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Dáil Éireann debate -
Thursday, 29 Nov 1973

Vol. 269 No. 6

Developments in the European Communities—Second Report: Motion (Resumed).

Debate resumed on the following motion:
That Dáil Éireann takes note of the report: Developments in the European Communities — Second Report.
—(Minister for Foreign Affairs).

Before reporting progress I was moving from certain marginal matters to other matters which would be of importance to us here and I was referring to the European Social Fund and also to the European Regional Development Fund. Those of us who are not actively participating in the European Parliament may not be as well briefed on current activities there as those who are, but one must do one's best to follow the proposals made in Europe and to see to it that our representatives in Europe make the best possible case on every occasion.

Long before the EEC was ever mentioned we had serious problems here. Last night when speaking on another subject I mentioned that we have a completely unbalanced economy here. If one were to draw a straight line down the centre of Ireland one would find that two-thirds or more of the population are on the eastern side and roughly one-third on the western side. Whatever allocation we may receive from the regional fund a large volume of it can reasonably be expected to be allocated to development in the weaker areas. Despite the fact that we implemented many schemes to help the west of Ireland we have not made as much progress as we would like to have made in that direction. With the best will in the world it is very difficult to prevail on industrialists and promoters of industry to settle on the western coast when they can more readily settle on the eastern side. In the past too many of them were inclined to congregate around the built-up areas.

We have another imbalance here in the area of population and this does not affect other countries in Europe to the same extent. Since the Famine we have had a terrible drain on population by way of emigration. We have yet another imbalance in the fact that a large proportion of our population are in the upper age group. I submit that we can only get development of any kind from those who are able to produce, and they are the younger people. We have an ageing population on the land and if we intend to participate in the European system of agriculture and make the most of it we must have drastic changes in our system of land tenure and succession. We have had social inducements which were not sufficient. It has been very difficult to get older people to surrender their rights to land.

In the same way as we would consider social areas we must consider economic areas. We must try to have economic development running ahead of social development if we wish to pay for economic development and if we wish to extract the necessary funds from Europe to better our social system. For 15 to 20 years at least we shall have a very tough time. We know we have an ageing population. How are we to compensate them and encourage them to surrender certain rights of ownership in order to get the young people producing? This involves education, training, exchange and money. We should pare down our commitments and concentrate on priorities, and one of our first priorities is to get more production from the land and to be able to present the foodstuffs produced. Provided we are prepared to work for this we can be assured that the European system will at least give us a chance of achieving it. This will entail a proper sense of purpose and training. The same applies to industry. For some years past we have been devoting much energy to the promotion and expansion of industrial projects and we have now achieved a stage of development in this area that is greater than anything we could have anticipated. I hope that this development will continue to expand within the EEC.

Having mentioned our two areas of priority I turn now to the question of the social fund of which some details are available to us. We are told, for example, that it would be possible to work on a basis of comparisons but it is important to have our priorities right, to decide on certain aims and to tailor those aims in such a way as to enable us to achieve whatever targets we may set. We are all familiar with the manner in which the European fund was initiated and we know how it has been re-vamped but can we be sure that we will succeed in getting the share of the fund that we would wish for? Other countries, too, will endeavour to get as much as possible of the fund, but of all the member countries ours is the one most in need of the greater share of the fund. We should be able to make up our minds as to the best means of distributing whatever share of the fund we receive bearing in mind our economic and social circumstances.

It will be necessary for us to devise a system which will ensure that the money is used for the benefit of the most deserving areas, but in the first instance we must ensure the availability of manpower. Already we have within our system provision for the training and retraining of personnel and we also have measures to deal with redundancy, but it will be more difficult to achieve agreement among nine member states than it was, say, when there were only six members. It is of vital importance that we provide the best training possible for our manpower so that they may be able to fill the jobs that will be created and we must endeavour also to ensure that our work force will be looked after at times of illness or unemployment. This huge movement calls for greater organisation and better methods than we have had up to now. We must endeavour to build up as quickly as possible a superstructure incorporating a better farming pattern, early succession, better training for our manpower, money to back up all those schemes and an exchange basis with Europe for our younger population. We must concentrate, too, on the spread of European languages among our younger generation.

When joining the Community we emphasised that our best market for agricultural produce and industrial goods was the British market and that, consequently, when that country joined the Community it was in our interest to do likewise. The result of the referendum and the anticipation of the advantages in store for us created a certain amount of euphoria, but now we may be reaching the stage of a love-hate relationship. We should do our best to destroy this trend. Our membership of the EEC can advance the interests not only of this country but of the Community as a whole.

