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Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 29 Oct 1975

Vol. 285 No. 4

Private Members' Business. - Vote 48: Social Welfare (Resumed).

Debate resumed on the following motion:
That a supplementary sum not exceeding £38,700,000 be granted to defray the charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of December, 1975, for the salaries and expenses of the Office of the Minister for Social Welfare, for certain services administered by that Office, for payments to the Social Insurance Fund, and for sundry grants.
—(The Taoiseach.)

Every Deputy is realising more and more the complication of our system of administration of social welfare payments. I am referring to the case of a person who has been employed for a number of years. He becomes ill and sends in a certificate claiming benefit. Next he is informed by the Department that because the employer has not submitted his insurance cards for the previous year his benefit cannot be paid. Or it may be due to some mistake the doctor made in completing the certificate and, as always, it is the person who should be receiving benefit who is victimised. This may result in delay for two, three, four or five weeks while the Department are investigating the claim. As a result, the claimant is humbled into the position that he has to go to the local home assistance officer for home assistance. Then when he gets his national health benefit the problem arises that the home assistance has to be paid back.

I cannot understand why, since we have such efficient officials in the Department and down the country, the offices in the various towns could not be used for some sort of what is now commonly referred to as a fire brigade service whereby they could issue a voucher pending investigation of the claim, a somewhat similar situation to that which would arise regarding home assistance. If a person submits a claim and there is some technical hitch, due to late submission of cards or due to the certificate not being received in the Department, the claimant is without his money. Why what I have suggested has not been done in the Department of Social Welfare is beyond me, because generally in 95 per cent of the cases following investigation the claim is honoured. The Parliamentary Secretary may say that possibly the Department could pay out money under this system to people who should not receive it because they had not sufficient contributions or had never submitted a certificate. But I think it better, particularly in regard to social welfare, that the person should receive the benefit even though the Department might lose 4 per cent or 5 per cent over a period of years. I am sure every Deputy will agree that each week much of his constituency work involves ringing the Department of Social Welfare to find out why some benefit has not been paid.

Added to this complication we have pay-related benefits. The worker has to get his reference number and the income tax office must certify his total taxable earnings in the previous year. This takes three or four weeks. It amazes me when I see cases of people who had worked a full year being certified by the tax office as having earned only £900. I have heard of cases where an employer certified a worker's gross earnings as being £1,850 but the return from the income tax office was £950. I do not know whose fault it is. I do not think it should be based on income tax returns. I cannot see why the employer's certificate should not be sufficient. If the Department were to get suspicious of an employer they could verify the figures through the inspector of taxes rather than have the employee kept waiting and probably being victimised through the present complicated machinery. All social welfare recipients should be able to get their money more quickly and thus not be subjected to the hardship caused by delays. Some time ago there was a suggestion—I do not know if it has been implemented—that where the employer has not sent in a worker's cards the worker should be paid——

It has been implemented. Once it is established that the person is in insurable employment he is credited.

Irrespective of whether the employer has sent in the cards?

Yes. After that we will pursue the employer.

That is a desirable development. We come now to the real crunch point. Nobody, not even the Parliamentary Secretary, is aware of the worry there is today as to how social welfare payments will be financed. When the Parliamentary Secretary notified the recent increases, there was no money coming into the Current Account. In other words, we are now borrowing certain sums from Arabia, America or perhaps Europe, to pay social welfare benefits. If we were to borrow money from the Arabs or anybody else with which to build houses, it is a capital investment: people go into the houses and pay rents and rates and this money will pay off the loan to the State who in turn will pay off their creditors. But where money is borrowed to pay social welfare benefits it is gone— there is no income from it except, possibly, through VAT.

This is a very serious situation when one realises that the total borrowing of the State is costing £400 million to fund. What will happen next year? We will have borrowed sufficient money to pay social welfare benefits for the present year only and will have to borrow again next year to keep up the payments, and with inflation increasing, further increases will have to be given next year in benefits. How will that money be repaid? Will the taxpayer in three or four years be asked to pay 10 per cent or 15 per cent more?

Another point that has come up often for debate at political organisation meetings is income tax on pensions. I know the Parliamentary Secretary will tell me that old age and widows' pensions are not subject to income tax. If a widow has £634 of a tax-free allowance and she has a widow's pension of £500, her tax-free allowance is a net £134. I was speaking to a woman last weekend whose pension per month from the husband's employment is £18. She had the widow's pension as well and because of that she had to pay £2 per week income tax. Surely the Parliamentary Secretary will agree this should not happen. Her contributory pension is based on the lifetime employment of her husband who had paid income tax on his earnings and social welfare contributions. Why should she have to pay income tax again on her pension? Technically such an income is not taxable, but taking account of the tax-free allowance such a person has to pay £2 per week. That is tragic for a person with such a small income.

A lot of publicity has been given in the past couple of years to increases in social welfare benefits since the Coalition took office. Against such increases we must put a 28 per cent inflation rate and we then find that the net living standard of such people has decreased by 8 per cent since February, 1973. In other words, increases given have not offset the costof-living increase. The £1 increase given is worth only 75p because of inflation. Therefore, social welfare recipients are not any better off than in 1973. They are worse off. The Parliamentary Secretary must have a chat with the Minister for Finance about this if there is a January budget because widows with young families and single old age pensioners are worse off today than they were in 1973 due to the very high cost of living.

