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Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 14 Mar 1984

Vol. 348 No. 12

Social Welfare Bill, 1984: Second Stage.

I move "That the Bill be now read a Second Time."

The main purpose of this Bill is to give effect to the various increases in social welfare payments which were announced in the budget. The Bill also contains provisions for the introduction of a new family income supplement scheme as well as for a number of other changes in social welfare schemes. The contents of the Bill are explained in the accompanying memorandum and I trust that this has helped Deputies in their consideration of the various measures proposed.

This Bill provides for an increase of 7 per cent in rates of social insurance and social assistance from the beginning of July next, with consequential increases in rates of occupational injuries benefits. Children's allowances, likewise, will be increased by 7 per cent from August. When this Government came into office they gave a firm commitment, despite the gravity of the recession and its impact on social welfare expenditure, to endeavour to maintain the living standards of people who depend on social welfare for their needs.

The increase in flat-rate payments this year, as well as those in 1983, will ensure that this policy is being implemented within the most severe limitations of Exchequer resources. The real value of pensions, benefits and allowances will be maintained until well into 1985 and, in fact, overall expenditure on social welfare will rise by over 13 per cent in 1984 relative to 1983. Included in this expenditure is a provision of some £65.5 million for the cost of rates increases this year. This significant extra cost, which is essential to maintain the value of social welfare services, is being fully borne by the Exchequer. PRSI contributors — employees and employers — will not be asked to make any direct extra contribution to social insurance this year. There is a small increase on the occupational injuries contribution for employers which I will refer to later.

I would like to say a few words about public attitudes to social welfare provision. In recessionary times, there is a well orchestrated campaign to divert the resources needed for social support to what some people might consider to be more `productive' use in the economy. Indeed, social welfare recipients are less well placed to plead their case than other more vocal groups in society. There is a tendency on the part of some people, who are usually relatively well off, to lay the blame for the country's financial ills at the door of the underprivileged and the poor. We hear a lot about the unfair burden of tax but very little about the acute problems of people trying to bring up their families on low incomes.

In recent years the bulk of the working population have come to appreciate that unemployment could happen to them. Yet a section of the population is still reluctant to see money go to people without work. There is a superficial suspicion that some unemployed people could get a job if they really wanted to, that some are living on the backs of other people. There are also occasional allegations that large numbers of people are receiving benefits while at the same time working in the "black economy".

Ill-informed comment on these lines is extremely damaging for popular support and willingness to subscribe to social security. My Department have taken reasonable and effective steps to ensure that social welfare funds are not misused by a minority at the expense of the vast majority in genuine need and of the working population who provide the benefits through PRSI contributions and general taxation. In this connection, I would like to commend the trade union movement and the voluntary organisations for their unselfish efforts over the years in defending and publicising the legitimate rights of the people who are victims, through no fault of their own, of our economic and social systems. In this context also I must again stress that the single most important incentive to work is the prospect of employment not reductions in unemployment benefit.

It is a Government's duty on behalf of the community to give the most deprived sections of the population the priority they are entitled to in any recession. Despite the difficulties of the current economic and financial situation this Government will not allow the weaker sections of our community who are dependent on social welfare to suffer a drop in the purchasing power of their incomes.

We are now hopefully facing into a period of economic growth and moderate inflation, but even in that more optimistic context the scale of social welfare spending presents a daunting challenge to any Government to maintain and improve the living standards of recipients. This challenge is compounded by the need to consider the capacity of the community at large to meet the cost of social welfare support. Gross expenditure on social welfare in 1984 will amount to £2,156 million, or nearly £6 million each day of the year. This enormous sum represents a commitment to social welfare of almost exactly £1,000 a year by every man and woman in the labour force.

It is important to put on the record that the recipients of transfer payments on the scale I have outlined should not in any way feel apologetic for their inability to support themselves. The vast majority of recipients have over the years made substantial contributions as taxpayers and insured persons and they have, accordingly, a right to income maintenance payments from the State. I believe it is also important to remember that the money transferred to people in need has an economic, as well as a social, value. Unlike some other sections of the community, social welfare recipients spend nearly all of their income on basic goods and services, the necessities of life, Their money is spent immediately on receipt and is circulated largely within the domestic economy, creating additional economic demand and, indeed, making a significant contribution towards sustaining Irish jobs. Social welfare recipients also make their own contribution to the Exchequer through direct and indirect taxes. Those that choose to criticise what they see as excessive levels of social support should be mindful of the economic worth of social services, as well as the merit of increased community well-being that results from the redistribution of resources in this way.