When I was a member of the Council of Europe I was very taken by the social implications of the Treaty of Rome. No matter what may have been said about the conservative nature of the EEC, you will hear this talk from people who want to find fault with or to better the EEC. The social aim always was there and we hope it will continue to be there.

Like others, I regret I did not have the time I should like to have had to read the report and to assimilate its contents properly. I shall conclude where I began by saying that I should like to see better communication between those involved in Europe and the floor of the House here. If I may repeat myself, we should have resolved to have more lucid communication of that sort than to bury ourselves under a mountain of paper. I wish the best of luck to those engaged in making a European policy, and that includes the Minister. Any political differences we may have here should not be carried into Europe unless they be on finer points of policy. I have always been proud of our delegations to Europe. They always subscribed to one aim and one policy and I should like to think we would be able to preserve this aim and to provide a headline to some of the more mature parliaments in Europe. Then we might make greater headway in the European Parliament although at the same time disagreeing on other aspects of policy. We should try as best we can to keep together on this matter.

Like the last speaker I regret that Deputies did not have a better opportunity to read this report, which is of the greatest importance to the House and to the people in general. Since our EEC accession it has become more and more apparent that decisions made in Brussels at the Council of Ministers and policy shaped, to some degree at any rate, in the European Parliament, are the decisions by which our destinies will be shaped in the years to come. This is the way we wanted it; this is what the people voted for last year.

Because we are an agricultural country it is hardly necessary to say that our economic interests — and depending on them, our social interests—lie in the marketing of agricultural produce of all kinds. Many people consider our position, especially in relation to the distribution of the regional fund, tended to be a mendicant, a béal bocht attitude, which in my opinion is irrelevant. We can say that, equipped as we are in our very special way to produce meat and other food products for the Community, which does not have enough of it, we are a decided asset and that we do not need in any sense to apologise for the fact that until now the full potential of our grasslands was not developed. In the final analysis the reason for that is simple enough.

It is that we were producing food to compete in the cheapest market in the world and that we could not even sell all the goods we produced or anything like it in that cheap market, Britain. Possibly it is a bit irrelevant but it enters my mind as I speak, there used to be catchcries from Fine Gael purporting to quote Fianna Fáil spokesmen: "Thanks be to God the British market is gone". They implied at the same time that the British market was the greatest thing we could have had. It was not. The difficulty about it at that time was it was the only market.

But a damned bad one.

Hear, hear.

Other Deputies spoke of the completely new situation we find ourselves in both as parliamentarians and citizens. We find ourselves having to do an abrupt adjustment in our habits of work and thought. I believe our methods of work in this House leave much to be desired. We have heard from time to time proposals for the reform of the method by which Oireachtas Members transact public business. It is fairly apparent that certain changes should be made. Possibly we might emulate some of the better systems employed in European parliaments — the greater use of committees, for instance, to examine particular aspects of policy. In practice, this House acts as one big committee on everything and that is not the best way to get the work done.

A part of the report which I have had time to have a rapid glance through deals with the need to increase the powers of the European Parliament. As a member of that Parliament my feeling is that if we are serious about the eventual creation of a political entity in Europe we must accept the view that, because the EEC is a democratic organisation of states, there must also be a democratic parliament, elected by the peoples of the Community and exercising powers on behalf of them. This exercise of power by the Parliament should not come before the equalisation of social and economic standards throughout the Community. It should not take place until the objectives of the Treaty of Rome are fairly clearly seen to be achieved or are on the way to being achieved. These are the elimination of the social imbalance, of unnecessary poverty and, as a corollary to that, the elimination of the imbalance of excessive wealth.

In discussing the regional fund it is useful to examine in retrospect the discussions that took place in the Parliament and in the Council of Ministers and to consider how these discussions reflect the sources from which they come. By that I mean that underlying the stated objective of equalising social advantage there is also a conflict between people who are in an advantageous position and those who are not. It is the resolve of people who are in highly developed and remunerative economies to retain that position of primacy regardless of the existence within their own community or other groups of people who have no such advantage. This is revealed in the Commission's document, COM/73, 1850, in what is alleged to be a proposal for the improvement of the Common Agricultural Policy.