One feels that if we all followed the example of the Good Samaritan such exercises as Social Welfare Acts might not be necessary. But I am afraid that will not happen in our time or for a long time after. I should like to join with the Parliamentary Secretary and the other Deputies in paying a tribute to the staff of the Department because they get through so much work and documentation with so few mistakes. From time to time I see some of those mistakes, and I cannot understand how they are so few. One must pay a tribute to the staff when one realises the amount of papers which pass through the Department, that practically all books and forms have to be changed from one year to another, and on this occasion changed for a second time, and the colossal amount of work demanding attention to detail.

I should like to refer to unemployment assistance or, as it is known, the dole, in view of the fact that there was some controversy about this recently. It is my opinion that but for unemployment assistance the population in the west would be fewer than it is. This subsidy to the small farmers has helped keep them over the years. It has been criticised from time to time and one must agree with some of this criticism. It is unfortunate that it was labelled "unemployment assistance". It is now being realised that it could have been given another name. It could be labelled a subsidy to tide the small farmers over the period until they become big farmers. It is true to say that every small farmer who hopes to continue to make his living on the land has a big farmer inside him trying to get out. He is always looking for extra land and hopes that some day he will get enough to take him out of the category of the small farmer so he can call himself a big farmer. For this reason much of the talk heard and the emotion spent on the small farmer is misplaced. I am sure it is not the intention of any Deputy to perpetuate the small farmer, particularly the man living on the small income. It is alleged that he is getting money for doing nothing. This aspect was considered in the past and the system of estimating means was changed so that it became more compatible with the productive capacity of the man who hoped to draw social welfare assistance. This was a move in the right direction.

On the other hand, let us consider the amount of money this State pays to big farmers—dairy farmers and beef producers. The Department of Agriculture and Fisheries, and now the EEC fund, pay a great deal of money to keep those people on their land and provide a living for them. These people have sufficient land and resources to provide an adequate living for themselves and their families without having recourse to the finances of the State. Of course they are giving extra production to the State and this is of economic benefit. But this is where I criticise unemployment assistance. It has not been tied up in such a way that it could be used to increase the productive capacity of the people to whom it is payable. As I mentioned, an effort was made in this direction in the past but it probably was not carried far enough.

There are people who because of illness or age have not the capacity to produce off the land they own. The number of people drawing unemployment assistance should be examined and the people given unemployment or sickness benefit. As has been mentioned in this House several times, this is not a new idea. But the Department of Social Welfare did not get around to it, perhaps because the amount of work involved and the system there at the moment is acceptable enough.

The Parliamentary Secretary mentioned criticism of the present increases in social welfare. It was also alleged that some people are getting more on social welfare than they would earn. This is probably a fault in the system, but it appears to arise as a result of the pay-related system. In view of the fact that this will continue for 12 months only even if the unfortunate man gets more than he earns he will need it when his pay-related benefit runs out. Therefore, I do not think we can complain too much about that.

It is also alleged that many people drawing unemployment benefit are working or are able to work. This brings up the question of the definition of "ability to work". We can all see the exaggerated case of the man with one arm who, if he gets suitable employment, can earn an acceptable rate. On the other hand a man who appears to be in good health may be drawing unemployment benefit and be unable to work.

A man has a right to employment. It is well to put on record that a former Minister for Industry and Commerce years ago made the statement that there was no obligation on a Government to provide work for anybody. Fianna Fáil did away with this fable when they came to power. As I said, a man is entitled to work but is he also entitled to work for which he has been trained and at which he may have spent 25 years or more; or must he be still labelled as employable even though he has to pursue a totally different type of work? Cognisance is taken of this in the present thinking by virtue of retraining, but there is not retraining for everybody in this class. It could be argued that a man is not alone entitled to work but is entitled to work for which he has been trained. This is a certain justification for him to draw unemployment benefit, even though there may be other work available for which he was not trained or which is not congenial to him. I have no doubt some people hold a completely different view on this.

The problem of disability benefit, which involves the element of sickness, also arises. In spite of all the criticism, I would say that the abuses constitute about 1 per cent or 2 per cent. In my experience most men work if they are able and in my area I know of men who are working who should not be working. There are quite a few who would be on disability benefit but the difference between the amount of benefit and the wage they can earn gives them a drive to work even though they are in indifferent health. Naturally, as the years go by the work is not as congenial to them as it might be.

Doctors depend on the word of the people they treat. A patient may complain of pain but it must be realised that pain is a very subjective thing. One might compare the stoicism of a woman in labour with the anguish of a professional footballer on the field. Here there is an amazing contrast between the two cases; both are expressing in their own way what they think of pain and how acceptable or unacceptable it is to them. There are situations where people can work for one, two or three hours and then they must take a rest but this may not be possible when they are in employment. For instance, many workers have to keep working steadily if they are working on conveyor-type work and it would not be possible for them to interrupt their work at regular intervals.