Part of the large increase in social welfare expenditure this year is due to the growing burden of unemployment. Unemployment expenditure will amount to about £580 million this year, equivalent to over a quarter of all expenditure on social welfare.

The scale of support needed, however large, cannot be judged on mere expenditure figures. The amount of personal hardship, waste of human skills and, indeed, the social upheaval caused by unemployment is a truer, and more disturbing, measure of the real effects of this serious problem.

The Government place, as they must do, a major priority on action to correct the employment situation. My most immediate responsibility, however, is to ensure that the personal hardship experienced by all those who are unemployed, but particularly by those whose unemployment has been prolonged, is tackled and reduced through effective social welfare support.

Deputies will be aware of the special 5 per cent increase which I introduced last October for people in receipt of unemployment assistance who have been unemployed for 15 months or more. I am glad to say that the Government have managed to provide a special 8 per cent increase for this group from the beginning of next July. The aggregate increase in the rates of payment for the long-term unemployed next July will amount to 13.5 per cent relative to July 1983. About 75,000 people and their 164,000 dependants will gain extra support through this increase in the long-term unemployment assistance rates.

I should now like to deal with the effect of the increases on individual payments. The increases in social insurance and occupational injuries benefits are provided in section 3 of the Bill.

A contributory old age pensioner under 80 years of age will receive an additional £3.15 a week bringing his rate of payment to £48.25 a week. If he is married with a wife under age 66 he will get a total increase of £5.15 bringing the pension to £79.05 a week. A married couple both over pensionable age will get £84.25 compared with £78.75 at present. Higher increases are paid for pensioners over 80. Additional payments are also made for persons living alone.

The personal rate of widow's contributory pension is being increased by £2.85 a week to £43.45. Widows over 66 receive higher payments. A widow with, for example, three dependent children will receive £80.70 a week which is an increase of £5.30.

The personal rate of invalidity pension goes up from £39.75 to £42.55 for a person under pensionable age and a married couple with two children will receive £90.75, an increase of £5.95.

A person in receipt of disability or unemployment benefit will have a new personal rate of £37.25 a week, an increase of £2.45. Where the recipient is married the increase will be £4.05 a week. Maternity allowance is also being increased to £37.25.

Practice in other countries is one of the bench marks against which the standard of social welfare provision here can be evaluated. Deputies will be interested to know that the rates of social insurance benefits in this country can be compared favourably with those payable in Great Britain and Northern Ireland. For example, the standard rate of unemployment benefit in the United Kingdom is now £27.05 sterling for a single person and £43.75 for a married couple. These payments, at current exchange rates, are equivalent to £33.41 and £54.04 in Irish money terms. The corresponding Irish payments from July are £37.25 and £61.40. Also, the United Kingdom unemployment and sickness benefits are flat-rates only, the earnings-related supplement having been withdrawn in 1982. Another difference is that the duration of unemployment benefit is 15 months in this country as against 12 months in Britain and Northern Ireland. The basic rate of retirement pension in the UK is £34.65 sterling equivalent to £42.80 in Irish currency compared with the new Irish retirement pension of £48.25 from July next.

The new rates of social assistance payments are provided in section 4 of the Bill. The maximum personal rate of non-contributory old age pension for a pensioner under 80 years of age goes from £38.60 a week at present to £41.30 a week. It will go up to £44.30 for persons aged 80 or over. The overall maximum payment for a pensioner under 80 with a dependent spouse under 66 will increase by £4.05 to £62.05. The allowance payable in respect of a prescribed relative giving full-time care and attention to an incapacitated pensioner is being raised to £23.10.