I mention this because the document illustrates the basic conflict that exists and will continue to exist. It is the conflict between those who want to get cheaper food — probably for the great industrial masses of the highly developed parts of Europe — even at the expense of the producers. In many cases the people with this objective do not really care where it comes from.

There is the view that the embarrassment of a large farming community whose incomes do not measure up to those of other sectors of the population should be assuaged by the provision of doles. We should reject that notion immediately. We should take the more positive view that agricultural parts of the Community, such as Ireland, do not want the dole. They want the right to sell their goods at such prices as would guarantee them incomes comparable to those in other areas of the economy.

This objective is stated in the Treaty of Rome but it does not get rid of the fact that between 1960 and 1973 no less than 7½ million people left farming in the Community area. It must be perfectly obvious that the reason they left the farming industry was that they could find something else that was more profitable. We must acknowledge immediately that in the case of a farmer whose acreage is not sufficient there are only two things he can do: he can get out of farming and go into another industry or occupation, probably industrial work, or he can get more land. In our context where the size of holdings are not that small we should face facts, some of which are disagreeable. We should face the problems involved in farm succession, land ownership and the performance required of people who own land. We should face the general question whether we should not now consider a third system of land tenure based on long leases. In many cases farmers who want to increase their acreage to stay in the business cannot afford to buy the land and we should seriously consider some intermediate means by which they could rent land with a sufficient guarantee of security of tenure.

So far as the strengthening of the powers of the European Parliament is concerned, I want to see each of our Ministers in the Council of Ministers with one weapon at least in his armoury, namely the weapon of the veto. It goes without saying that it is the ultimate deterrent so far as European politics is concerned and, as the weaker countries are equipped with it, it gives them equality with their bigger and stronger neighbours. I think it was Damon Runyon in another context who referred to firearms as equalisers because they gave the little man equality with others. The knowledge that the Minister can eventually resort to the veto if he must for the good of his country is vital to us. The reason I have referred to it is that it was mentioned yesterday during Question Time and I was not quite clear that the Minister for Foreign Affairs really favoured the notion.

In the present state of evolution we should retain that power but probably as a consequence the development of the power of the Parliament will have to await the approach of the equalisation of the social and economic imbalances that must come first.

I do not know what to expect from the final outcome of the discussions on the regional fund and its allocation. Countries of very high economic development, such as Denmark and large areas of the Federal Republic of Germany, will get very heavy bills from the regional fund. This is obviously lopsided. It was something of a joke to see the United Kingdom walking away with a very large share of the fund. This money was presumably being spent on areas where industrial evolution had not taken place or where industries which were very prosperous at one time have now fallen into some measure of decay. There seems to be a failure so far to recognise that there are easily definable areas within the Community where some people are a great deal poorer than others. It is on those people that the regional fund should be spent. I readily accept that this is not a dole. It should be treated as a development aid. If we are allotted money from this fund we should immediately think of the west of Ireland because that is our poorest region.

Parts of the North too.

I mean the west of Ireland as a loose generic term, spreading from west Cork to Donegal, taking in your new constituency.

That is not true yet.

In my opinion the first requirement is the provision of a first-class highway opening up the west of Ireland in order that goods can be moved in and out to the east "*"coast. Whether we like it or not, the eastern ports are our main channels for getting our goods in and out. This highway should have one branch from Athlone to Galway and the other from Athlone to Sligo, and the rest going to Dublin. That may not be ideal but it is something to start with.

I referred earlier to document 1850 of the Commission which contained proposals for the improvement of the common agricultural policy. One of these improvements is the annual saving of 1,200 million units of accounts. I do not see how this can be considered an improvement.

In so far as dairy products are concerned a negotiating gambit against next year's price fixing in March or possibly a genuine effort to restrain the production of too much milk might be made. This is of vital importance to our economy especially to our 100,000 dairy farmers. The Commission's original proposal was that a tax be imposed on people who produced over 2,500 gallons. They would pay 2 per cent tax on their excess production in order to defray the cost of its sale.

The Community is 90 per cent self-sufficient in red meat supplies. The way to get to 100 per cent self-sufficiency is by the breeding of calves. One can only get a calf out of a cow. The Commissioner for Agriculture, whoever he may be at any time, will always have to face that disagreeable fact because the cow will produce milk and people will sell the milk to produce butter and other products.