This is an aspect that the Department of Social Welfare must consider. From time to time I have thought that a local committee which would supervise administration at local level might be of some help to the Department. On the other hand, I gathered from the remarks of the Parliamentary Secretary a few days ago that he was not 100 per cent confident of the ability of old age pension committees to make such decisions. This was suggested in the past through the Irish Medical Association but I do not know if it was considered by the Minister at that time. It was suggested that in each area there would be a social committee who would have the obligation of deciding to a large extent regarding a person's eligibility for an old age pension, a medical card, deciding whether they were able to work and various other factors. Probably it would take a lot to change the system now. The fact that local organisations were abolished, possibly because they were not doing their work, and that managers were appointed might well indicate that at that time we were not mature enough. It is another matter whether we have got more mature in the meantime. If we are ever to have decentralisation, passing responsibility back to the community, I would suggest that thought to the Parliamentary Secretary and his advisers.

In his introductory statement the Parliamentary Secretary referred several times to poverty. I do not know if he really made an effort to define poverty although he made a few attempts. The more one thinks about it the more difficult it is to define what it means. Off-hand, I would define poverty as a people's inability to make use of resources, or people who have little or no resources at all. In my younger days there was a large amount of poverty in that people did not have many resources. They had small pieces of land but they appeared to live as well as their neighbours, which seemed to be the definition suggested in the Parliamentary Secretary's statement. People were able to produce crops, milk, eggs and potatoes and they kept going. Apart from fairly rare cases, there did not seem to be actual want.

When I look around me and see people I would label as impoverished, often they have resources but they do not seem able to make the proper use of them. When one goes into a house and sees a television set while other things are neglected, one wonders what definition to put on that. One could go into a house at lunch time and see a large plate of expensive biscuits for five or six children while at the same time those children are not getting the foods they really need. This is probably poverty so far as the children are concerned and it is due to a failure by the parents to make proper use of their resources.

There is also the case of the businessman who will go into debt to make more money and very many people are living on borrowed money who show no evidence of poverty. This is an absolute contradiction of what we were told when we were young, that a person who was 6p short at the end of the week was impoverished. It is a very difficult problem to define.

The Parliamentary Secretary summarised this matter when he quoted Professor Donnison—he said it was a matter of education. If the people I am thinking of had been taught house economics and how to make better use of money when they were in primary or post-primary school many of the situations I have described could have been avoided. I must admit that there are not that many but they do exist. There are very few cases of poverty that exist just because the resources are not available to people from the State. They may not have as much as their neighbours, they may not be able to keep up with the Joneses even though the latter may not be very affluent, but at least they are not hungry. In the last few years there have been very few hungry people.

There is the other situation of the man who is ill-cared for, who has a badly kept house, who is obviously anaemic and yet who has a bank account. It reminds me of the story of a man who sold two cattle for £95 at a fair and who owed a certain amount of money to a shopkeeper. The latter had a great welcome for him when he came into the shop under the impression that he would pay his bill. He congratulated him on the price he got for the cattle but the farmer told him he came into the shop to borrow £5 as he would like to put an even £100 into his bank account. That was the farmer's attitude to life and looking after his money.

The question of social welfare brings up the question of socialism. There are people who are doctrinaire in this matter. Listening to them one would get the impression that unless the sick and the unemployed get financial benefits from a system based purely on a socialist philosophy, they are not getting their rights. This is going too far. I sometimes wonder whether the £1 I subscribe to the St. Vincent de Paul Society is as acceptable to those who benefit from it as is the £1 I pay in income tax. There are those who might say that it is not and that organisations such as the society I have mentioned should be abolished, with the State assuming responsibility for the whole area of providing for the needs of people. However, the more we experience the work of the State and the difficulties involved for the State in these areas, the more we realise the need for those local organisations.

This State is doing very well. Successive Governments have endeavoured to increase social welfare benefits as much as possible. I am old enough to remember a time when the distribution of wealth by way of social welfare payments was not acceptable. Recipients of social welfare in the thirties were sneered at by their neighbours. I am glad that we have long got away from that sort of thinking and that there is now the acceptance of the responsibility of the State in this area and not only of the State but of the citizen to some extent, although the income tax payer may not always appreciate this when he gets his annual assessment.

The Parliamentary Secretary has told us that he intends making some provision for the self-employed, particularly in respect of pensions. This is a very desirable move. There are many self-employed persons who are making their contribution to the economy but who never seem to be able to take advantage of any benefit from it except when they are unfortunate enough to become ill, in which circumstances they would probably benefit on the medical side. Also, if they are ill enough to qualify, there is the disabled persons allowance, though there may be a case for increasing these benefits because they are not up to the level of other social welfare payments.

Having regard to the circumstances in which we live and to our country's productivity and also in view of the fact that the Ministers of Agriculture are meeting in an effort to solve the problem of excess production in the Community, is it not time for the Department to consider the extension of social welfare to take the form of aids other than money? This has been done in the past. I refer to the introduction of the free beef scheme. This was another scheme that was sneered at and one which left its mark on some of our people. The result of this attitude was that those most in need did not apply for participation in the scheme. At the time of the US crisis I remember reading that an outstanding economist suggested that the superfluous amount of beef available in that country should be distributed free to those could not afford to buy it. The EEC have used a similar scheme recently to dispose of a butter "mountain". I do not know whether they have used it to dispose of a beef surplus but the idea is one that we could adopt.

