Skip to main content
Normal View

Dáil Éireann debate -
Thursday, 13 Jun 1974

Vol. 273 No. 8

Committee on Finance. - Vote 43: Posts and Telegraphs (Resumed).

Debate resumed on the following motion:
That a sum not exceeding £48,619,000 be granted to defray the charge which will come in course of payment during the period commencing on the 1st day of April, 1974, and ending on the 31st day of December, 1974, for the salaries and expenses of the Office of the Minister for Posts and Telegraphs and of certain other services administered by that Office, and for payment of certain grants-in-aid.
— (Minister for Posts and Telegraphs.)

Before the Question Time break I had been discussing the section of my reply which deals with the postal services. I had almost completed that except for one local matter.

Deputy Tunney pressed for the provision of a post office in the Tolka Valley area of Finglas on the grounds that the distances to be travelled to the nearest post offices were a cause of hardship. So far as I can ascertain, the distances to the surrounding post offices are no greater than in any other comparable area in Dublin. These post offices are regarded as catering adequately for local needs. As development in the area is still taking place, the need for additional facilities is being kept under review and another post office will be provided if and when it is found to be warranted.

I should like to pass to that section of my statement which deals with telecommunications. I can understand the impatience that has been expressed in this regard, in reasonable terms, by some Deputies, an impatience that undoubtedly reflects the sentiments of the constituents. However, there is no point in my expressing impatience in relation to this aspect of my Department. My job within this Government is to try to bring about an improvement in this area and this has to be done primarily by securing and sustaining an adequate capital inflow.

This year we have brought about a 73 per cent increase in capital inflow compared with last year. That is a satisfactory or, one might say, almost a dramatic increase in this area. Certainly it is no more than is required. Telephones pay for themselves. Therefore, this scale of capital intake is justified. That is the primary aim. The improvement of the efficiency of the structure. To get that capital inflow working to the maximum effect is also a matter for which my Department are responsible. The present state of the telephone system reflects a partial failure in the past to realise adequately the need for adequate capital inflow. During the past two years from, say, 1972 on, beginning under the previous administration, there was the begining of a sustained movement forward in this area but this movement came a bit late. The direct effects of the major cutbacks that occurred in the 1970-71 period were still being experienced when I took office and their indirect effects are being experienced yet. This is an area in which there must be planning ahead. The effects of what is done do not manifest themselves for between two and three years.

Deputy Colley came in to speak on this Estimate today. I had hoped that he would have said something to us about telephones. However, he confined his remarks exclusively to broadcasting. I say this because if any man bears responsibility for the heavy arrears and difficulties in connection with the telephone service, that man is Deputy Colley, who, has Minister for Finance, failed to give any attention to the very strong representations which, quite properly were made to him by his predecessor, Deputy Collins who made the then Minister for Finance aware of what would be the effect of the cuts he intended to carry out. So far as I can ascertain, the then Minister for Posts and Telegraphs did not as much as receive a reply to his representations, at least not in writing. Those admonitions and warnings are now, unfortunately, being fulfilled. I may have criticised Deputy Collins as Minister for Posts and Telegraphs but I should like to place on the record my recognition, as his successor, of his having done his best to discharge his main task in relation to telecommunications, that is, the sustaining of an adequate capital inflow.

In view of the unsatisfactory nature of the reply to Question No. 26 I propose, with the permission of the Chair, to raise the matter on the Adjournment today.

The Chair will communicate with the Deputy.

I should like now to consider some of the more detailed suggestions made in the course of the debate. Deputy Edward Collins wondered whether the Department telecommunications services should not be handed over to a private corporation. He is of the opinion that, perhaps, this would result in an increase in efficiency and, consequently, in the provision of a better service.

The Public Services Organisation review group concludes that it was not feasible to separate the postal and the telecommunications services and they recommended that the Department, like other Departments, should be reorganised on the Aireacht executive agency basis. The reorganisation of Departments along the lines recommended by the review group are being tried out in selected Departments and the position of the Post Office will be kept under review in the light of the experience in those Departments. I should add here that the Post Office Users' Council which shall be coming into being shortly — certainly before the end of the present year — shall be able also to offer views in regard to that area.

Deputy G. Fitzgerald asked for details of the major improvements carried out in the telephone service. I do not quite understand this request because not only did I mention a number of the more important major improvements in a fairly long list in my opening statement but also in the notes for Deputies which I circulated, particulars of the development of the telephone service in 1973-74 are given in some detail on pages 17, 18 and 19. It is clear that there have been major improvements as there should be and as this House and country have every right to expect in relation to the money being expanded.

Many difficulties which were the subject of frequent complaint last year in areas such as Rathmines and Balls-bridge in Dublin, and Clonmel and Dungarvan in the provinces, have been removed as a result of the installation of new exchange equipment. Some Deputies have acknowledged this in the course of the debate, for example, Deputy Griffin in relation to the Clonmel area. It is not the case that improvements in the Dublin area are being made at the expense of development in the provinces. I submit with respect to some of the Deputies concerned, that this is not the type of point which should be made in a debate of this kind. It is an irrelevant piece of point-scoring. People in the provinces want a good service in Dublin. They often have to call Dublin and go through Dublin. They cannot say "forget about Dublin", because that would be wrong.

The improvements in the service in the Dublin area are important not only for the Dublin local subscribers but also for the large number of trunk calls made to Dublin from the country and abroad. This is a matter in which there is not a real clash of interests between urban and rural areas. Subscribers in the rural areas have a right not merely to accept, but to demand improvements in Dublin. Dublin is one of the areas which has had the greatest difficulty in this matter.

Deputy Blaney and others referred to abnormal delays in answering at the Dublin exchanges. Again, this reflects the phenomenon to which I have just referred, that is, that rural Deputies are as concerned about the Dublin exchange as Dubliners. These abnormal delays, which I very much regret, were due to a number of causes, the principal being difficulties in the automatic system which result in abnormal demands being made for assistance on the manual exchange. The result is that with the staff and numbers of switchboard positions available, it is not practicable to answer many calls without delay. The very steep growth in the numbers of international calls has also been a factor. Most of the work of one of the four existing manual exchanges is now devoted to handing international calls. There is ground for hope for a real improvement here in the fairly near future. I do not want to exaggerate the extent of the improvement, but I hope it will be quite presentable.

When the new international exchange, with more sophisticated equipment, is open to take over this work later this month—indeed, I think I am due to open it next Saturday—we hope that the service from "10" will be improved. However, until the manual exchanges can be relieved of quite a lot of work which should be handled automatically by equipment, it is unlikely that it will be practicable to give the kind of prompt answering service which we would like to give at all times.

Deputy Blaney made a strong plea for the reintroduction of the "call-back" procedure for trunk calls. We would like to be able to meet his request in this regard, but in the conditions prevailing, with operators fully occupied in trying to answer calls and to connect them to the numbers required as quickly as possible, it is just not practicable to do so.

On the question of adequate staffing of exchanges referred to by Deputy Blaney, I should like to repeat that some 1,250 telephonists have been recruited throughout the country since last summer and some 200 are at present at training in Dublin alone. There is, therefore, no question of cutting back on staffing requirements. Quite the opposite. The difficulty is that in a number of exchanges we have not got the accommodation at present to enlarge the existing switchboard equipment. Again, we are trying to cope with that.

Suggestions were made that additional groups of applicants should be included in the priority categories of applications for telephones. At present, priority applications approximate to about 40 per cent of total demand, which is really remarkably high. Any increase in this proportion is considered undesirable. In regard to the point made by Deputy Power, applications for telephone service where priority is claimed on grounds of disability, are especially considered. The priority categories are reviewed from time to time with a view to ensuring that generally they represent the classes of persons for whom the telephone service is essential.

It is sometimes suggested that the priority system is being abused. I do not think it is. I would welcome from any Deputy who thinks it is being abused any evidence to that effect and I will certainly consider it and communicate with him in any particular case.

Deputy McMahon referred to the need for the Department to cooperate with other organisations providing underground plant to reduce as much as possible the dislocation caused by road or pathway openings. My Department keep in touch with local authorities, developers and other bodies, for example, to lay new duct lines when new roads are being constructed and we are endeavouring to develop these contacts as far as possible. Road or pathway openings made by the Department in the course of their essential work are re-instated in as satisfactory a manner as is possible as soon as completion of the work in hand permits. Local authorities usually carry out the permanent reinstatement work and as soon as possible after the telephone works are completed, my Department request them to have this reinstatement work done.

Deputy McMahon also said he had complaints from people in the Tallaght area that telephone applications in that area are not dealt with in chronological order. I referred to this matter before. Priority applications are, of course, taken out of the queue and given special attention. That is what we mean by "priority". Apart from this, applications which it has been necessary to defer, are generally dealt with according to date of application but this is in all cases, subject to availability of plant and equipment. Provision of underground cabling in new housing estates, for example, is dependent on development of the estate and it may well be that cable becomes available for a later applicant before it can be provided for an earlier one. It is this structural difficulty which accounts for most of the complaints which one hears on this matter.

Deputy John Kelly, Parliamentary Secretary to the Taoiseach, asked for an assurance that unauthorised interception of telephone calls—telephone tapping—was not taking place. We would be very concerned indeed if there were evidence or reason to believe that unauthorised interception —that is, interception not duly authorised by the Minister for Justice was occurring within the telephone system. My Department now, as in the past, are prepared fully to cooperate with the Minister for Justice in what might be required in this area. For obvious reasons, however, we are not in a position to give the kind of assurance sought, that is, that unauthorised interception will never take place. Nobody can guarantee that.