One must be responsible about this. Production must be controlled. I do not accept that the Draconian method the Commissioner advocates are necessary or even desirable from the production point of view. The Commission recommend that part of the excess milk production be diverted to animal production. How can a well-developed Community say that they will give their expensive milk protein and fats to animals when tens of thousands of people living south of the Sahara Desert are dying of hunger? The Community should face the obligation — and it is an obligation —that excess food supplies should be sent to famine-stricken areas. There is never a shortage of these areas. One cannot shrug one's shoulders and say: "It is no business of mine". Not so very far back in history we were a famine-stricken nation. We would have been glad if somebody had given us food to keep us alive.

Our general approach to this should be that it is not very accurate to speak of an oversupply or surplus of butter or milk products in the context of a world where two out of three people do not have enough to eat. The surplus that arises from time to time could readily be used for the relief of famine-stricken areas. A tax on milk production does not seem to me to be justified under any headings. If such a tax were introduced it would give a very serious jolt to our rapidly developing cattle economy. We have been proceeding on a set course for a couple of years now. The idea was to produce more cattle, thereby producing more food. The imposition of a tax of this kind would be a deterrent to production. It would have very serious consequences for our people. In the Council our Minister should continue to press for the introduction of an intervention price for cheddar cheese. At present intervention exists only for butter and dried skim milk. Cheddar cheese is strictly a British or Irish commodity. It is produced in Canada for export to Britain. It is not a product which can be readily sold on the European continent.

The Commission have some weak, little proposals to make in regard to the organisation of a common policy for sheep meat in the context of a general shortfall of 10 per cent in the red meat market. It does not offer a minimum price nor does it offer any great assistance to lowland flocks. As I read the report it seems to indicate rather vaguely that special assistance will come through the form of hill grants. While the opening up of European markets for Irish lambs is of great importance there is no reason which I can see as valid for not having a fully organised market for sheep meat, just as there is for beef and veal, with a reference price and an intervention price. If there were, the production of meat without the embarrassment of extra milk production could be achieved and the necessity to import from outside would be obviated.

The position of our lamb producers for some years now has been that our best market has been the Paris market. The French system operates against them and so does the tendency of the British lamb producers to sell their own lambs in the French market and replace the shortfall by imported New Zealand lamb. I know very well that the importation of New Zealand lamb is recognised in the accession treaty between the UK and the Community. We should constantly seek a reduction in the enormous quantity of New Zealand lamb which is being imported for the UK market. This market reaches 250,000 tons against which our best effort would be one-fifth, or less, of that amount.

It is remarkable but regrettable how the UK have succeeded in dragging the Commonwealth in behind them to the European Community. I would like to see our Minister pressing for a revision of the quotas in Europe for Commonwealth products such as New Zeland butter and lamb. There is the ridiculous anomaly of the Community selling off surplus butter to Russia at give-away prices while at the same time permitting the importation of large quantities of New Zealand butter. It is a serious drawback in the management of the market.

I have questioned the Minister for Agriculture and Fisheries on his general approach to our position in regard to the organisation of a sheep market. I know that his general thinking is in line with our own. I wish to urge on the Minister the prime importance of the sheep flock especially to the hill farmers and the sheep farmers who live in Wicklow, Donegal and around the coast. Another portion of the sheep flock is the lowland flock. I am quite sure that the Minister will use his best endeavours in this regard.

Similarly in the case of sugar, the UK succeeded in coming into the Community complete with their enormous supplies of Commonwealth sugar. The justification for the continuing imports of Commonwealth sugar is mainly that it originates in underdeveloped countries like the West Indies. There is also a very large supply of sugar cane from Australia and in no sense can it be said that Australia is an underdeveloped country without any other market. That simply is not so. There is strong pressure to maintain the importation, especially by the UK, of vast quantities of cane sugar. This has not only had the effect of imposing, as it has done already, sugar quotas in this country and other beet producing countries of the Community but also of restricting any possible growth of the sugar beet industry. Again, this has great implications for workers in the sugar industry, workers in the sugar factories and people producing beet to go into the factories.

There is another matter that I want to mention in connection with the red meat supply situation. Since 8th May of this year the price of live cattle has been dropping steadily week by week until it has now reached the point where it is about £4 a cwt. less than it was at that time. There are a number of reasons for this but one of the more important ones is the importation into the Community of young cattle from Eastern Europe which effectively deals with the need, takes up and absorbs the available market and, in our case, it effectively turns our live cattle exports into the old United Kingdom market. I think that there are the elements of a stratagem about this. It is true that in Northern Italy there is very big production of maize and this maize is used and has been, admittedly, for decades now, for the forward feeding of young East European cattle but our position is difficult to assail in so far as we are a member of the Community and we are put at a distinct and undeniable disadvantage vis-á-vis a third country, that is to say, Yugoslavia. The Minister for Foreign Affairs and the Minister for Agriculture and Fisheries should be hammering at this because it seems to me at any rate to run contrary to the basic principles of the Rome Treaty and it is costing us a great deal of money.