I was an advocate of our joining the EEC. My support for membership stemmed mainly from my memories of farmers coming to our shop when I was young and bemoaning the fact that they had not been able to sell their cattle and, consequently, would have no income for some time. I was led by economists to believe that if we joined the EEC there would be no problem for our beef producers because there was a deficit of this product within the Community. Unfortunately, these economists have been proved wrong and we have been encountering many difficulties. The suggestion that Community farmers should produce at a price acceptable to them is wrong. The only way to deal with a surplus is to increase demand and this is where the consumers come into the picture. If products are sold at a price that is acceptable there is much more likelihood of there being a demand for them. The Department of Social Welfare could contribute their share by way of the provision of vouchers to the needy. This is something that could be taken up by all the social welfare ministeries within the Community. This would benefit the farmers in the first place and, secondly, those in receipt of such concessions.

There are many other remarks I should like to make but since they have been made by other speakers I would not consider it appropriate to take up the time of the House by repeating them. The Parliamentary Secretary has reminded us that for the first time somebody in his position has come to the House for a second time in the same year offering increased social welfare benefits. If such increases are necessary it is good that they are being granted, but it is my hope that the economic conditions of the country will improve to such an extent that never again will it be necessary for anybody to seek increases twice in the one year. In saying that I am not laying the blame on anyone.

We all like to have the opportunity of contributing to a debate on social welfare since this is a Department that has grown to very large proportions down through the years. It is a Department charged with the responsibility of dealing with the many problems connected with social conditions. The Department are often subjected to much criticism while on other occasions they are praised highly. Be that as it may they must continue to work within the social welfare system and to administer that system in line with the calls of this House and of the public in general.

We all regret having such an enormous number dependent on social assistance and unemployment benefit. We are reaching a stage where it seems to me a high number of unemployed will be associated with the system. There are those who argue here and elsewhere that unemployment will be an endemic part of the democratic system. I hope this will not be the evolution. Given reasonable health a person is always better employed than unemployed.

It may well be that those who make these predictions are looking ahead to a time when work will not be deemed to be what it is today and what it was yesterday. All of us living in a democracy should work in the best interests of that democracy and all of us would regret seeing a stage arrive at which we would have chronic unemployment. Unemployment is a problem with which democratic parliaments will have to contend and it is a problem these parliaments will have to solve. It is easy enough to argue philosophically but, once unemployment begins, it is very difficult to reduce it. This is generally recognised.

Whatever may be said about the western European system it is certainly a system with a social conscience. One hopes that in the context of this system we will be able to find ways and means, as Deputy Dr. Gibbons argued, of shifting surplus foodstuffs in the direction of those in need in such a way as not to create problems of administration or problems of cost. We must consider relieving poverty with kind as well as with cash. Surpluses are building up in Europe and so far there seem to be no ways devised of shifting those surpluses. This is something that must be considered in depth with a view to relieving poverty in those areas in which poverty needs to be relieved.

There is a responsibility on us not to be complacent about our ability to relieve unemployment with cash. Our resources are not all that large and the Government will have to find ways and means of creating new jobs to relieve the pressure on social welfare. A situation could arise in which the Exchequer would have to come to the aid of the benefits sections as well as carrying the whole assistance range. Great heart-burning was caused in Britain when Lord Beveridge started on his social welfare system. He found, as we may find here, that in the end the Exchequer may have to carry more of the burden of social welfare than he or his mentors ever foresaw. That could be the evolution here. We should, therefore, do all we can to create job opportunities and not rely too much on the fact that we can more or less contain and combat poverty with cash. I suppose one ought to be edified that we can do that but we will not be able to continue forever. Perhaps a mixture of cash and kind would be a better solution.

I want to say a word now about care of the aged and so on. This is a side of social welfare that has increased in content in recent years.

It is also a side wherein we have more voluntary effort than other sections of social welfare. This is a very good thing. Regrettably we have an imbalance in our age groups. We have more older people among us, and more of them becoming more helpless as they grow older. Quite a number of them are either bachelors or spinsters and some of them live in remote parts of the country. The efforts which were made at the start, even in a humble way, were well directed by the Department, by the local authorities who also co-operated and by the voluntary workers who gave their time and money to help in perfecting this system of caring for the aged. The appointment of social workers was a great help. We have not enough of them. There should be more social workers in local authority areas to provide leadership in helping to combat poverty in this section of the community. I know from observation and experience, and from having contact with the workers on this aspect of social welfare, that it is paying dividends. For example better care and attention, such as meals-on-wheels providing hot meals, and so on, are creating a better pattern of health.

One could keep going on with regard to social welfare. We should also take into consideration what these social workers could do for the unemployed. Even though social welfare payments are higher than ever before, poverty can arise in the homes of the unemployed, or in the case of the person drawing unemployment assistance or sickness benefit. Whatever it arises from, we should provide social workers to advise people in this unfortunate position. The staffs of county councils and local authorities worked on outdoor assistance, as it was called at the time; we call it social assistance now. I hope we reach the stage when we can call it national assistance. If one considers all the local authorities engaged in this work, it should be possible to get great help from this sector not merely in dealing with health problems and those which arise from other social conditions, but also the many problems which crop up in family circles.

The Parliamentary Secretary should consider a system of training for people who work in this capacity. This training, in addition to their experience in dealing with the relief of poverty, would be of great help. We have more voluntary workers involved in the care of the aged than in any other sector. Regrettably they cannot deal with other problems of a professional kind. The Department provide the leadership required. It is regrettable that we have any poverty when we consider the amount of money we spend on leisure and on drink. We should reduce our expenditure on drink and expend that money on the relief of poverty. If we did so, we might gain a better reward in the next world, if not in this House or outside it. We should have sufficient compassion to increase the amount of money available for the relief of poverty. We should not leave everything to the State. The State will do its best, but we must supplement State aid by voluntary help, as we are doing in the care of the aged.