Apart from officers of the Department who have in the course of their work immediate access to exchange lines, switchboards, trunk lines, and so forth through which calls are made, it remains technically impossible for any person with the necessary skill and means who has or can gain physical access to the system throughout the country—whether within or outside telephone buildings, in subscriber's premises or by interfering with wires and cables—to listen in to calls. This applies to telephone systems all over the world and is a factor which in common prudence all of us who use the telephone system should be aware of.

Apart from taking certain precautionary measures, one must rely to a large extent on the integrity of telephone staffs not to engage or cooperate in unauthorised interception of calls. Crossed lines and some other faults in the system usually associated with congestion may and do cause accidental overhearing. Because at present there is an acknowledged state of congestion in the telephone system, we hear so many complaints about crossed lines. This is very regrettable and undesirable but it can only be eliminated by eliminating the congestion which causes the problem. That in turn can only be done by adequate investment. This is something which no telephone organisation has succeeded in eliminating but we hope that the cause which gives rise to it will be eliminated as improvements are effected.

The Parliamentary Secretary to the Taoiseach said the Department should, on aesthetic grounds, take down their overhead plants in towns. The objections to poles and cables are appreciated and an increasing proportion of the Department's plant is now being put underground. In new housing estates most of the cabling is placed underground. Arrangements are made with the builders to lay ducts at the building stage. However, while we have such huge arrears of construction work to be done to meet public demand, we cannot afford, apart from cost considerations, to devote as much effort as we should like to taking down overhead plant purely on aesthetic grounds. I think the public would understand such a system of priority.

Deputy Kelly also referred to the possibility of ineffective calls being metered as effective calls. The meters are designed to start a call only when a person lifts the instrument at the called end. The meters used by the Department are supplied and installed by reputable contractors. They are manufactured to a high standard of quality and accuracy. Meters will, of course, record if one dials a wrong number. There is no immediate remedy for this other than to claim a refund. The Department readily meet this and other kinds of bona fide claims in relation to telephone accounts.

Deputy Callanan referred to delays in completing installation of the telephone service and mentioned an applicant who had been offered a refund. As I mentioned in my opening statement, the severe storms last winter necessitated the diversion of staff from insulation work to the repair of the widespread damage caused. This seriously disrupted the installation programme and caused heavy delay in the provision of service for many applicants. In these cases, refunds of advance money paid were offered, with collection later when the Department would be in a position to start installation work. The provision of service in these outstanding places is being accorded the highest priority.

Deputy Power asked whether I had satisfied myself as to what had occurred in relation to the restoration of telephones to the fire brigade and ambulance service in Maynooth. As I already advised the Deputy by letter on 12th March last, I had full inquiries made in the matter. There was a conflict of evidence and it was not possible to establish beyond doubt when the lines were restored. In my letter I renewed my assurances to the Deputy that the telephone service to the fire brigade and ambulance service would be given top priority for maintenance. I should like to thank Deputy Power for his courteous references to the manner in which his representations were dealt with by the Department and by myself.

Mhol an Teachta Geoghegan líne telefóin a thógáil díreach idir Cor na Móna agus an Mám. Ar an ngnáthbhealach, ba chosúil gurbh ionmholta é seo ó thárla gan an dá áit seo ach cúig mhíle go leith ó chéile. Níor mhór, áfach, cuaillí agus sreanganna nua a thógáil ar feadh leath-chuid an bhealaigh ar a laghad, agus bhainfeadh costás iomarcach leis seo de bhrí nach ndéantar ach fíor-bheagán glaonna— timpeall dhá cheann sa 1ó.

D'fhiafraigh an Teachta céanna an raibh aon bhealach a bhféadfadh telefónaí aithnaechtáil go raibh glaothóir ag luadh uimhir mhí-cheart agus é ag iarraidh trunc-ghlaoigh. Tá níos mó ná caoi amháin a bhféadann an telefónaí daoine a thugann uimhir mhí-cheart a aithneachtáil, ach tuigfidh an Teachta nárbh fheiliúnach dhom mion-eolas a thúirt.

Deputy Blaney asked that consideration be given to the introduction of timing on local calls. This is one of the aspects of the telephone tariff structure which comes under review periodically. Timing of local calls is not considered practicable at present —the installation of additional equipment at every automatic exchange throughout the country would be necessary. In present conditions this suggestion, if adopted, would cause operating difficulties at many manual exchanges. However, the matter is being kept under review.

Deputy Blaney also referred to a number of recent telephone interruptions to the west and the north-west. These were mostly caused by damage to the western coaxial cable by road works. The Department have tried to eliminate or at least greatly reduce this kind of interruption by seeking the co-operation of local authorities and roadwork contractors, in particular by asking them to advise the Department in advance of their proposals so that a post office engineer could attend to ensure that damage is not caused to cables. However, it has proved very difficult to get roadwork contractors to take sufficient care in regard to potential danger of damage to telephone cables because of the use of bulldozers and so forth. Our efforts in this regard are being renewed.

The Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Local Government referred to the problem of providing a telephone service for the people of the Black Valley in Kerry. This problem has been extensively considered on a number of times by the Department but there does not, unfortunately, appear to be any way of providing a service that would not be prohibitively costly. A solution by using a short wave air link would not be considered feasible both because of the high degree of interference and because a short wave system is not considered technically suitable for connection to the public network. If cost of the order required to give service to the relatively small number of households were incurred in this case, it would be difficult to resist demands for the provision of kiosks in other remote areas, regardless of the cost involved.

Deputy Begley also asked when an automatic service would be available in the Kerry Gaeltacht. It is planned to convert Dingle exchange to automatic working in about four years. Conversion of the other smaller exchanges in the area will follow as soon as possible afterwards.

Deputy Blaney suggested that kiosks were not provided on a uniform basis and that he believed his constituency had not been treated as well as the rest of the country. Uniform criteria are used for providing kiosks for rural areas. There are approximately 1,800 kiosks outside Dublin and of these 97 are located in County Donegal. The same Deputy suggested that kiosks are provided in rural areas only where they are expected to be self-supporting. This is not the case, as has been explained several times. In urban areas, kiosks are provided only where they are likely to pay their way, but in rural areas they are being provided on an increasingly subsidised scale according as the facilities are being extended to areas which show lower and lower use of existing public telephones. If there is any question of discrimination here, it is in the urban areas that are discriminated against. We realise the demand in rural areas and we are trying to meet that as far as it can be met without involving the State in altogether excessive expenditure in this area.

Deputies McMahon and Dowling mentioned the problem of kiosk vandalism. The Department has had this problem under constant examination. Various measures have been taken to make public telephone kiosks more resistant to damage by vandals. These include the fitting of steel plates to secure the coin boxes, the introduction of specially strengthened coin boxes which has recently begun, and the inclusion in the mechanism of some kiosks of alarm devices. The question of publicity is also being considered. The need to do everything practicable to curb wanton damage to telephone kiosks is fully recognised, and any help or suggestions towards this end will be welcomed. Deputy Blaney mentioned a particular difficulty with the 2p coin slot. His problem in this regard is probably due to vandalism. Jamming the coin slot with foreign objects is, unfortunately, a frequent occurrence.

Deputy Gallagher suggested that national schools serving areas of 70 to 80 houses could be taken as suitable sites for kiosks. It is most unlikely that this criterion could be accepted as it would involve provision of kiosks which would be very little used. As indicated already, the present system of determining priorities will continue until a better system can be devised and, in any event, until the current year's programme, which is full, has been completed. This whole matter is being considered at the present time and the Deputy's suggestion will be borne in mind.

Deputy Power and other Deputies referred to the telex service. There is generally very little complaint regarding the quality of the telex service. A large new exchange is at present in service under test conditions. This will cater for more subscribers and a big expansion in international telex traffic. Plans for the future include the expansion of the telex service to about 60 other countries or areas later this year.

The Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Local Government referred to a dispute that affected a number of telephone exchanges in parts of the south west of the country on two week-ends recently, and he expressed the hope that there would be an early settlement of the dispute. He also said that the Department should have advertised locally and nationally that there would be inconvenience and that the names of neighbouring exchanges that were open should have been given. The action taken by the postmasters concerned was unofficial and has since stopped. Negotiations on the subject matter of the dispute are to take place shortly between the postmasters' union and the Department. It was not possible to advertise in advance the names of the exchanges that would be open and the names of those that would be closed, as the Department had no definite information about what exchanges would be affected by the closure. The Department regrets very much the inconvenience caused to the public by the unofficial action of the post masters concerned. Deputy Power said, and I quote from column 565, Volume 272 of 5th June, 1974 of the Official Report:

...there is a political influence at work which could provide a telephone more quickly for somebody who did not need it as quickly as an earlier applicant...

and at column 566 he said their was evidence of people getting telephones in his own area through political pull. Nothing is known to support the Deputy's statement. It is suggested that he should be asked, and I do ask him, to produce the evidence mentioned in his statement.

The arrangement for cutting off automatic time on local calls from coin boxes was first introduced during the war in 1944 in the Dublin and Dún Laoghaire areas. It was later extended to the few automatic areas outside Dublin. It was decided in 1959 not to place further orders for extensions for the arrangement because of cost consideration, the greatly increased numbers of kiosks and rented telephones, and the fact that the purpose of the facility was being circumvented by arrangements whereby the call parties rang back the kiosk. This decision not to go on with this was confirmed in 1963, I believe, when Deputy Hilliard was Minister. On this as on some other matters, perhaps naturally, members of the Opposition call on the Department to do things which they, while in Government, decided to desist from doing, and I shall not make too much of a meal out of that one.