Widows receiving non-contributory widow's pensions at the present rate of £37.85 will get an increase of £2.65 a week. A widow with two dependent children will get £62.65, an increase of £4.10 a week. Similar increases will apply to deserted wives, unmarried mothers and prisoners' wives.

Those receiving short-duration unemployment assistance in urban areas will get an increase of £2 a week in their maximum personal rate. In rural areas the increase will be £1.95 a week. There are also increases in respect of dependants. An applicant in an urban area who has a wife and two dependent children will get an increase of £4.50 a week on the present rate of £65.15. The special rates of unemployment assistance payable to smallholders in certain areas with land under £20 valuation whose means are still assessed by reference to land valuation are being maintained at their existing levels. Deputies will be aware that the system of assessment of means on the basis of land valuation is being phased out.

The rates of unemployment assistance for long-duration recipients of unemployment assistance are higher. For example, a man and wife with two children in an urban area will get £73.90 which is £4.25 more than the corresponding short-duration rate.

The maximum rate of supplementary welfare allowance for a married couple goes from £48.35 to £51.70 with additional payments for children.

It is noteworthy that the standard cash payments to social welfare recipients are in many cases supplemented by the provision of various non-cash benefits. All pensioners over age 66 are entitled to free travel and in addition they may qualify for fuel vouchers. For pensioners living alone, there is free electricity, free telephone rental and free TV licence. All of these services add considerably to the value of welfare support for the aged and they automatically retain their value in the face of increases in the prices of the services provided. They are also free of income tax.

Section 5 of the Bill makes a technical amendment to the Social Welfare (Consolidation) Act, 1981, to allow for certain expenses in relation to the administration of the social insurance and occupational injuries schemes to be paid to An Post rather than to the Minister for Posts and Telegraphs as was formerly the case.

I now come to section 6 of the Bill. Expenditure out of the Occupational Injuries Fund is met entirely by employer contributions and by fund investments. In order to maintain the solvency of the fund, the rate of employer contribution is being increased by 0.1 per cent to 0.4 per cent of employees reckonable earnings, subject to the £13,000 ceiling. The special rate of occupational injuries contribution payable in respect of certain public servants is being correspondingly increased.

I wish to make a general comment here in relation to employer support for social insurance. There has been criticism recently about the extent to which employer PRSI contributions add unduly to overall labour costs. It is important to remember, however, that employer contributions to social insurance reflect a fundamental purpose of the welfare system. This purpose is to provide comprehensive occupational protection for workers and their families and to ensure the widest community support for people who cannot meet their needs through their own resources. Contributions by employers are very much an integral part of the welfare system, reflecting their social obligations as part of the community. This social dimension of employer contributions should be recognised, accordingly, and the contribution system should not be seen simply as a tax which might deter employers from taking on workers.

Section 7 of the Bill provides for an increase of £7 in the earnings disregard, or "floor", for pay-related benefit purposes. This change will affect new claims only from the beginning of April next where entitlement to pay-related benefit is involved.

Since the introduction of the pay-related benefit scheme in April 1974 a proportion of reckonable earnings has always been disregarded in calculating the amount of pay-related benefit payable in addition to disability, unemployment, maternity and injury benefits. In 1974 this disregard was £14, over twice the prevailing rate of flat-rate benefit. The floor was not increased until 1981, even though the level of flat-rate benefit rose significantly in that time.

The latest increase in the floor continues the policy that has applied over the last three years of progressively raising its level. However, if the floor had been maintained at the same relation to the flat-rate benefit as it had in April 1974, it would now stand at £74 instead of the £43 proposed in this Bill.

Section 8 of the Bill provides for the making of regulations to enable pay-related benefit payable with unemployment benefit to be paid in a lump sum in connection with the Enterprise Allowance Scheme. The Enterprise Allowance Scheme was introduced by the Government at the end of last year to provide financial support for unemployed people who wished to start up their own business. As an alternative to unemployment payments, people who qualify under the scheme can receive a weekly allowance of £30 if single, or £50 if they are married. There has been a very encouraging response to this scheme by unemployed people who are prepared to set up their own business to secure their future. The scheme is administered by the Department of Labour.