I do not believe the unemployment figure will reduce during the winter. We should be able to make some inroads on that figure in the spring and summer. We must get the figure down to a reasonable level. If we do not, there will be a considerable strain on our resources and we will not be able to meet all the demands which will be made on the Exchequer in this regard.

Over the years we have failed to apply unemployment assistance here as it is applied in an industrial economy, failed to apply it as it should be in a rural area. I am not blaming the Department or the Minister too much in that respect. We should be able to apply unemployment assistance to our small farmers in a different manner. There should be some element of incentive built into this payment.

I want the House to bear in mind that unemployment assistance was thought up in the first instance for an industrial society and that it was much easier to apply under such conditions than, for example, in a rural community where there are a number of smallholders deemed to be recipients of unemployment assistance. For example, one could query the first qualification—that a man was unemployed and genuinely seeking work. If a small farmer is working on his own holding, trying to keep the land in good condition, and so on, perhaps reinvesting some of his unemployment assistance, he cannot be said to be available for work of another kind. I merely give that as an example and, perhaps, it is wrong to take it out of context. We should pay unemployment assistance to a farmer as an incentive to him rather than as his unemployment assistance.

I raised this matter before with other Ministers and discussed it with them in private. I know that notes were passed between the Departments of Social Welfare, Finance and Agriculture and Fisheries and that a large file was built up on this question of whether or not the system could be changed. One Department shuffled it off to another, the file grew larger but, in the end, unemployment assistance remained unemployment assistance and was administered as before. It is administered as if we were an industrial society, it is paid on the assumption that a man is genuinely unemployed when, in fact, he is not.

Some changes were made. I know that was done with the object of bettering recipients' positions. It did better their positions and recognised the fact that John So-and-So in receipt of unemployment assistance was a farmer, that he was not going to be penalised for expanding his small-holding and so on. Nevertheless, we should have a more clearcut system.

I should like to ask the Parliamentary Secretary to consider that whole aspect of unemployment assistance in an endeavour to separate those who might be deemed to be industrialised and those who would be purely small-holders. I thank the Parliamentary Secretary for his courtesy to me during his term of office, for the way in which he dealt with my correspondence and representations. If we criticise we hope that criticism will be accepted, some of which may be uninformed but, perhaps, more arising from our practical knowledge of situations. Whatever mistakes we may make, criticism is offered with the best intentions.

Anybody who listened to the debate on this Supplementary Estimate would have forgiven me had I had delusions of grandeur that I was the Taoiseach because the debate ranged over every conceivable Department and touched occasionally only on social welfare. That is very much to be regretted. In a way, perhaps, it is understandable because, obviously, and becoming increasingly more obvious as various Fianna Fáil speakers rise, is the fact that they have no policy on social welfare; they have never given any thought to that whole area. There were individual contributions made from the benches opposite. For example, there were Deputy Carter and Deputy Dr. Gibbons, although I did not necessarily agree with everything they said. There were others but at least the two I have mentioned gave the impression of having given some thought to the subject under discussion. However most of the time was spent trying to drum up support in the Mayo by-election. Regrettably this very serious aspect of our national life, this area of social welfare, was used by Fianna Fáil for that purpose. Although there were some exceptions, there was no serious approach by Fianna Fáil to this subject.

One of the things that prompted me to join in a Coalition was the fact that Fianna Fáil, in office over a long period of time, had no policy on social welfare. Some time ago I was encouraged to hear from Deputy Andrews, their spokesman, and on another occasion from Deputy Jack Lynch, the leader of the party, that they were going to produce a policy on social welfare. I remarked then that, having been in Government with very few interruptions for over 30 years, one would have expected they would have such a policy. Even then I said: better late than never. I ask them now to produce a policy on social welfare, something on which they can all agree, and at least enable us to have an intelligent debate on that area, because serious debate is necessary.

Most speakers referred to the large number of people we have unemployed. They said that all the money being sought in the Supplementary Estimate by the Department of Social Welfare was to stave off the unemployed because they were a political danger to the Government. It is very little bother to establish that out of an expenditure of £370 million the total spent on unemployment benefit and unemployment assistance is £76 million. Social welfare is not just about unemployment benefit or unemployment assistance.

There are many other categories of people in our society who rely on social welfare benefit. I mentioned that out of approximately 900,000 who would benefit from the increases provided in this Supplementary Estimate 400,000 came into the category of old age pensions. The Opposition neglected this area and when they see now that there is a serious commitment by this Government to try and rectify that neglect over a long number of years they shy away from all those areas that are not politically productive for them, and say, "We will not mention them". That is the attitude of Fianna Fáil. Social welfare, as far as Fianna Fáil are concerned, is to be used with great discretion at the moment, very selectively, and as a political stick to win the by-election in Mayo. Hares were raised here and run across the course here to see would it be possible to stir up some sort of resentment or criticism by comparing the Fianna Fáil record with that of this Government, although, to give them credit for some intelligence, most if not all of them know that that is a very forlorn hope, and after flying the flag, as they were required to do by their Whip, they left it at that.