Deputy Griffin drew attention to delay in telephone calls between Ballyporeen and Mitchelstown. The principal reason for this is shortage of trunk circuits in Mitchelstown, and the situation is expected to be remedied in the course of the present year.

Deputy T. Fitzpatrick, Dublin, has suggested that telephone meters should be provided in subscribers' premises enabling them to check their telephone accounts in the same way as ESB meters are provided. A meter can be provided on a rental basis to record the number of local call units recorded in respect of dialled local and trunk calls. The meter in the exchange would have to continue to be the one on which accounts are based. For the information of any Deputy and members of the public who may be interested, the rental is £1.20 a quarter and the connection fee is 15p. Those who want to have the facility of checking their accounts—and I appreciate the Deputy's point, which is an interesting one—should note the existence of these facilities and decide whether they wish to avail themselves of them.

I would now like to come to the subject of broadcasting about which a number of points were made. I would like to consider broadcasting under three heads: First, points made about broadcasting in general as a subject of the debate which covered quite a wide range; I think at least half the debate, although I have not checked the figures, was devoted to broadcasting, and about half of my own remarks also, perhaps a little more, will be devoted to the same. Then I would like to consider the very broad concept of what is called the national culture in relation to broadcasting, and finally the relation of the Irish language, part of the national culture certainly but also to be considered distinct. Those are the three areas I would like to consider.

On broadcasting generally, a number of Deputies commented either critically or in a complimentary way on various programmes on RTE. I think the House understands it is the usage that it would not be appropriate for me to comment on particular broadcasts and especially not on particular broadcasters, but I know that the authority and the broadcasters themselves take careful note of what is said during this debate. I would only like to make the general point that I was interested in and impressed by the very general support which exists among Deputies, presumably their constituents also, for what is being done in radio. I think comments in relation to radio tend to be, on the whole, more favourable than those on television. Perhaps this has something to do with the nature of the medium. I do not know.

Deputies Moore, Dowling and Blaney suggested that extra money should be provided to improve RTE's existing services, and that if there is to be a second channel it should be operated by RTE. None of these Deputies comes from the single channel area, and the information available to the Department would suggest that the viewers in the single channel area would not regard a second RTE channel as giving them a real choice if the BBC service can be provided instead. It is agreed that RTE should be enabled to continue to develop and, in particular, to provide more locallyoriginated material irrespective of what programme service is transmitted on the second channel.

As I have said in this debate, I am interested in defending the standard of service provided by RTE as against outside competition. I believe also in permitting more outside competition. I agree that it increases the financial burden on RTE. I think the State should meet that burden in order to support not merely present standards but an improvement of the standards. I also believe that the natural and proper way for RTE to meet this competition—the way in which it can in fact serve its natural audience even in competition—is by extending the number and improving the quality of home-produced programmes. I personally would like to see the emphasis on development in RTE go on to that. I do realise that it takes money.

Deputy Brugha on the open broadcasting concept, which I mentioned at the outset, drew a distinction between relaying the BBC by cable and relaying it by means of transmitters. He opposed the idea of handling over a television channel to a foreign broadcasting corporation. There seems to be some slight confusion here. The actual network of transmitters now being erected—and this is not just an idea; it is something which is going ahead— would, of course, remain under State control. This Government favours using this network to transmit BBC 1, Northern Ireland or UTV. If, after a few years, the people decide they do not want this type of programme, or if a future Government were to decide that the second network should be used for something else, then they would, and must, be quite free to take such a decision. No control would have been lost and nothing would have been handed over. I hope this will become very clear as a result of this discussion.

However, the distinction between relaying the BBC by cable and by transmitter, made later in the debate by Deputy Power, expresses a view certainly held by some Members of the Opposition. Deputy Power said, at column 575 of Volume 273, No. 4 of Wednesday, 5th June, 1974:

It can be said that the BBC programmes are being beamed to the people in the eastern part of the country at the moment, but there is no official recognition of that. What the Minister has in mind would be likely to give official recognition to that. The effect would be that we would lose our identity still more.

In other words—and this is what I said at the outset in a phrase to which Deputy Colley took very strong exception—I said that we objected not to listening to the BBC or viewing BBC but to admitting that we listened to and viewed BBC, or that some people did. Of course, that is exactly what is in that statement by Deputy Power on the record of this House. In other words, our identity is threatened, not by a certain fact but by the recognition of that fact. I am afraid this attitude is still all too frequent in what used to be called the party of reality.

For my part, I do not share in the general sense of insecurity about the Irish identity which seems to affect some Members of this House. I do not feel, as does Deputy Blaney, that we have been weakening as a people for quite a considerable time. I think we do our best service to the national identity by having the confidence to live our own individual lives in accordance with our own varying tastes and opinions—and they are varied—and I shall come back to this matter later, if you will allow me, Sir, in a much more extended way.

Deputy Moore urged that the advertising of drink on RTE should be stopped. This is an interesting point and I know there is rather widespread feeling to that effect. The Minister's statutory function in relation to RTE advertising is limited to section 20, subsection (3) of the Broadcasting Authority Act, 1960, which lays down that the total daily time fixed by the authority for broadcasting advertisements and the distribution of that time throughout the programme is subject to the approval of the Minister. Advertisements for spirits—hard liquors—are not taken by RTE. The advertising of other alcoholic drinks accounted for about 7 per cent, £287,000, of RTE's revenue from advertisements in 1972-73. For some years past there have been criticisms about drink advertisements. Following joint consultations between the Department of Health, RTE and the Post Office about advertising of alcoholic drinks on television, the authority introduced a stricter code for such advertisements in November, 1973. The question of advertisements for alcoholic drink on radio and television must be considered in the context of the general question of advertising in all the media. A complete prohibition on radio and TV advertisements might merely result in diversion of the money formerly spent on these to advertisements in the other media.

Deputy Moore suggested that RTE radio and television transmitters should be increased in power so that they could be received in Britain. RTE television is not receivable in Britain, apart from Wales into which our signals go with much the same effectiveness as Welsh signals come in here along the east coast. The normal range of a television transmitter is about 60 miles.

In radio, reception of Athlone transmissions on 530 metres stretches broadly to areas west of a line from Bristol, through Leeds to Edinburgh. The distance at which reception of Irish programmes may be obtained depends, to an extent, upon the sensitivity of receiving and aerial equipment. The Athlone transmitter is being replaced by a more powerful one and this should give improved reception of RTE radio in Britain.

On the question of colour, Deputy Dowling complained that old age pensioners and veterans of the War of Independence who have colour television sets have to pay for colour television licences. The Departments of Social Welfare and Defence administer the television licence schemes for certain old age pensioners and veterans of the War of Independence. The Department of Posts and Telegraphs acts as agents for the Departments in operating the scheme. With the introduction of the special colour licence fee of £15 on 1st October 1973, the Departments of Social Welfare and Defence decided that they would pay for the monochrome element only, £9, in the new fee. Eligible pensioners with colour television sets are obliged to pay the difference between the cost of a colour licence and a monocrome licence, £6. Any amendment of the conditions attached to the operation of the scheme is a matter for the Departments concerned.

The question of a shortwave station is something of a perennial. It was raised by Deputy Dowling and Deputy Blaney also urged that our programmes be beamed outwardly towards Europe. The Government, in July, 1945, decided that a high power shortwave broadcasting station should be established to serve North America, Australia and the South Pacific, Europe and South America. Equipment was purchased and some work was done on the project but it was eventually abandoned in the early 1950s. The reason for not proceeding with the station were (1) the difficulty of getting a suitable wavelength; (2) the negligible amount of shortwave listening throughout the world because of poor listening conditions; (3) the general absence of shortwave bands on radio sets in America, and (4) the appeal of television which was likely to reduce radio audiences in general. I am satisfied that these reasons were sound; that they have not been weakened subsequently and in fact some of them have been strengthened.

There is still no international shortwave allocation plan. While there is a procedure under the International Telecommunications Union to be adopted in connection with the use of high frequency wavebands there is no compulsion on administrations to stick to a particular frequency. In practice many administrations change their frequencies to suit actual propagation and interference conditions in order to achieve a satisfactory service. There is no evidence of any significant increase in the number of radio sets capable of receiving international shortwave broadcasts. Because of the technical difficulty and the practical drawbacks the Broadcasting Review Committee was not satisfied that there was sufficient justification existing for the provision of a shortwave broadcasting service. The provision of such a service at this stage would be very expensive. The cost of equipment alone would probably be in the region of £500,000. I am fully satisfied that such an expenditure would not be justified.

Deputy Blaney complained that, as far as the broadcasting of news and views on the Six Counties problem was concerned, there has not been a fair deal given to a point of view other than the point of view of the Establishment, whether this Government or the last. Deputy Blaney suggested here, and let me quote from Volume 273, No. 3, of the Official Report of Thursday 30th May, 1974, at columns 424-5:

...but is a real effort on the part of one person out of 144——

He is referring to himself——

who does not hold the same views as the majority—I might add that the shame is on the House that this is the situation.

The shame is on the House that not everybody agrees with Deputy Blaney.

One Deputy does not hold the views of the other 143, if one considers the odd statements made by the respective leaders. Because I am only one out of 144, this does not mean that I should be allowed only a 144th part of the time given to news of our national problem and on the problem of the Six Counties generally.