To increase the flexibility of State support under this scheme, the Government have decided that any pay-related benefit to which scheme applicants would be entitled if they had remained unemployed can now be paid to them as a lump-sum. This lump-sum will be equivalent to the amount of pay-related benefit that an applicant would otherwise have received in respect of the unexpired portion of the relevant period of interruption of employment subject to a maximum of 26 weeks. The lump-sum should provide a useful extra capital float at the start of a business, when credit can often be difficult to obtain.

The current unemployment situation demands that as much flexibility as possible be provided through State intervention and support. It is the international experience that there is no one answer to reducing unemployment, but rather that a range of measures be available, which suit individual needs and situations. It is the Government's task to ensure that these measures are provided in an effective and responsive way, while not stifling the economic growth that is necessary for our longer-term prosperity. I believe that the Enterprise Allowance Scheme, and the improvements to it contained in this Bill, is an important input to the alleviation of our unemployment problem.

Under section 9 of the Bill the assessment of the income from the leasing of land for long periods is being changed. For means assessment purposes at present, the capital value of land is used where it is being leased for a number of years. The land in such cases is deemed not to be personally used or enjoyed by the owner. On the other hand, land let on a short-term basis — for example, the conacre or 11-month system — is taken to remain in the occupation and use of the owner and means for pension and other purposes are calculated on the basis of the profits from the letting. The existing methods of assessing means favour persons engaged in short-term lettings of their land. The adverse effect of a long-term leasing arrangement on subsequent social assistance entitlement can often discourage farmers — particularly more elderly land-owners — from considering the long-term option rather than the less efficient 11-month system. This can in turn hinder the access to land of younger and possibly more progressive farmers.

The Government are anxious to encourage greater of land leasing as part of their land policy in relation to farming and section 9 of the Bill provides accordingly that where farm land has been leased with the approval of the Land Commission the lessor's means for social assistance purposes will be calculated by reference to the profits from the lease rather than to the capital value of the holding.

I have already referred to the 7 per cent increase in rates of children's allowances which will apply from the beginning of next August. Sections 10 and 11 of the Bill make a couple of minor changes to the scheme itself. At present, children's allowance in respect of a child resident outside the State can be paid to the father while he is working abroad for the Government, the State, or an international organisation. Section 10 extends this provision to a qualified person other than the father — in other words, the mother.

Section 11 extends the validity of the orders in children's allowance books from three to six months. This measure will reduce the amount of payable orders issued by my Department in respect of children's allowance book orders which become out of date.

Following a recommendation in the Report on the Inquiry into the Cost and Methods of Providing Motor Insurance the Government have decided that the amount of disability benefit, associated pay-related benefit or invalidity pension payable for up to a period of five years to a person arising from injuries received as the result of a road traffic accident shall be taken into account in assessing damages for those injuries. Section 12 of the Bill makes provision for this in line with similar arrangements which already exist in relation to occupational injuries benefits.

I would now like to turn to the new scheme which is being provided for in Part 3 of this Bill. The Family Income Supplement Scheme is designed to provide cash support for employees on low earnings with families.

In many cases such workers may be only marginally better off than if they were claiming disability or unemployment benefits. This situation arises partly from the structure of the benefit schemes themselves, which take account of family size, whereas earnings are paid regardless of marital or family status. It also arises through the significant real increases that have occurred in recent years in rates of benefit relative to net earnings. Even though workers on low earnings are often exempted from income tax or eligible for marginal relief, the so-called "poverty-trap" can be such as to reduce the incentive to work in some cases.

Apart from the poverty-trap consideration, I believe that it is important to redistribute resources towards the lower-paid by direct income support so that all sections of the community share to the greatest extent possible in the gradual improvement in our national prosperity. The capacity of the income tax system to achieve the level of redistribution and equity which the Government consider to be desirable is limited to some extent by its structure and the nature of tax allowances. Direct cash support has the advantage of being tailored to suit individual situations as well as providing more clearly-identifiable State assistance for the pressures that can arise through living on low incomes.