However, there were a few things mentioned that need to be set straight. There was reference to the tremendous number of unemployed that we had in this country, as if nobody had ever been unemployed here in Ireland under Fianna Fáil. We have here a new phenomenon. We suddenly find ourselves with people who have no work, and the whole implication in all the contributions from Fianna Fáil is that, "When we were here no one was unemployed and the land flowed with milk and honey". Would Fianna Fáil give the Irish people credit for some intelligence? The numbers unemployed now are approximately 103,000 or 104,000 people, and in 1975 we have experienced what is generally accepted and recognised as one of the worst recessions that has hit the western world since the early thirties. It has been compared with that recession by people who make a study of these things.

We have 104,000 unemployed. Of course it is an unacceptable figure. Of course it is a waste of human resources. Of course these people have a right to work. But let us get it into perspective. From 1945 on, right up to last year, when the rest of Europe, the Scandinavian countries, Britain, France and Belgium and also America and Japan were enjoying, if not full employment, next to full employment, we here in this country under a Fianna Fáil Government that ruled this country for over 30 years with a very small break, accepted as normal 6 per cent to 7 per cent unemployed. That to Fianna Fáil was acceptable, but now we have the bleeding hearts——

(Dublin Central): On a point of clarification.

The Deputy may not intervene on a point of clarification.

(Dublin Central): The Parliamentary Secretary mentioned 104,000 unemployed. Does that include the small farmers?

The Deputy has made his contribution.

The main objection I heard from the Fianna Fáil benches was that we were not providing employment, and some Deputies actually said—Deputy Dowling, for instance—that we were encouraging people to stay unemployed by trying to give them enough money to provide for themselves and their families during the period that they were unemployed. That seems to be what is sticking in a lot of craws on the Fianna Fáil benches, and it is certainly sticking in Deputy Fitzpatrick's craw as he made very plain in his contribution. Apparently Deputy Fitzpatrick and some of his colleagues in Fianna Fáil find large numbers of unemployed acceptable if they are thrown into economic misery——

(Dublin Central): I did not say a word about that.

——but it is not too acceptable under this Administration when a reasonable amount of financial cushioning is provided against that contingency. However, it is one that I know for a fact is very welcome to the unfortunate people who are unemployed and by their families.

Another kite that was flown by Deputy Nolan and other Deputies was that with the rate of inflation there had been no benefit to the people on social welfare since 1973 when this Government came into power. I do not know where he got the figure. It certainly was not from a Fianna Fáil policy document, because there is not one.

Deputy Nolan said their standard of living had decreased by 8 per cent since 1973. My word does not have to be taken on this. It is simple mathematics, a sum that can be done by anybody inside or outside the House. From the first quarter of 1973 to the third quarter of 1975 the consumer price index went up by 48 per cent and the percentage increase in social welfare was a minimum of 75 per cent. In children's allowances, which I accept is an exception but a very important one to the recipients, there was an increase of 360 per cent. At the very lowest scale there has been a real increase of 18 per cent. Those figures are there and can be checked. The Deputies can do sums the same as I can. Why they think it is useful, politically or otherwise, to the people who are in receipt of social welfare benefits or allowances to totally distort the facts is something I cannot understand. I do not know how they can possibly think that is useful but apparently they do.

Deputy Andrews, in his opening remarks, as well as a number of other Fianna Fáil speakers, paid tribute to the efficiency and courtesy of the staff in the Department of Social Welfare. I should like to thank Deputy Andrews and the other speakers who expressed that view because I feel a very deep sense of appreciation for the work that has been undertaken by the staff, sometimes under very great pressure, but always willingly and always with the idea that they were there to serve the public, and if they could do it courteously and efficiently that was the way they wanted to do it. I am particularly grateful to them for that approach.

There were a number of issues raised during the course of the discussion, a few of them, as I said, not relevant to the Department of Social Welfare. However, I will deal with those that were relevant. I regard Deputy Andrews as a man who has a personal commitment. Unfortunately, politically he finds himself at a very great disadvantage. In my opinion he agrees very much with the advances in social welfare that have been made and regrets that the party he supports did not see fit to do this when they had the opportunity.

The record of Fianna Fáil in social welfare has no parallel.

The people know the record of Fianna Fáil in social welfare.

We have nothing to be ashamed of.

I can appreciate the difficulties of the Fianna Fáil speakers in that regard.

We obviously hurt the Parliamentary Secretary in our speeches.

I would not say the Deputies hurt me. I was a little disappointed because I was looking forward to a serious debate with, possibly, much difference of opinion. I suppose I was foolish to look forward to that kind of debate because it is impossible to have it when the Deputy's party have no policy.

We have policies.

Could we hear the Parliamentary Secretary without interruption? The Chair is seeking order.

The Deputies were all having their own thoughts but there was no cohesion.

The Parliamentary Secretary is distorting what was said.

Interruptions must cease. I have asked again and again that interruptions cease.

The number of times Fianna Fáil speakers contradicted one another on what exactly is wanted and what exactly their views were was very frequent.

That is totally untrue.

Deputy Andrews will have to restrain himself.

If the Fianna Fáil Party have produced a policy they should let each other know what it is. They should let each other know what their thinking on it is if they will not let me or the public know.

The Deputy is being totally misrepresented and the Parliamentary Secretary knows that.