In general, somebody mentioned the gradual disenchantment, as he said, of the public generally with membership of the European Community. I do not think it is there. I think there is general satisfaction, general acceptance of the idea that it is good for us to be there, that we are gaining economically and socially by membership and that deliberately to exclude ourselves would have been a very foolish thing indeed. But, as I mentioned in the beginning, I think that we as public representatives, as Members of the Dáil, would need to ask ourselves whether the mechanisms that we have got for discussion, for dissemination of information and, most of all, for the evolution and implementation of policy, are the best. I doubt it. I would be glad to hear the Minister's observations on this when he is concluding. To use that terrible expression, it is a completely new ball game. It is of vital importance that we play the ball right and we will not do it with parliamentary methods and procedures that are at best adapted from older times and different times. We may need to create completely new mechanisms in order to ensure that all our people can extract the maximum benefit from membership of the Community and that they do it without prejudicing anybody else's rights. I may be mistaken but I think the Minister has at least once indicated his recognition of this shortcoming of ours, that we would need to consider this, possibly in the Dáil but more desirably together in some way in order that we can set up parliamentary mechanisms, as I say, for the evolution and implementation of policy so that we can secure the objectives that we have got.

The Minister stated that the report gave a general idea of Government policy in regard to significant proposals and I am particularly interested in the section that deals with education. I did not hear most of the contributions but I happened to hear Deputy Maurice Dockrell say that the report was a model of what such a report should be. This kind of urbane persiflage should not conceal the fact that the short section on education is totally inadequate and, in fact, though it mentions a very important report, the Janne Report, it picks on a few pieces from it which, in my opinion, are not the most important pieces and it leaves a large gap with regard to a very important educational matter, in fact, so important that it has been admitted by the present Minister for Foreign Affairs when he was a spokesman on education and has been admitted by people who are interested in education in general as being one of the most important items in the national life vis-á-vis the EEC. I am referring to the section of the Janne Report starting at page 30 and which is a discussion and a report of the views of various experts on Community aims with regard to the teaching of languages and the knowledge of languages. I said it was the contribution of a number of experts, and in so far as it is such it is somewhat of a potpourri, but some important findings are advanced in this report. It should have been given pride of place, not the very sparse treatment given to education in chapter 18 of this Second Report which is under consideration.

I am not blaming the Minister for Foreign Affairs for this but I ask him to see to it that his colleague, the Minister for Education, when he is getting his officials to make a contribution to the next report will deal with this adequately and not in the way it is dealt with in this particular report.

It is important that we discuss this problem and it is important also that we consider the various remedies that are suggested by experts.

In the Janne Report to which this second report makes reference, the importance of language as an instrument of communication is emphasised and also, of course, its importance as something formative, something which contributes to the development of the student on the intellectual level. Sometimes, rather unkindly to waiters, the first aspect is referred to as waiters' language, waiters' knowledge of a foreign language, and cultural knowledge is the second element. Needless to say, both these functions are important. Account has to be taken of both.

There is a complaint — and I suppose it could be levelled at many of us — that until comparatively recently there has been too much of the traditional effort employed in the teaching of languages. This is mentioned on page 30 of the Janne Report. One of the most important sentences in the report, again on page 30, is that what we should aim at is compounding the intellectual and the socio-economic advantages of language studies. What the report is doing in this section is asking what the Community should be doing with regard to the teaching of languages other than the mother tongue of the country: what it should be doing and how it should be done.

I am glad to say that the compiler of this report settles on persuasion rather than the issuing of a directive, or a ukase, or trying to compel people. The Minister for Foreign Affairs and the Minister for Education, if they get the opportunity, should advocate a study of the position. On page 31 of the Janne Report, the spheres of qualification of the Community are mentioned. One of the recommendations is that an inventory of the situation should be made, I presume, by a Community organ with Community funding.