Then I interjected: "Why not? The Deputy gets much more."

Mr. Blaney: I am trying to explain that it would be totally wrong to hold that because there is only one out of 144 in discord with others on such an important matter he should be allowed only 144th part. It is the other side of the story and, disproportionate though it may seem, it should be entitled to almost as much or equal time as the Establishment or those holding the bipartisan approach so far as the national broadcasting system is concerned.

So, Deputy Blaney is asking for equal time on broadcasting to the whole rest of this House. I think that is a highly exaggerated claim and I think the House and most people will think the same. I agree that where there is a minority view it not merely ought to, but will be likely to get an amount of time disproportionate to the number of people actually holding that view. It is reasonable that it should. But, in fact, Deputy Blaney gets more than average coverage; he gets more coverage than any other non-front bench TD. The fact is that when Deputy Blaney speaks there is felt to be a sort of whiff of blood about his remarks and that tends to attract the media. That, also, is an unfortunate fact but an existing one. He has no legitimate complaint whatever about not being adequately covered.

The Parliamentary Secretary to the Taoiseach, Deputy Kelly, suggested that section 31 (2) of the Broadcasting Authority Act, 1960, should be used to put across messages on social problems about which, broadly speaking, there is consensus. Essentially, this suggestion concerns day-to-day programming which comes within the bailiwick of the RTE Authority. The authority will no doubt consider the desirability of putting on programmes dealing with the type of problems the Parliamentary Secretary has in mind. When the broadcasting authority was being established the intention was that it should have the maximum freedom in programme matters and matters of day-to-day administration. The power given to the Minister in section 31 (2) is limited and does not cover the type of thing the Parliamentary Secretary has in mind. It is felt that the scope of the subsection should not be widened. The subsection provides that the Minister may direct the authority in writing to allocate broadcasting time for any announcement by or on behalf of any Minister of State in connection with the functions of that Minister of State and the authority shall comply with the direction. In practice the authority broadcasts public service announcements on behalf of Government Departments without charge and without a direction from the Minister. Messages like those of the Department of Health concerning smoking are, however, charged for as advertisements. It is not my present intention to change that.

Deputy Gene Fitzgerald asked why RTE's advertising revenue declined towards the end of the last financial year and why this state of affairs was continuing. Advertising income is very sensitive to movements in the economy generally. The advent of the power strike and the three-day week in England towards the end of last year severely hit RTE's advertising sales. The former buoyancy has not returned following the easing of the energy situation and the return to full working in England. RTE informed me that because of the general, worldwide economic uncertainty advertisers continue at present to be reluctant to make any long-term commitments on advertising expenditure.

Deputy Colley made a number of points some of which related to broadcasting specifically and some related to the concept of national culture. At this stage I should like to take his comments specifically affecting broadcasting. He made the point that broadcasting time not being used by Radio na Gaeltachta should be available for other purposes. I agree, and this is being done. We are in fact giving, as listeners throughout the country will have noticed, much wider choice— stepped up, I think from something like 20 to 150 hours in which choice is available—on radio. I am in favour of stepping that up with more effective and more economic use of present equipment and facilities to perhaps 1,000 hours, moving in the general direction of a second radio channel. That would be an economic use of what we have and I see more merit in it for the moment than I do in a second television channel.

He then spoke about the open broadcasting concept and about taking of foreign service from Northern Ireland which did not reflect the aspirations of the people of Northern Ireland. The situation whereby the services that come to us from Northern Ireland are linked to British services. ITV and BBC, exists because the majority of the population of Northern Ireland have wanted it that way. You cannot therefore say that these services do not reflect the aspirations of these people if that is the way the majority of them have wanted it, unless you say at the same time: "We know what all the people of Northern Ireland should aspire to and when they aspire to that we shall listen to them."

The fact is that we must take account not only of what the minority there want—although we should take account of that—but also of what the majority want. It may be that will change and that the majority in Norther Ireland will, after a given time, no longer want this and the situation will change. In those conditions, if what we would be hearing would be something that did reflect the aspiration of the majority in Northern Ireland and although it were a Loyalist aspiration couched in Loyalist language would the gentlemen opposite be all that keen to hear and see it? Personally I think we should be prepared to hear and see it.

These are the difficulties: It is no use just saying: "This is a British service; it reflects nothing about Northern Ireland." It is there only because a majority of the people of Northern Ireland want it. We are constantly dodging that point because we do not like it but we should concerntrate our minds on it.

He then spoke of how I should insist on reciprocity whenever I am negotiating with Merlyn Rees or with Roy Jenkins, I should say: "By the way, one of these ideas is tied with the other and you cannot have one without the other." The fact is that the British, as such, do not particularly want either: they do not particularly want us to have BBC 1 and they do not particularly want the inhabitants of Northern Ireland to receive RTE. It is from us that the push comes on both of these, not because of some little idea of my own but because a very sizeable minority in Northern Ireland want to be able to receive RTE, and because a very sizeable section of the people in the south and west want to receive BBC. It is as simple as that and I am merely expressing that dual wish. I wish to express it as effectively as possible, not by making debating points or striking attitudes about how I must have reciprocity—to which I would get the answer: "Too bad, we do not care whether you get reciprocity or not". All I want to do is to get progress on both these fronts. The fact is that some gentlemen in this House are more interested in striking attitudes about British than in getting results in negotiations——

The point is that people in Belfast would like to see RTE without having to travel to Dundalk.

I am aware of that and I want to meet the needs of those people. The Deputy will forgive me if I say I do not want to engage in dialogue with him.

I do not want to see motives being interpreted by the Minister. Each of us has his own motive.

Plenty of motives have been attributed to me and it cuts both ways. I am sure the Deputy will allow me to make my own speech. I appreciate the points raised by him and this is exactly what I am anxious to meet. I am anxious that everyone in Belfast who wants to receive RTE, both radio and television, will be able to do it. I want to pursue my discussions in a way that gets to that end and also ensure the other possibility for people in the south and west. I want to be allowed to proceed in my negotiations in the way I think most likely to be fruitful.

The Deputy wanted evidence of the attitude to which I have referred, the opposition to open broadcasting I have encountered here. He might consult the Official Record and read the speech in Irish made by Deputy Tunney not long ago when Private Members' Time was given to a discussion of the Gaeltacht and the Irish language. At that time Deputy Tunney opposed the idea that the people in the south and west should be exposed to what he called telefís na Bainriona, the Queen's television. As I have put on record here already, no Deputy from the south or the west has said that, and Deputy Tunney when speaking in English in this debate did not say it either.

Let me be clear about this. If we want to keep out British television and radio, it is possible to do it. It is possible to jam it, and it is certainly possible to check its spread and to rule out cable television. If the people who are taking this line are serious about turning Ireland into a provincial region and so on, they would be suggesting the extension into this sphere of the mentality behind the original working of the old Censorship of Publications Act, to get that into broadcasting and make Ireland a little Tibet. They are not suggesting that. They do not dare do so because the people do not want that, and they know it. None of the Dublin Deputies who groused here about BBC being made available in the south and west is prepared to ask me to cut off cable television in their own Dublin constituencies to protect their constituents from becoming British provincials, as they affect to think. If I say this campaign is hypocritical, I think the people can make up their minds on that subject and I will be content to leave it at that.

There is a certain weakness in the Minister's logic.

The people can make up their minds about any weakness in my logic or in the logic of the gentlemen opposite. The matter is before them. No doubt the Deputy is an authority on the subject.

There is a weakness in that logic.

I did not interrupt the gentlemen opposite, certainly not as frequently as I have been interrupted in the last few minutes. I hope the Deputy will restrain himself.

I will restrain myself but I have told the Minister that his logic has a certain weakness.

The Minister should be allowed to make his statement without interruption.

I do not think the Deputy spoke in the debate. I certainly do not recall that he spoke.

I did not speak.

The Deputy could have spoken then.

I intended to but circumstances precluded it.

The present method is a disorderly way of doing so.

I am trying to keep the disorder as civilised as possible.

Interruptions do not help.

I agree it is disorder of a relatively high quality. Deputy Begley, Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Local Government, complained about Radio na Gaeltachta's coverage of Glór na nGael and on Caidreamh Scríbhneoirí and alleged that the station had snubbed the Minister for the Gaeltacht. RTE say with its obvious limitations in terms of staff and facilities Radio na Gaeltachta cannot give the attention which may well be due at any given time to public events. This service may also be at fault occasionally in its judgment of priorities. Although I would not normally express an opinion on this subject, I think it was at fault here.

In the specific cases mentioned by the Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Local Government, Radio na Gaeltachta devoted half an hour to the occasion on which Clochán Bhréanainn received the Glór na nGael award. It was of necessity a prerecorded feature. This was followed by a news bulletin coverage. The march by Cearta Sibhialta na Gaeltachta through Connemara was covered in a news bulletin report. Radio na Gaeltachta has apologised to Comharchumann Forbartha Chorca Dhuibhne for failing to give adequate attention to an Caidreamh Scríbhneoirí.

Deputies Begley and Geoghegan urged extension of the hours of broadcasting of Radio na Gaeltachta. RTE say that an extension of broadcasting hours is being considered at the moment and is under discussion by Comhairle Radio na Gaeltachta but priority is being given to improving the service within its present hours, particularly in the area of local news and news follow-up. In the autumn it is planned to transmit daily from Monday to Friday a half hour's news service of local news from all Gaeltacht areas as well as national news. It is hoped this development will be accompanied by a small extension of broadcasting hours.

Will it be at midday?