Deputy Andrews said that we were tampering with benefits, blowing our trumpet about the October review and repeating everything that we had done. That was reasonable, legitimate comment.

Let us have actions not words. We have heard this speech so often.

Deputy Andrews has already made his contribution. He must allow the Parliamentary Secretary to make his without interruption. I will not continue to appeal to the Deputy in this matter.

What other action have you got in mind?

If the Deputy cannot listen in quietude to what the Parliamentary Secretary has to say he has a remedy.

My remedy is to put the record right.

The Chair also has a remedy. The Deputy will have to behave himself. He may not continually interrupt.

He is being provoked.

The Parliamentary Secretary without interruption.

Deputy Andrews overlooked that we have a systematic approach to the whole area of social welfare. We outlined that approach very shortly after taking office. We stated our immediate objectives, our middle objectives and our long term objectives and I can assure Deputy Andrews that we have achieved our immediate objectives; we have achieved some of our middle objectives and we are well on our way to achieving the remainder of them and the record is there to prove it.

(Dublin Central): We shall look forward to the January budget.

If there is a January budget.

Why? Is the news from your meeting that bad?

No, but I would imagine that when the results of the Mayo by-election come to hand you will be running to the country.

You gave me a fright. I thought somebody had told you what was up on the fourth floor; the blood letting is on again. We do not feel complacent about any aspect of social welfare. We realise that what remains to be done is difficult and that it can take a considerable amount of time to do it. But we have set the course; we have told the people what it is and we have committed ourselves to that course. What we have achieved in the two-and-a-half years since we came to office justifies, I believe, the confidence of the people in this Government that they will achieve the remainder.

What have you achieved, apart from increasing benefits?

104,000 unemployed.

Deputies opposite keep on repeating that figure; they sound too hopeful.

I have put my views on record.

I am sure, on reflection, you would not wish that on the Irish people.

Certainly not, but you should try to do something about it instead of humbugging.

I am glad of that because that figure has been thrown across the House——

(Interruptions.)

Order. Deputy Andrews will please desist.

It is our duty and function to ensure that it does not happen.

But you had a duty for a long number of years——

103,000 unemployed —a great record.

——and the reason you are over there and will remain over there is because you were not capable of living up to that responsibility.

We will wait for the next election.

I think you will have to wait for a number of elections. Deputy Andrews suggested it might be well to change the name of the Department of Social Welfare to Department of Social Security. I fully accept and appreciate the motive behind that suggestion but a very large section of our welfare is on the assistance side and social security implies insurance. We have not got that yet. A very large amount of expenditure in the social welfare field does not come under the heading of benefit but under the heading of assistance. I hope that in time we shall be able to justify adopting the suggestion made by Deputy Andrews.

I shall try to give the House some idea of what I was talking about when I said people were contradicting themselves and that one speaker was advocating one course of action while the speaker immediately following advocated a totally different course. It was very difficult to see any co-ordinated approach from the Opposition. We had attempts to turn this into a purely political debate.

The Parliamentary Secretary is doing that at the moment.

The Parliamentary Secretary is trying to reply——

You are doing a very subtle job—full marks——

I spoke for an hour-and-a-half in introducing this Estimate——

Without interruption.

——and I covered as far as was humanly possible every aspect of this Estimate. The debate which ensued practically ignored the Estimate and I am now in the unhappy position—I genuinely mean this—that I do not like the debate that is taking place: I would much prefer an intelligent, constructive debate——

It is structured to suit your needs.

——instead of a political debate, but seeing that I have been handed a political debate and nothing else, that is what I must reply to.

You have us in tears.

I have to reply to charges, accusations and distortions of fact that were brought into the debate by the Opposition. I can only deal with what was raised in reply and I am going to reply to some of the more——

Brilliant?

No, ludicrous political charges.

In a non-political fashion?

No, they were political charges and I have to deal with what was raised.

Much against your will.

We had Deputy Dowling and Deputy Fitzpatrick both representing Dublin constituencies and both, one would imagine, would be familiar with the facts regarding social welfare and particularly with certain aspects of the operation of social welfare. However, both of them displayed a lack of knowledge in that area that could only be described as amazing in the case of men representing constituencies of the nature and composition of the constituencies these Deputies represent.

Deputy Dowling spoke about poverty. It is very easy to make a statement here particularly when quoting figures or statistics. It is something I would not take advantage of.

The Parliamentary Secretary is not going to take advantage of it?

I am going to point out the truth. On no less than four occasions Deputy Dowling informed us that we ought to be ashamed of ourselves that 25,000 people were living in what might be described as poverty. He mentioned that fact on two occasions last Thursday and twice this afternoon. I wish to God he was right because the figure he should have quoted was 250,000.

(Dublin Central): Disgraceful.

I agree entirely with the Deputy.

The Parliamentary Secretary is a great salesman, there is no doubt about that.

It is a heritage from the Fianna Fáil administration. It is disgraceful and Fianna Fáil members ought to be ashamed of themselves for consistently supporting a Government that allowed it to develop and ignored the problem when it was there. As far as the Members on those benches are concerned—one can search the records to prove this point—when they were in office this problem was never mentioned by any of their leading spokesmen. Never had they the guts or the courage to acknowledge the fact that this problem existed in our society because they would have had to accept responsibility for it and in accepting responsibility they would have had to accept the blame that properly attached to them. This Government will face up to that responsibility and the first step along the road of trying to eradicate this problem is to acknowledge that it exists and not, for purely political reasons, to sweep it under the carpet and hope it will not become a political embarrassment. The extent of the concern of Fianna Fáil was that once it was not a political embarrassment it was left there and ignored in the hope that it would go away.