The second point made is that the Community could — and this would be a difficult one I can assure you — decide on what the optimum age for starting a foreign language should be. There are big difficulties in that. The experts differ very much on it. The next point — and this is one I was particularly interested in some years ago in trying to develop a scheme at trade union level—deals with the exchange of teachers. In the next report I should like to get some information on how this is done, how many of our teachers are going to other EEC member countries, how many are coming here from those countries, how the salary situation stands, what the encouragements are, and so on. This was always important in my view but it has become particularly important since we joined the EEC.

The report also recommends that the mass media should be used in this field. I do not have to say that I think this is very important. The Eurovision theme song reminds our children of light music competitions and it is desirable that, when a certain tune is played, children should pleasurably associate it with the learning of a foreign language. All the points made in the Janne Report deserve consideration from us since we are, so to speak, on the perimeter of the Community. I am glad to say also that there is a sufficient breadth of vision among the experts consulted for the compilation of the Janne Report to warn EEC Europeans that there are other Europeans outside that circle and that mother languages with a great cultural spread and traditions such as Spanish has should be taken into account. They also mention Russian and Chinese.

Another interesting remark to be found in the Janne Report is that the country which uses a language which is very widely spread in the world is at a disadvantage with regard to learning another language. This is logical and natural because, if people find they have a world language at their command, the need to learn another language — the economic need if not the cultural need—is not felt to be so great. I am glad to say that, despite the fact that at times I was a little worried about various statements coming from the Commissioners of the EEC, persuasion and freedom of choice are opted for in this regard. Pupils should be encouraged at European level to choose a language, and facilities should be made available by subsidisation and promotion from the Community.

An important element which does not affect us in this century—it may have affected us in the United States and Britain in the past century — is the question of language for migrants. In this House and outside of it various people in political life expressed concern in the recent past about the social conditions if not the economic conditions of migrants in the new European Economic Community. The report takes cognisance of a problem which exists there and recommends that facilities should be made available at Community level for these people to learn a new language, the language of the country in which they are migrants, and also — and this is very important — that facilities should be provided for them to maintain contact with their own language and their own literature.

Shades of Irish language policy! There are some well-thought of experts who claim that the second language should be introduced at nursery level and more advanced courses should start at 11 or 12 years of age. One English expert in particular claims this. Had our policy in this regard been promoted vigorously and persuasively it would have had better results than it did. In the Janne Report it is recommended that the grammatical basis of a language should be left unmentioned until 11 or 12 years of age. The problem of providing teachers of foreign languages at the lower level is also mentioned and, according to the report, there are two possibilities: one would be to provide a team of specialist teachers. Very obviously they would have to be itinerant and move from school to school. The other possibility is an all-purpose teacher trained to teach the foreign language up to the level of the end of the ordinary stage.

It is also recommended — this is particularly relevant to Ireland — that all the technology developed for the teaching of languages to adults should also be available to younger people. Immediately after the last war, as the House knows, a great deal of research went into this problem of teaching languages to adults, particularly to people who had been fighting and who were availing of various grants and scholarships to study in some of the countries in which they had been fighting. The report recommends that the technology and expertise developed to deal with this problem at adult level should be available at ordinary school level as well. This, of course, has been happening. The difficulty is that all this is very expensive but, here again, the Community can play a part.

I was interested in Deputy Gibbons' very pertinent remarks about surpluses in the Community, the Community surplus of food while people are literally starving in Africa. There is great wealth in Europe and if a purpose is to be served by this great wealth, then this particular purpose could be subsidised from Community funds providing all the modern machinery and all the audio-visual aids requisite for the teaching of modern languages. Nobody can deny that in the context of a community which has a number of highly developed languages, charged with great traditions and great cultures, there is an onus on that community to make it as easy as possible for young people to acquire the language for socio-economic as well as cultural and educational reasons.

I was particularly interested, as I said earlier, in trade union circles some years ago in the development of the teacher exchange system. If there are difficulties at national level the resources of the Community should be available to help out. If there are financial difficulties or other difficulties, it should be the purpose of the Community to help Irish teachers, for instance, to get employment in France or other European countries and garner experience there for one or two years. There are problems about equivalent qualifications and diplomas and this tends at the moment to cannibalise all discussion about the movement of people in the professions from one country to another. Some experts say that too much emphasis is being placed on this aspect and it is the wrong end to begin at anyway. Profession by profession this problem will have to be dealt with. There will, of course, be a great deal of professional and national pride rearing its ugly head but surely there is no insurmountable problem in this sphere.

