the situation. For that reason I decided to take the one little ray of hope that is there for our country. I do not accept peace at any price.
Hear, hear.
I do not accept peace without justice and I think I have made myself very clear on this on many occasions but I am personally now convinced that there is one ray of hope for our country. It is not anybody's country to take in his hands and do what he likes with it.
Hear, hear.
This ray of hope has no guarantees attached to it but at least it does not have the cataclysmic definite guarantees of any other course of action. For that reason I think that everybody concerned, no matter how little he may think of other people's motives, no matter how highly he may think of his own, should at this time grasp the one ray of hope that the Irish people have of peace, peace with justice and not peace at any price because any Irishman must know that if we accept peace without justice or peace at any price then everything goes wrong again after a while. There is no question in my mind of accepting something for peace at any price but I do say anybody who listens to me should accept this one chance. If it fails then we will have tried to bring peace with justice to our country. Certainly, I am not asking anybody who believes in me as a person in public life to accept peace at any price or peace without justice.
May I ask the Minister whether I understand him correctly in saying that in this, as in other matters over the last couple of years, what he may be doing may not necessarily be seen to be done? If that is so, would he not consider that it is necessary, particularly at this time, absolutely vital, that whatever he and the Government may be doing, it should be seen that they are trying to do it in order that the British Government and the British people should be brought to a realisation that we are in earnest about a settlement in the Six Counties, that we do care and that we do want the Six Counties rather than the impression which is getting abroad at the moment: that because of our casual approach or apparent lack of approach we are not concerned? Could I just ask the Minister to bear that in mind, while appreciating what he has said in regard to the manner in which he has handled matters without saying what he is doing? I feel it is necessary that he should be seen to be doing and should be heard to be doing in order to counter the propaganda coming from other sources to the British Government at the present time.
I think nobody is more Irish than the next Irishman so that you will have to leave it to our own motivation to see how well we take care of the interests of our own country. The Deputy has experience, as a Minister, of having to carry, without public explanation, heavy responsibilities. It is part of government and it is a necessary part of government, because often public explanation of what you are doing could totally damage the cause you are trying to assist. I think the Deputy will accept that. I, therefore, cannot accept the idea that we must be all the time seen publicly to be doing something.
I would say, too, that the British Government have taken an action. For us it is perhaps short of what people would want. Certainly for them it is far beyond what many of their supporters would have wanted them to do. At this stage, as I say, it represents for us an opportunity and we should not miss this opportunity and, certainly, we should not damage it by the need for me at this time to justify myself—I say "me": I mean for the Government to justify themselves to people in the country who feel that we are not doing anything. The British Government are in no doubt about where we stand and how we feel.
It is not a question of justification of the Minister.
We cannot debate this matter.
I am not suggesting that we should.
The last sentence covers the other thing.
I am not offering it as a debate. I am merely asking again, despite what has been said by the Minister, with a great deal of which I agree, as far as keeping silent, and so on, can he not see the absolute necessity at this of all times for our being seen and heard to declare what we want rather than being misinterpreted and people believing that we do not want that which we seek, that is, the freedom of our country? It is not a question of being more concerned than the next man. That is not my purpose. The fact that the general public are not aware that the Government are doing anything is in itself most damaging to the Government and to the cause of peace in the Six Counties. The British Government would be helped by our being seen and heard rather than that we should be working, as it were, behind the scenes.
My last sentence, which the Deputy did not catch, was that the British Government are in no doubt whatever about where we stand and what we believe and their experience to date has been that the things we have said have been properly based and proved to be true.
May I ask the Minister to use his good offices?
The Dáil adjourned at 5.35 p.m. until 3 p.m. on Tuesday, 13th June, 1972.