I am sorry I do not have that information, but I will find out for the Deputy. The Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Local Government, Deputy Begley, asked that the possibility of giving free television licences to those in receipt of disability pensions be examined. The television licence scheme for certain old age pensioners is administered by the Department of Social Welfare. The Department of Posts and Telegraphs merely act as agent in operating the scheme. Any extension of the scheme would be a matter for the Minister for Social Welfare.

Deputy E. Collins asked if the Minister would carry out a survey in Dublin to ascertain how many people look at RTE as opposed to BBC 1. BBC 2 or ITV and how many hours they spend looking at RTE as compared with the other stations. RTE engaged TAM (Ireland) Ltd. to assist in their audience research work. The latest figures available from this source relate to the month of March, 1974. They indicate that during the month of March, on average about 52 per cent of the sets in use in the multi-channel area were tuned to the RTE programme. The TAM figures do not break up the balance, 48 per cent, as between the different stations but RTE are slightly ahead.

I am not allowed to comment generally on programmes. However there is one aspect on which I must comment because it concerns suggestions made by some Deputies, notably Deputies Dowling and G. Fitzgerald, to the effect that there is party political interference with broadcasting in the interests of the governing party. If that were true it would be a very serious accusation, and as it has been made by Deputies in this House I have to take it seriously and to comment on it. At column 346 of the Official Report, dated 30th May, 1974, Deputy Dowling said:

The situation is that party political broadcasts, as such, are not allowed by the present Government. There is no face to face confrontation with Members of the Opposition as there was when Fianna Fáil were in power.

The Parliamentary Secretary to the Taoiseach said:

That is not true.

Deputy Dowling stated.

We have now the situation where Ministers are protected when being televised.

Further on he said:

Is it not time that the Minister for Posts and Telegraphs saw to it that they could stand on their own feet? The set-up is protection—protection for Ministers on RTE.

He went on at column 347:

We hope the day is not far distant when the Minister will feel free to return to the open situation we had before. What we have now is closed Government, closed television for the Minister and his colleagues.

That was the material part of what Deputy Dowling said. Deputy Fitzgerald also touched on the subject. It was touched on to a lesser extent by Deputies Blaney and Tunney. Deputy Fitzgerald complained about former Government Ministers not getting fair play:

The Government are cracking up.

In a quaint sentence at column 659 he said:

With the help of the Minister and of RTE we are not being given the impression that we have a Government that is tottering at every level and in every Department.

If it is my duty to give the country the impression that we have a Government that is tottering at every level and in every Department, I would not accept that that is what I am supposed to do. The thrust of all these remarks is that the Government have been interfering to keep the Opposition off. There are several things to be said here. First of all, as regards the question of confrontation, it is up to any Minister or any Deputy to make the decision for himself whether he is prepared to broadcast with others on a panel on any particular occasion or whether he is not prepared to do so. Under successive Governments these options have quite naturally been exercised even by individual Ministers in different ways. There were times when Fianna Fáil Ministers were prepared to go on the air with their opposite numbers, principally, I think, at election times, and there were times when they were not. For example, I recall during the arms trial crisis, Deputy Garret FitzGerald and myself were anxious to engage in debate with the then Foreign Minister who was Deputy Hillery. Deputy Hillery exercised his right—we criticised his exercise of his right but all this was fair game on both sides—not to appear with us. He said: "I am not going to appear with you." What he did was to listen to what we said and then he had the privilege of commenting on that on the air. One might perhaps object to that as a mode of dialogue because he had it easy. He could comment on what we were saying and we could not comment on what he was saying.

Since the Government changed Ministers have decided, as in the past, whether or not they wanted to go on the air with their opposite numbers. As many people know for my part I have always been willing to appear, provided I am free, with my opposite number.

What was the point then in the Parliamentary Secretary's letter to us last autumn?

That was the fact that the Government parties did not want to continue participating in a particular type of programme. That is all. They have that right. So have you.

They have the right but they gave no reasons.

They have the right to do it and they decided to do it. Ministers are prepared to consider whether they will go on with their opposite numbers or not as the Opposition are and as the last Government were.

The last Government turned up for the most part. That is the point.

A more serious charge is the general suggestion that the Government as such as distinct from Minister's refusing to appear with their opposite numbers. If the Opposition like to object to that let them object. It is a fair point and the country will take whatever point there is in it. For myself I think the Ministers have a perfect right not to appear with the Opposition if they want to.

The Minister makes it a matter of personal decision for each individual Minister. This was a letter covering everybody.

I do wish that Deputy Wilson had been able to attend during the debate and speak instead of confining himself to disorderly interruptions.

I could not. I was working. My comments are only disorderly when the Minister cannot deal with them.

The Minister must be allowed to make his speech.

There is this suggestion that we are trying to keep the Opposition off the air. It is a fact, and Deputy Colley alluded to it just now, that under the previous Government there was a policy of keeping a very jealous eye on broadcasting to ensure that members of the Opposition and in particular certain members of the Opposition did not appear on television except in party political broadcasts, that their talents, such as they were, were not to be drawn upon. Thus in August, 1969, the then Government informed the authority that they disliked my being called on to participate in a programme about the possibility of calling on the UN for some kind of help in relation to the then developing Northern situation. RTE, I take it, wished me to participate because of my UN experience. The Government made it known that this was not liked and this, of course, was a Government which had the power to remove the whole authority at any time for no stated reason.

Similarly in 1971, and Deputy Colley referred to this, the then Government objected in writing to the authority about my services being used in connection with a set of cultural programmes called “We, the Irish”. You could, if you wanted to defend that practice to some extent I would even agree that in the cultural programme in question I did not refrain from making political points and I can understand that the Government of the day would be annoyed. I think, however, it would have been well for them to swallow their annoyance because for a Minister to warn an RTE authority that he does not like a member of the Opposition appearing on television is very like telling the authority: “You had better take it easy on coverage of the Opposition altogether”. For this reason in order to clarify that this attitude no longer survives, that this Government have no objection whatever to the Opposition appearing on television in any capacity in which they may be asked to appear, I have clarified that with the authority. I have informed them in writing that I want no restrictions at all in this area. I quote from my letter of 2nd May to the chairman of the authority. I said:

In case, however, the ministerial communication in question——

I am referring to the earlier one——

should have led to any kind of restrictions on broadcasting by members of the Opposition it may be well for me to make it clear that I do not wish or seek to impose any limitations whatever on any broadcasting by Members of the Oireachtas, irrespective also of the capacity in which the station may require their services, and they be prepared to provide them.

How, in the face of that, anyone can reasonably claim that this Government are trying to keep the Opposition off the air. I do not know and I do not know frankly why we should try to keep the Opposition off the air. I am quite happy to have them broadcast at any time on any subject in any capacity. As to whether Ministers themselves broadcast, that is their decision.

Very clever.

If the gentlemen opposite wish to complain about that, that is one thing but if they wish to suggest that the Government are keeping them off the air, that is quite simply not the case.

All Ministers agreed not to do that programme. Very funny.

Would the Deputy like me to stop and for him to make his own speech?

The Estimate has been discussed for four days. Interruptions are completely out of order.

Deputy Colley made a number of points. He came in late in this debate. He did not discuss the Estimate in general. He made some points directed against the Minister and, of course, that is legitimate on this Estimate. He accused me of intolerance and arrogance. Perhaps I have been guilty of failures in tolerance and humility. I am sorry if I have been. If I choose to study tolerance and humility, as I hope I will, I do not think I would go to school to Deputy Colley. I would choose Deputy Brugha, who is opposite me. I agree he could teach me a lot about those excellent qualities.

Deputy Colley also accused me of engaging in assertion not in proof. If everything that was said in the course of political discussion had to be proved with the rigour which is expected in a court of law our debates would be briefer than they are. When we say things in political debates publicly we are submitting them to a test, that is the test of public opinion, of people who know in general what we are talking about, who can test what we say against their own observations of the situation and make up their minds. If we are wrong, if we are saying things that do not seem convincing or proper to the people we are addressing it is their verdict that prevails and that is the end of our political lives. That applies to all of us so in a sense our argument goes before the highest political jury, which is the jury of the people. In relation to everything I have said I submit it to that verdict and I accept that verdict.

Deputy Colley claimed I made false statements and then drew lamentable conclusions from these. When asked for an example of a false statement he said that in a lecture I had said that the late Charles Stewart Parnell was denigrated by the republican movement. I asked him for the source of this extraordinary statement and he was unable to provide it. His recollection has misled him because I made no such statement. I could not have made such a statement. As a historian I specialised at one time in Parnell. I have written about him and I have been interested among other things, in the relation of subsequent generations to him and to his myth. I know the relationship of Parnell to the republican movement. I had to discuss this simply because it was raised as an example of my supposed wrecklessness with facts by a gentleman who did not know what he was talking about. The fact, in relation to that, may be briefly stated. During the divorce crisis Parnell became a hero to the republican movement. They saw in him, first, a potential martyr and then an actual martyr and they used that martyrdom, as is their habit. There was certainly no question of the republican movement denigrating Parnell after his death. During the part of his life from 1882 to 1890, when he took a position the republicans did not like, he was denigrated by the Fenians, as they were commonly called then. To say that he was denigrated by the republican tradition is completely false and I never said it. If Deputy Colley is driven to that kind of misrepresentation to show that I am not in the habit of telling the truth he must be pretty desperate.