Another point made in the Janne Report — we are away ahead in the teaching of Irish here — is that the teaching of other subjects through the language being learned is a great aid to learning the language. A significant point in the report is that it is better that this should be something like mathematics or something rather technical rather than what could be described as the Humanities. In this way great strength is added to the learning process.

Exchange for one or two years is recommended. When dealing with the Department of Education on this all kinds of difficulties were raised. Now if one settles on an objective and regards that objective as worthwhile — namely, that your citizens are improving their knowledge of a language, gaining experience and acquiring techniques and coming back and benefiting the country — most pseudo-administrative obstacles can be brushed aside.

The question of mobility of pupils is also raised in the Janne Report. This is a more difficult matter. However, the tendency today, unlike a few years ago, for pupils to move around Europe is highly admirable in itself. I cannot stop admiring these 16, 17 and 18 year olds, how independent they are and how capable they are in solving various difficulties. Apart from learning a language, this experience has a very beneficial effect on their characters, it makes them more confident and self-assured. This, I suppose, is adventitious to the main advantages of students visiting other countries for a reasonably long period to learn the language. There have, of course, been the short periods of stays in continental countries for Irish pupils.

In my view we could do more study of schools in France, Germany and Italy that will take Irish pupils. We should try to invite into our system people from those countries also. One of the problems mentioned already was concerned with the equivalence of degrees. This is a problem not merely of equivalence between one country and another but often between different parts of the same country. Some years ago in a discussion in UCD with people who were on summer school there I discovered that there was no agreement, for example, in Germany at all about the Abitur or the final examination in schools. There was no agreement as to the equivalence of the Abitur in one section of Germany compared with another. Seeing that university places are allotted on the achievements of the Abitur this created great problems. It is no wonder there are problems between different countries if there are problems even within the same country.

The Janne Report which was mentioned in the Second Report on the Development of the European Communities raises the question of permanent education. This has been mentioned in the House already in the discussion on the Estimate for the Department of Education and it will be looming increasingly in the Community and in Ireland. If it is going to develop as a specific Community thing the Community should have something to say about it and have a responsibility for financing it also.

The question of the use of the mass media has been mentioned in a specific Irish context already. We are dealing with the teaching of languages at present and I have already referred to the possible use of Eurovision for the teaching of languages. In order to remedy an internal situation Italy used this system and succeeded, to some extent, in wiping out illiteracy there. Indeed, it was this that set the headline for the British who introduced the University of the Air at a different level from the one the Italians had been using, but following, to a great extent, the pattern laid down by the Italians.

The Janne Report talks about a study group on educational affairs in the European context. We could have a representative on this. Various views are well expressed by the contributors to that report on the desirability of this and the shape it should take. One of the most important points made by one man was that it should receive absolutely no publicity whatsoever if it was to do effective work. With a view to saving national sensitivities I believe he had a good idea.

The report under consideration, the Second Report on Developments in the European Communities, picks out from the general conclusions a number of details of the actions proposed at Community level. I should have thought that the discussion on the spread of knowledge should have been placed in Chapter 18. I am offering that, not as a criticism of the Minister for Foreign Affairs, except in so far as he is generally responsible for it, but as a criticism of the people who compiled Chapter 18 for him.

I should like to make some comments on what has been extracted from the Janne Report and incorporated in Chapter 18. The reference to the correction of history has become somewhat of a cause célébre in this country due to the fact that the present Minister for Education had to rescue the paean from the Minister for Posts and Telegraphs at one stage and claim it as his own. This problem has surfaced in the consciousness of the Europeans. I remember long ago, and this is something which was resurrected, refurbished and sold to us as something new quite recently, that the Germans and French, particularly, in the late forties, and in view of their sad experience before that, decided that something would have to be done about this problem. They have done a great deal of work on this already because one side of the Rhine would give you a different version of history from the other and north of the Pyrenees have quite a different slant from south of the Pyrenees.

Somehow or other, in an Irish context, when we start discussing this type of business we seem to think that it is exclusively an Irish problem. This may be due to what is called insularity but we do tend to get hot and bothered about it. I agree with the contribution of one of the professors of history to the debate which took place some time ago that we can leave the writing of history to the professional historians and politicians should not try to angle it or bias it one way or another. In the general context of history studies it is quite safe to so leave it.

Would the Deputy agree that the problem has been that many of our school histories have not been written by professional historians but by people who are much more political than they are historians?