I hope the other members of Fianna Fáil, even at this late stage, have more knowledge of the extent of the problem than Deputy Dowling who represents a constituency like my own in which a number of people in this category live.

The Parliamentary Secretary is an expert at taking advantage of Deputy Dowling's slip of the tongue even though he said he would not do so.

Deputy Dowling quoted the figure on four occasions. As the Fianna Fáil flakman he was sent in to try to fire a few shots across the bow for the Mayo by-election.

Of course the Parliamentary Secretary is not engaging in that sort of thing.

He was followed up by Deputy Fitzpatrick who appears to be his aspiring apprentice although he has a long way to go before he reaches the expertise and eminence of Deputy Dowling in this field.

The Parliamentary Secretary is full of admiration for Deputy Dowling.

Did the Parliamentary Secretary bring a clack along with him?

I do not need one because I have the Deputy.

The Parliamentary Secretary is deliberately misinterpreting the meaning of the word.

Deputy Dowling went on to generalise in his own unique and specialised way.

He must have hurt the Parliamentary Secretary.

He did hurt me.

I am glad.

It hurt me to think that a Deputy could be so irresponsible in such a sensitive area as Deputy Dowling was this evening. It did not necessarily surprise me but it hurt me.

The bleeding heart society.

We had Deputy Dowling generalising at great length about wholesale abuses of the social welfare system but when he was asked to be more specific he would not be. When it was pointed out to him that if he was aware of abuses against the social welfare system it was his duty as a public representative to make the Department aware of them he still shied away; he could only repeat what has been said outside this House by people of the same mentality as he and other Members on those benches. It has been said by people who are against the proper concept of social welfare, who do not agree with the concept of social welfare but have not the guts to come out and say it; they can only cast aspersions but when they are asked to tell us what they are talking about and give details of the abuses they refuse to say so.

I have spoken about this on a number of occasions but my remarks have usually been addressed to those who made statements outside the House, people who have been described by the media as leading industrialists and such like. I said it was irresponsible for those people to be making such statements but I consider it grossly irresponsible for a Deputy to indulge in the same sort of slur tactics against social welfare recipients. If Deputy Dowling, or any other Member, has any facts about abuse of the system and brings them to my attention I will deal with such matters.

How would the Parliamentary Secretary deal with such matters? The Parliamentary Secretary should be serious now.

The Deputy should not misunderstand me because I have been serious all along.

The Parliamentary Secretary should come back on stream. We concede all the laughs.

Does the Deputy wish to talk again? Does he wish me to sit down?

I would love the Parliamentary Secretary to sit down permanently.

I will not do that although I know the Deputy would like it because it is not pleasant for him to listen to the facts I am putting before the House.

We concede all the music hall laughs.

The Parliamentary Secretary should be allowed to reply without interruption.

In the current year we have sent forward to the State Solicitor's office approximately 500 cases of what we regard as abuses of the system to be followed up through the legal machinery. If Deputy Dowling has any facts I would be only too glad to hear them. I sincerely hope he will give up this very wild——

May I interrupt the Parliamentary Secretary? Of the 500, how many were successfully dealt with?

We would always consider them——

I am being serious about this.

Deputy, do not start asking me questions and giving me the answers. Does the Deputy want the answer? We would consider any case we refer to the courts and get a decision on as being satisfactorily dealt with because we have confidence in our courts.

How many decisions did you get, as a matter of record? The Parliamentary Secretary might have those facts available.

I do not have those specific details.

That is the answer to my question.

Deputy Fitzpatrick made two cases, one contradicting the other, First, he was very disturbed about the number unemployed. I welcome this awakening of a social conscience. I have known him for a considerable time and have never heard him express concern previously about this social evil. He claimed, rightly, that Fianna Fáil had drafted the legislation on the pay-related scheme. Then he implied that the pay-related scheme, as administered by us, was a disincentive to work. He alleged that there was some kind of fiddling going on in the Department of Social Welfare because we were applying the legislation——

That is grossly untrue. That is an appalling charge.

It is on the record.

It is not.

——that had been drawn up by a Fianna Fáil Minister. You cannot have it both ways. If Fianna Fáil want to take credit for the good points, they must also be prepared to take credit for the bad points. That is reasonable.

As I said, there were not many points raised in the debate which were relevant to the Department of Social Welfare. We welcomed some of the contributions made. Deputy H. Gibbons gave a lot of thought to his contribution. Again I would appeal to the Fianna Fáil party to produce a policy on social welfare, to sit down and give serious thought to this area.

We give serious thought to it every week. The Parliamentary Secretary need not lecture Fianna Fáil on social welfare.

When that policy document is produced, we might not agree with it; we might differ about it, but we will at least do something Fianna Fáil have not done——

Lift what you can out of it.

——take it seriously.

(Dublin Central): The Parliamentary Secretary conveniently forgot the two remarks I made about the pay-related scheme and if he has any scheme in mind for the small farmers.

Vote put and agreed to.
The Dáil adjourned at 9.45 p.m. until 10.30 a.m. on Thursday, 30th October, 1975.
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