He said that both sides in the Civil War respected democracy. I think that is odd. If democracy means the counting of heads the losing side in the Civil War did not respect democracy. They introduced distinctions which I think most of us, in historical retrospect, would regard as quibbles, to justify a position they took up, which I agree was a position different from what they would regard as patriotic but to say it was taken on democratic grounds is to distort reality.

It is not as simple as that. That is over-simplification.

The question of making the issues of the Civil War extremely complex is something of a speciality of the gentlemen opposite and I do not think I need plunge too deeply into that. Deputy Colley went on at rather tiresome length about an interview which The Irish Independent printed of what I was supposed to have said after my Waterford speech. As he went on at length about it I should say something about it. He ascribed great cleverness to me about this. I was not being particularly clever but was just saying what happened. The fact is I made a statement in Waterford, which was circulated to the Press, and afterwards an interview attributed to me was printed in The Irish Independent.

The interviewer said: "He labelled RTE's Irish language policy as overbearing, domineering and no longer acceptable." The point is I used those adjectives but not about the people I am said to be using them about in The Irish Independent. I used them about what one might call the gaeilgeoirí of the republican movement, in its widest use, including both the gentlemen opposite and both Sinn Féins. I accept that the reporter in question must genuinely have misunderstod me when I referred to an Irish lobby as referring to the Irish lobby in RTE. I did not do that and I did not say that. I am correctly quoted in relation to the adjectives I used but the presentation of my view is incorrect because it linked adjectives I used with a subject which was not the subject of those adjectives. I tried to make that clear to Deputy Colley. I think he is a very nice man in private life but when he gets on his feet in this House he tries to sound nastier and more obtuse than he really is because I think he understood the distinction. It is a fairly clear distinction and I think he made far too much of this.

I would now like to turn to the wider aspects which arise on this Estimate through the important connection there is between broadcasting, our culture and our shifting concepts of our culture which are concepts affected by our political philosophy, which necessarily, as all things do, also involve changes. In my opening remarks I referred only briefly to the question of the cultural responsibility of broadcasting. This is a question I had discussed outside the House and that discussion led to some controversy and I felt that, rather than develop the discussion further in my opening statement, I would wait to hear what Deputies had to say on the subject and consider their statements before making any further contribution on this most difficult subject and, of course, a number of Deputies did seriously question my attitude on this. Deputy Power, Deputy Gene Fitzgerald and Deputy Tunney questioned it while Deputy Colley attacked it in somewhat intemperate terms.

And the Parliamentary Secretary to the Taoiseach also.

The Parliamentary Secretary to the Taoiseach did criticise my attitude, and I am coming to that, but he did not do so intemperately. The situation is at present deemed to be governed by the Broadcasting Authority Act of 1960, which reads as follows:

In performing its functions the Authority should bear constantly in mind the national aims of restoring the Irish language and preserving and developing the national culture and shall endeavour to promote the attainment of those aims.

The Broadcasting Review Committee recommend that this section be replaced with a legislative declaration which would contain the following points:

Broadcasting should be concerned with safeguarding, enriching and strengthening the cultural, social and economic fabric of the whole of Ireland.

The Broadcasting system should provide a service which is essentially sIrish in content and character and which, in particular, encourages and fosters the Irish language.

This service should:—

(1) be a balanced service of information, enlightenment and entertainment for people of different ages, interests and tastes covering the whole range of programming in fair proportion;

(2) be in Irish and English with appropriate provision for other languages;

(ii) actively contribute to the flow and exchange of information, entertainment and culture within Ireland, and between Ireland and other countries, especially her partners in the European Economic Community; and

(iv) provide for a continuing expression of Irish identity.

As I indicated in my opening remarks, I would favour change in the general direction indicated by the Broadcasting Review Committee though I would not necessarily adopt the precise phraseology suggested by them there but the House will, of course, have an opportunity at an early stage of discussing the wording I shall be proposing to it.

I was interested, very interested, to note from the debate that no Deputy objected to the committee's recommendations in this area or to my own declared legislative intention of moving in the direction indicated by the committee. I was here for almost all the debate except for a brief absence at a Government meeting on one occasion. I have since read the debate and I can see nothing in the debate that I can interpret as an objection to that.

Let us now look at the matter a little more closely and consider the significance of the proposed changes and let us then consider the problems we must face in formulating a new approach. From a negative point of view, considering the significance of wording in the present Act which, it is considered, must now be dropped, the most significant features are the dropping of any reference to "the national culture" and also of "restoring the Irish language". I shall return later to the question of the Irish language, which is very important and which I want to consider at greater length. At this stage I want to consider only this general concept of what our culture is, what elements it contains, and so on. The committee speaks in chapter 3 of recognising "the diversity of elements which combine to establish Irish identity". It seems, though this is not explicitly stated, that the term "the national culture" is to be dropped because it does not sufficiently recognise that diversity. I think this will be a step in the right direction. Unfortunately it will be a belated step and it will be unfortunate also if we failed to make explicit the reason why a change is needed.

The report of the television commission, 1959, on which the Broadcasting Act of 1960 was to some extent based, said in chapter 9:

...one of the main duties of the Authority will be to ensure that the national outlook and culture is adequately reflected in television programmes.

It went on to say:

...the national outlook and culture can best be reflected in television programmes broadcast by people who themselves are imbued with that outlook and culture. Given the goodwill other people may, however, succeed in producing suitable programmes if given positive direction.

Note that very precise wording of the commission—"national outlook and culture" abbreviated in the Act itself into "national culture". Apparently "outlook" was felt to be the same as culture. Neither the report of the 1959 commission nor the Act of 1960 gave any indication of what was meant by "the national culture" or "the national outlook". It seemed to be taken for granted that everybody knew what was meant by these expressions. Certainly this House seemed to take it for granted because, on the Committee Stage of the 1960 Act, there was no debate whatever on section 17, none, dealing with the national culture. The assumption that we all knew what a phrase like "the national culture" means can, in our situation, have very dangerous consequences.

The main problem at present, though by no means the only problem, about the concept of the national culture in Ireland is whether Ulster Protestants as they actually are, and not as we would like them to be, are deemed to share in this national culture or whether they are not.

Of course they do.

If they do belong the "national culture" would have to be defined in very broad terms indeed, so much so as to lack almost all specific content. It would certainly have to exclude what are often described as the national aims of the political unification of Ireland and the restoration of the Irish language. I think even Deputy Wilson will agree that the majority of Ulster Protestants do not subscribe to these aims.

So far as I can interpret their minds, I would say "Yes".

In that sense then they do not share in "the national culture" as it is set out.

The Minister said this had not been defined and consequently how does he know what it is?

The national aims are referred to in that section of the Act.

The Minister said there was no definition and no debate and so consequently it could be allembracing and omni-comprehensive.

It is quite clear that they do not share in "the national culture" as it is set out in the Broadcasting Act.

In performing its functions the Authority should bear constantly in mind the national aims of restoring the Irish language and preserving and developing the national culture and shall endeavour to promote the attainment of these aims.

Those aims do seem to be rather associated with the idea of a national culture. It is quite clear that the Dáil in passing the 1960 Act and in other policies at that time, had a much more specific idea of national culture in mind and that the 1959 commission, when it referred to "persons imbued with the national culture and outlook", would not have included most Ulster Protestants in that category.

That is the Minister's interpretation.

It is my interpretation and, as I am the person speaking, I have the right to state my interpretation.

Interruptions are disorderly and the Minister must be allowed to speak without interruption.

What, then, were we doing when we made this claim, which is still embodied in our law? As the word "we" is used with a confusing and shifting varieties of antecedents in our cultural situation I should make it clear how I am using it here in speaking to this House now because we all use this word "we" in different degrees and with different emphasis. I am using it here to mean the Dáil itself and those whom the Dáil represents—that is, the electorate of the Twenty-six Counties. I do not think we should purport to speak, as we have sometimes—too often in the past—purported to speak for and on behalf of people who have not given us any mandate so to speak for them, namely, the people of Northern Ireland. We have a right to hope to be united with them one day but we have no right to claim that we already represent them, for we do not do that.

When, in the past, we made these claims about national culture, combining it with a demand for unification, we were in effect telling Ulster Protestants that they were to be incorporated in, or rather placed under the rule of, a nation in whose culture they had no real share. No doubt we did not mean to tell them that, but that certainly is how they have, to the general misfortune, understood us, and it is very understandable that they should have so understood us.

How could we ever have thought that such a claim, could be anything but a source of bitterness and strife in this island? There were and are only two methods by which that claim could conceivably be made good: by persuasion or by force. Persuasion—an effort to bring 1,000,000 Ulster Protestants within the scope of the national culture as defined, or not defined, by us—was never seriously tried and would almost certainly not have worked if it had been tried.

Over the years, millions of words were certainly poured forth, in speeches and articles, setting forth the reasons why Ulster Protestants should agree to unite with us. These speeches were heard and these articles were read by those who agreed with thm. These did not include the population to which the arguments were nominally addressed. Nor would it have made much difference if they reached them. There is not any sign that that population would respond more favourably to such an appeal than most of us would respond to an appeal to rejoin the United Kingdom and be loyal to the Queen. As persuasion is out, and the objective is one to which we are said to have an inalienable right, it can be very plausibly argued that we have a right to use force to attain this objective.