The question the Minister puts to me is petitio principii and if I answer it in a certain way I am admitting something which I need not necessarily want to admit. The fact of the matter is that I was processed, if that is the right word, through the educational system and I never once heard a biased statement about our neighbours in Britain which seems to be the place most affected during that period. Nor did I hear a bigoted statement about people who were not of the same religion of the teacher or myself. I can state that categorically, and I was not at school anywhere outside of this country. The brouhaha goes over my head to a great extent.

I prefer to accept the bona fides of the people who say that this exists but I have spent all my life, either learning or teaching, at every grade of school in this country, and I have not heard, or seen, these exaggerated things in all that time. I may be particularly obtuse but I do not think I am. The fact of the matter is that there was a great big brouhaha about sweet damn all in my opinion.

The only point I was making was that I would accept what the Deputy says about leaving it to professional historians if they were writing the school histories. The trouble is it has not been the case in the past.

As far as I remember at school—it is not easy to remember the actual textbooks—the histories I used were written by professional historians.

Some of them were; unfortunately some of them have not been.

The Minister does not know the ones I have used. I had the good taste to pick a school where they used histories written by professional historians.

I am not arguing from personal experience any more than the Deputy should. It is not confined to the two of us. We may have escaped; others have not.

I am a great believer in the old philosophic principle: start with the particulars and when you have enough knowledge of particulars then you begin to generalise, rather than start to generalise and go back to particulars.

A curious way to deal with the educational system.

The fact is that I have not made an examination of all the history books that are used in schools in the country, and neither has the Minister, I submit respectfully to the Leas-Cheann Comhairle——

And correctly.

Yes. Another point is the "replacement of history as a catalogue of events by the study of the `major currents' of the development of the sciences...." I think there is a great deal of pious generality about a number of these things, whereas what I recommended to be incorporated in the report is specific, has a certain objective, and asks for a study of the means whereby that objective can be achieved. Another very interesting suggestion from the Janne Report is that the teaching of European civics be gradually introduced, and the wisdom of the edcuationalists who contributed here is again apparent in that they are afraid if people are not careful a kind of new European nationalism might be created, that there might be a certain amount of buaileamh sciath: "We are Europeans. We are special" and consequently we disregard the ambitions and legitimate aspirations of less powerful peoples—less powerful in the cultural and less powerful in the political sense. I am glad to see that they are careful all the time in this regard. On page 100 of this Second Report paragraph 18.4 reads:

The Department of Education (and the Department of Health in regard to doctors and pharmacists) has continued consultations with the committee representing the university and other appropriate institutional authorities in Ireland on the problems raised by mutual recognition of degrees and diplomas....

I would like to know what the fruit of these consultations has been. Have there been any conclusions reached as a result of these consultations or what suggestions have there been? Has a specific country been chosen, say, France, and the problems of reciprocity and equivalence of degrees and diplomas dealt with in the Ireland-France context? Or has Ireland been dealing with some Community organisation or group in this regard? Again is there any publication or guideline? Do we know exactly at that stage what the work is? Has any conclusion been reached? I see a mention here of two gallant teachers also who are working in the European schools. As far as I remember it is two girls who were appointed to teach there. Am I right? It is not significant, but perhaps we could ask them for a courtesy report, not to impose any obligation on them, just so that we could get their ideas on what they see there, the strength and weaknesses in their own particular atmosphere, criticisms, and so on. Perhaps this could also in the future be incorporated in the report.

Having taken a specific portion of the Janne Report and suggested that it rather than the section that was taken should have been incorporated in the report for the Minister on the Development of the European Communities, I should like to have a look at other sections of the Janne Report, express my views and ask that they be incorporated perhaps in the next report. I notice that the Minister said that some things that were left out of the first report were included in the second report. Perhaps the third report would incorporate a little more on the educational scene than this one does: in other words that we have a much larger Chapter 18.

The particular problem I should like to speak about now is what is called here a cultural crisis, and this is in the report specifically related to the problem as between the younger generation and the older generation and the crisis of identity; in other words, how to solve the problem of the older generation, which by the nature of things will be administering and also settling policy, and the younger people who are questioning the whole cultural atmosphere, the values of society in their own country. Everybody, through the media, but particularly anyone who is interested in an education, knows that students will not dedicate themselves to particular courses of study anymore if they are not satisfied that they are relevant in some way, not necessarily to what is called real life, because it is all real life.

Debate adjourned.
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