Deputy Colley in his remarks just now accused me of failing to distinguish adequately between the villainous IRA of today and the heroic people of, say, the 1922 period and of playing into their hands. I take his point but I think the continuity is considerably greater than he would accept. The traditional ideology of his party from the 1922 period—I am using the words "his party" there very broadly; he will understand me I hope and not pull me up—has, through the years, fed this movement. We cannot adequately combat this movement in the minds and hearts of people, and, in particular, young people unless we fight that ideology. If we say about what was done in 1922: "That was great and OK and what you are doing now is terrible" the only impression we make on our hearers is one, I am afraid, of hypocrisy.

We should not distort history to do this.

I know quite as much about history as the Deputy.

I am not suggesting that the Minister does not.

I have too much respect for it to wish to distort it.

The Minister is distorting it. That is the whole point.

The Minister must be allowed to reply.

The national culture is not to be interpreted for us. The Minister interprets it for people. It is a clever exercise but not valid.

The Minister must be allowed to reply without interruption.

It is quite valid and that is why the gentlemen opposite are stung. The gentlemen opposite use the phrase "distortion of Irish history" not as historians use that phrase, backing it with substantial facts, but meaning departure from our habitual way of referring to past historic events. I am departing from that way. I have never followed that way and I am not about to follow it now. I am making my own statement here as I have a right to do and, in interpreting our national culture and our history, I shall follow the interpretation that seems right to me. Deputies have had an opportunity of making their own statements in this area.

The Minister decides what we mean by "national culture" and then proceeds to attack it. He does not know what we mean by it.

The Deputy may not interrupt the Minister.

In fact, I have not got much of an idea of what the Deputy means by "national culture" because he missed his opportunity of making a statement in this debate.

I made it last year and the Minister was there.

From his interruptions I can infer that his view of our national culture and history is more or less that which is traditional to his party.

The Minister's power of inference is great but inaccurate.

In the case of the Deputy's non-speech I can only infer from his interruptions what his speech might have been. It is more like archaeology.

I gave certain examples of facts. It is not enough for the Minister to talk about interpretations of facts.

Deputies know that when a Minister is replying it is not in order to interrupt.

The Minister interrupted me specifically on this point when I was making my speech.

When a Minister is replying it is not customary to interrupt.

I agree. The Minister should deal with the points which were raised.

The Deputy was not present—I do not blame him — for the opening part of my remarks and, in consequence, I addressed part of my reply to his remarks to a House in which he was not seated. I do not propose to dignify his remarks by answering them twice just because he has now deigned to arrive upon the scene.

The Minister did not answer the facts which were put forward.

The Deputy can consult the official record. The facts which were put forward in a very long, turgid and ill-tempered speech were few and often inaccurate. In particular I refer to the Deputy's claim that I had said that the republican tradition denigrated Parnell. I do not know where he got that from.

From The Irish Times of Friday, November, 16th, 1973.

I will yield to the Deputy if he will read the extract.

It was a report of a lecture delivered by the Minister and the following is an extract:

Having traced the progress of Irish political activities under Parnell's leadership, Dr. O'Brien said: "In the republican perspective of Irish history—which so many of us are conditioned to regard as being the sacrosanct substance of Irish history itself—these years of Parliamentary leadership are regarded as a discredited period of national torpor and ignominy.

That is right —which the Deputy translated into "that the republican tradition denigrated Parnell". Let me answer that. What I was talking about there was the Parliamentary tradition. The republican tradition exalts the Parnell of (a) the semi-revolutionary period when he was supposed to be more or less outside Parliamentary politics up to 1881 and (b) from the divorce case to his death in which case he was engaged in wrecking a Parliamentary movement. The position is entirely different.

I know what the Minister said about that. I was not asking him to repeat his remarks. I was referring to what he said a few moments ago about 1921 and 1922.

The fact is that the Deputy distorted what I said. He has now read out the basis of his distortion and I thank him for it.

That can be judged.

There is no dodging. The Deputy misrepresented what I said and I stand by what I said, not by his misrepresentation.

I now have the whole script which the Minister issued and it is quite clear.

The Minister is putting words in people's mouths.

I was speaking of an implicit right to use force to attain this objective. In fact, we—that is this Dáil and this electorate—have never decided to exercise such a right. Our habitual claims, however—and this is what I am talking about here; this aspect of our culture—imply the existence of such a right. Presumably if one's right is inalienable, as is so often said over there, and others proceed to alienate it, one has a right to use force against them. At least that assumption has been fairly constant in world history.

May we take it that the Minister does not agree we have an inalienable right to that?

We cannot have a reply to a debate if the Minister is constantly interrupted.

It is important to be clear on what the Minister means. We know what he says.

Questions may be asked at the end.

I said, "No". We have then asserted, at least implicitly, a right to use force in this area. Our continued assertion, even implicit, of the existence of that right has encouraged others to exercise it and they have exercised it with terrible consequences.

We then say to those who take it upon themselves to use force to unify Ireland that they have no mandate from the people to use such force. They ask, in turn, what mandate had the men of 1916 and 1922? We have no ready, honest answer to this, since the cult of 1916 is also a part of the national culture, and 1922 is a part of a large part of the national culture, as it has been officially expounded.

The Minister should speak for himself when he says "we have no answer". He has no answer.

I remember your solving Partition. This is a cult which tends to undermine democracy and the rule of law, to perpetuate violence and to thrust Ireland, north and south, towards civil war of which the danger is grave.

With the Minister's version that would be so.

We are quite right to say, and we do say, that the years of systematic discrimination against Catholics in Northern Ireland, which were years also of British indifference towards that systematic discrimination, were among the sources of the present terrible, menacing situation there. But we have been less willing to say that our own concept of the national culture and our talk of its inalienable rights were also among the sources of these troubles: firstly in that they could be used to justify the system of discrimination itself, seen as necessary for defence, and second in that they tended to legitimise a violent response. It is for these reasons that we need to take new stock of our conceptions of what our culture is and can be.

We need to take urgent stock of these matters now. It is clear that past patterns of behaviour, north and south, have brought us near the brink of disaster and I do not mean disaster for Northern Ireland only. It should have always been clear that the attempt to unify Ireland by force, and the various ways in which so many of us condoned that attempt, could not possibly bring about unity, but would be certain to provoke a major sectarian backlash.

Or keeping it split by force, equally so.

I have been saying since 1971——

Who is advocating the unification of Ireland by force?

If the Deputy is not capable of understanding what I am saying, he should try to think about it.

I heard what the Minister said but I am asking him who is advocating the unification of Ireland by force?

I am not saying that he is advocating the use of force but, of course, the IRA and Sinn Féin are advocating the use of force and they are outgrowths of your movement.

That is what the Minister is saying.

Interruptions must cease.

The Deputy does not seem to get used to the idea that, as a Minister, I have the right to reply and I am now replying. Can the Deputy understand that?

We expect a certain logic in the Minister's reply.

The Deputies must cease interrupting.

My point is that when we assert inalienable rights that assertion of inalienable rights contains an implicit assertion that the use of force would be justified if we decided to do it.

The Minister should go on with the logic now.

I am being quite logical.

The next step in the argument is that if you are going to do that you have a mandate.

The Deputy cannot make the Minister's speech.

Somebody needs to make it for him because he cannot make any speech. He is trying to justify a point he has been living with for a long time.

The Minister must be allowed to make his own speech in his own way.

I made a point while the Deputy was out and I am glad to have the opportunity of repeating it now. My point was that the Deputy in his personal life outside this House is a very nice and courteous gentleman but he seems to make a point when he comes into this House of seeking to appear both nastier and more obtuse than he actually is. If he will listen to what I have to say, he will recognise a good——

I have listened to what the Minister has had to say and I am now waiting for the logic.

I have a fair amount to say and the Deputy, at the conclusion, should be able to decide whether I have been logical or not. No doubt he will be able to answer me if not in another place certainly during a suitable other debate here.

By now at least the scale of the backlash and the danger it represents should be clear to most of us. This is not the proper occasion on which to discuss the full range of what these dangers are, or how they should be met. I shall note here only that an early withdrawal by Britain would under present conditions be succeeded by Loyalist rule in most of Northern Ireland and by a situation far more menacing for the Catholic population there than anything that has been known in the present century, or in the last century.

It is tempting and easy to put all the blame for the situation on others, on the British Government and on the Northern Unionists. These certainly have a heavy share of the responsibility; so do we, and we shall show our maturity and our capacity to respond to the situation adequately if we recognise our share of responsibility, and are prepared to review our attitude accordingly. Among the ways in which we have helped to create the Frankenstein monster in the North are our conceptions of our national aims and culture and the ways in which we have pursued these aims and imbued our young people with that culture. I should like to say something in that connection about one of the saddest events in modern Irish history: the disintegration after less than six months of the first power sharing executive in Northern Ireland. Power-sharing went against the grain of the political culture of Northern Ireland, and so was in danger from the start. It had, however, significant chances of success.

The Minister is bringing in everything under the heading of the Department of Posts and Telegraphs.

In the Catholic community it was welcomed for the most solid reasons: that they who had so long been excluded from all power would have a share in power, which their gifted leaders in the SDLP were well capable of exercising. In the Protestant community a sizeable section, possibly even a majority, were prepared to accept power-sharing on the grounds mainly that it would put the affairs of the Province on a more secure base and give a better prospect of peace. Many of these same people were also prepared, though with greater reservations, to accept a Council of Ireland, expressing the Irish dimension of the Green Paper but with the proviso that the council was to be a means of co-operation between the two parts of the island and not a step on the road to unification. The co-operation of this section of the Protestant community, and the maintenance of the strength of that section, were absolutely vital and indispensible to the success of the Sunningdale arrangements and of the first attempt at power sharing as they would be to any attempt at power sharing in anything like present conditions.

My point is that these arrangements were as affected in a certain way by our concept of our national culture. The Loyalists and extreme Unionists sought, of course, to win away the Protestant supporters of Sunningdale by claiming that these arrangements meant capitulation to the IRA and entry into a united Ireland. The IRA for their part struck deadly blows at the Sunningdale arrangements, precisely at the weakest points. The main appeal of Sunningdale, perhaps the sole appeal from a Protestant point of view, had been that it seemed to hold out better prospects of peace. The IRA were in a position to prove, by stepping up their car bombing campaign that at least in the short-run this agreement would not provide peace. But also public opinion here in the Twenty-Six Counties greatly helped the Loyalists to hammer home their message about the Council of Ireland. Many people here were by no means content to accept the council as being no more than what moderate Protestant opinion was prepared to accept.

I suppose the Minister is aware that we have a debate on Northern Ireland coming up.

Yes. I hope to contribute to it and I hope the Deputy will also. I am dealing with the application of culture to our problems and I think I have the right to do that. The Deputy who referred at length to these problems as a high proportion of his rather brief intervention has no right to object to my doing so.

I did not refer to any of these things.

I am pretty sure the Deputy did. A section of our Press which has long been the prey of a kind of lunatic optimism about a united Ireland being just round the corner proclaimed in chorus that the Council of Ireland did, indeed, represent just what the Loyalists said it represented—a long step towards unification. In this way the conceptions of national aims and national culture which for so long have been instilled amongst us helped to complete the ruin of the most rational arrangements yet proposed whereby people of different traditions and aspirations might have been enabled to live with one another, in peace and justice in this island.

One element in our culture, which distinguishes it from some others is the considerable element of fantasy which enters into it. This is by no means entirely a bad thing. On the contrary, it has helped to shape Ireland's contribution, which has been out of proportion to our numbers over the years to the arts, especially to literature, and most especially, perhaps, in poetry and drama. It enriches also our daily living with the interplay of wit and humour. These are valuable parts of our culture and I should like to see them reflected even more than at present in our broadcasting. This is where culture is all one interacting field. However, when that element of fantasy enters into our politics it gets us into very serious trouble and that is what we are in at present. The idea that the unity of Ireland is at hand, the idea that policy should now be directed in pursuit of this unity, are products of fantasy. They are harmful fantasies because they hinder us—and I mean, again, this whole Dáil and those whom we represent—from assessing the situation adequately and from coping with it as well as possible. We ought to be able to say, as a united Dáil, to the representatives of the Ulster Protestants: "We know that you do not want to be incorporated in one State with us and as long as that is the case there is no point in even talking about unity. But we are interested in better relations with you. We are interested in co-operating with you and we are interested in fairplay for the minority in Northern Ireland". Such an approach could be of real and lasting value if it were seen to be made on behalf of the Dáil as a whole and supported by the great majority of those whom we represent. The illusory assertion that we must have unity at all cost, on the other hand bedevils the situation. It provides justification or pretext for discrimination against the minority, and threatens them today with even greater evils. In this respect our political culture needs urgently to adjust itself to reality.

There are, of course, differences of opinion, and in emphasis of opinion, between Deputies on all sides in this matter. The Parliamentary Secretary to the Taoiseach for example, in his very interesting remarks on this subject, showed himself to be at variance with my own opinion, or with my own emphasis. I believe that on any practical decisions which come to be taken in this area—for example, in amending the Broadcasting Act—the Parliamentary Secretary and myself would find ourselves in agreement. But there are certain differences in philosophical approach to the question and it is entirely healthy that these should find expression here. I should like to thank the Parliamentary Secretary, both for the tone of his own major contribution and also for some interventions of his when another Deputy was speaking.

Deputy Gene Fitzgerald, inadvertently I am sure, misrepresented my own position on certain matters—this was in my absence at a Government meeting—and the Parliamentary Secretary intervened to correct the misunderstanding. I appreciate this, especially since the Parliamentary Secretary was defending against misrepresentation a position with which he is not in full sympathy. The Parliamentary Secretary expressed the hope that I would take his remarks in a friendly spirit. I most certainly do and I am quite sure that he also will take in the same spirit my own comments on those parts of his statement in which he dealt with the general question of culture.

Cross pollination.

The Parliamentary Secretary agreed with Deputy Blaney in the opinion that Irish nationality was weakening as compared with 60 years ago. It may be so. The sense of nationality, the feeling of belonging to a nation is a difficult thing to measure. For myself I see no convincing signs that those whom we represent feel themselves any less Irish than their ancestors did. They may take their Irishness a bit more for granted than some of the preceding generations, and that may be no bad thing. The evidence which the Parliamentary Secretary adduced in support of his contention did not convince me. He said among other things:

The Dublin middle-class use terms like "It was only fantastic". That is not an Irish turn of speech. A lower stratum of the population write on walls "Boot boys rule O.K.". That is not an Irish turn of speech.

Well of course as we use the English language, which is an international language, we are likely to use those idioms of that language which correspond to the mood of our own age, group and disposition. Persons of a different age, mood and disposition are likely to find these idioms uncongenial and to deplore them as not rightly belonging to our culture. I share Deputy Kelly's distaste for these expressions but I cannot see them as being the grave portents which he appears to take them for.

It may be indeed that we are less nationalistic than we once were. This is not exactly what the Parliamentary Secretary means but I am quite sure it is what Deputy Blaney means and the Parliamentary Secretary has said he agrees with Deputy Blaney. Even in this sense, I am not quite certain that the statement is true. It is customary, in the rhetorical tradition to which Deputy Blaney belongs, to compare the majority in the present with a minority in the past and find that it fails to pass the test of living up to that minority. The majority in any past period hardly lived up to the minorities in question or indeed wished to do so. However, I would agree, even allowing for that factor, that there probably has been some diminution of nationalistic feeling since 1914.

I think also that the nationality of every European country has weakened since 1914. That, after all, was a time of very intense nationalist feeling in almost every European country, small and large. It was the time of an idolatrous cult of the nation— state—and of nationalities aspiring to be states. It was an era which culminated when a shot fired by a Serbian nationalist fanatic precipitated the orgy of nationalist mass murder which is known to history as World War I.

If the sense of nationality, here as elsewhere, has weakened since 1914 I for one am not prepared to say that I regret that fact. After World War II, western European countries, determined to do everything in their power to avoid a repetition of that disaster, established the European Economic Community. In 1972 the people of this Republic, by a very large majority, decided to adhere to that community.

Neither the establishment of the community nor the adhesion of Ireland to it could have happened, I think, without a certain weakening of the sense of nationality. The decision to concede a part of national sovereignty would not have been feasible had a sense of nationality existed at the same pitch as in 1914. My own party asked for a "no" vote in that referendum. The Labour Party's decision was taken on economic grounds, some of which now stand out more clearly than they did then, and I make no apology for that stand. Others, however, who campaigned on the same side made their appeal to nationalistic emotion. I must confess that when the results came in, my chagrin at the fact that my party's reasonable appeal had not been heeded was very considerably mitigated by the thought that the nationalistic trumpetings of Sinn Féin had also fallen on deaf ears.

The Parliamentary Secretary, who agrees with the sentiment of Deputy Blaney on this matter, is by no means in agreement with the conclusions to which Deputy Blaney's sentiment has carried him. I am glad of this because political conclusions are matters of more precision and practical importance than general sentiments, and therefore the Parliamentary Secretary and I can sit happily together on this side of the House while Deputy Blaney sits out yonder. But I am afraid that since Deputy Blaney sets his conclusions in line with his sentiment, he is being more consistent than the Parliamentary Secretary.

The sentiment that our nationality has been weakened, and that it is terribly important to strengthen it, is central to what is called the Republican movement: that is the two wings of the IRA and their various fringes and fronts. The Parliamentary Secretary sincerely abhors that movement and has eloquently and courageously attacked it. So I think when he finds himself in agreement with Deputy Blaney, who appears to be an aspect or emanation of the Republican movement, he might pause and reflect. It is true that he makes a distinction between what he calls "Irish nationality" and "the idiotic chauvinistic inflation of Irish nationality" and I suppose, without any personal discourtesy to any Deputy, this may serve to mark off his position from that of Deputy Blaney. But the demarcation line is not altogether easy to define, especially when one is speaking of a weakening of nationality.

I believe that much of the Irish nationalism which prevailed in the First World War period was like nationalism elsewhere, idiotic, inflated and chauvinistic and that therefore the weakening of it is no bad thing. I agreed fully with the Parliamentary Secretary when he said "the prevention of Irish people ever being ashamed of what they are, of the way they speak, of where they come from and who their parents were and where they were born". It is true that a certain inferiority complex has been part of our culture, and that it ought to be diminished and eradicated.

I think, however, that a kind of prickly nationalism is not an alternative to this inferiority feeling, but is an aspect of it, and even tends to exacerbate it. Those who most intensely urge the Irish not to be ashamed of being Irish often urge them—almost in the same breath—to be ashamed of not being Irish enough, of not being as Irish as a speaker deems himself to be or feels he ought to be. A professor of Irish, on television the other day, stated plainly that the Irish people as a whole should be ashamed of themselves for not speaking Irish. The Parliamentary Secretary in his speech implied that we ought to be ashamed of ourselves for not being worthy of John Redmond and Patrick Pearse.

Progress reported; Committee to sit again.
The Dáil adjourned at 5 p.m. until 3 p.m. on Thursday, 20th June, 1974.
Top
Share