Sections 13 to 17 provide for the introduction of the family income supplement scheme and for consequential amendments to the social welfare code. The general details of the scheme are as follows. Weekly payments will be made to families with children where one or more parent is in full-time paid employment and where the income of the family is less than a specified amount. This amount will vary according to the number of children in the family. The supplement will be calculated as one-quarter of the difference between the family's actual income and the appropriate upper level of weekly income for the family size in question. If the family income is below a specified level then the full appropriate supplement will be payable.

The maximum family earnings up to which a supplement will be payable will be £95 in the case of a one-child family. An additional £15 earnings will be allowed for each subsequent child up to the fifth. At this family size, the maximum earnings allowable will be £155 a week. As this level of earnings will correspond to average male earnings in the transportable goods industries this year, I do not consider it appropriate to supplement incomes above this level. Accordingly, families with more than five children will all be assessed according to the income limits for a five-child family. Similarly, the lower income limits will vary from £63 in the case of a one-child family to £95 a week in the case of families with five or more children. The maximum family income supplement payable where earnings are at or below these limits will range from £8 to £15 a week, depending on family size.

Once the family entitlement has been determined, payment of the supplement will normally be made for 52 weeks before review. It will be payable to the principal wage earner in the family and the supplement will not be subject to income tax or PRSI. Section 15 of the Bill provides for the making of regulations to suspend payment of the supplement where the recipient ceases to work and draws unemployment benefit, unemployment assistance, disability benefit or retirement pension.

It is intended that the new scheme will be introduced from the beginning of November 1984. It will be administered centrally by my Department. The scheme will be of benefit to some 35,000 families, at a cost to the Exchequer of £2.2 million in 1984 and £13 million in a full year.

I have outlined these details of the proposed scheme to familiarise Deputies with the form and scale of individual support involved. My Department will of course be fully publicising the family income supplement scheme in due course. I do not claim that the scheme provided for in this Bill will solve all the problems faced by workers trying to provide for their families on low earnings. However, I consider that the family income supplement will provide a significant level of support for a section of the community whose needs could not be catered for adequately within the scope of the existing social welfare system or the taxation system as currently structured.

Part 4 of the Bill, covering sections 18 to 30, provides for the abolition of old age pension committees and the transfer of their funciton in deciding pension entitlement to deciding officers in my Department. Some consequential provisions are also included. The Old Age Pension Committees were first set up under the Old Age Pensions Act, 1908. They are appointed by county councils and county borough and borough councils to determine individual entitlement to old age, non-contributory, pensions. There are currently about 355 committees and sub-committees around the country.

Under the present system, each old age pension claim is investigated by a social welfare officer whose report to the old age pension committee, or sub-committee, shows the applicant's means from all sources and includes a recommendation as to the amount of pension entitlement in accordance with the relevant legislation. The claim must then await the next meeting of the committee for consideration.

The committees are voluntary and part-time and are required to meet once a month. Claims must await a meeting for consideration, often for longer periods than a month, frequently as much as three months. The committees, therefore, delay rather than expedite decisions. To counteract this problem, provision was made in 1978 to enable pensions recommended by the social welfare officer to be put into payment pending the committees' decisions. From the point of view of such claimants, therefore, the committees are totally irrelevant; the remainder, namely those not entitled to pension for one reason or another, must still wait until the committees meet to learn the outcome of their claims. There is, in fact, no guarantee that a claim will be decided at a particular meeting as decisions are sometimes deferred from meeting to meeting.

Committees may cause further delays and bring the whole adjudication process into disrepute when they award pensions which are not payable or which are clearly higher than those payable under the Acts or Regulations. This is a frequent occurence which necessitates appeals by social welfare officers against such decisions. These appeals are decided by statutorily appointed appeals officers.

What is now being provided for in this part of the Bill is that applications for old age non-contributory pensions would go through the same adjudication process as for other social welfare benefits and assistance claims. Applications will in future be decided by deciding officers — civil servants so appointed by the Minister of the day. The decision of these officers will also be subject to the statutory right of appeal to an appeals officer.

At this stage, I would like to pay tribute to the work of the local pension committees in fulfilling their statutory duties down through the years. The fact that I might not agree with the basic policy under which the committees were established and operated does not take from my appreciation of the contribution, commitment and dedication which individual voluntary members have brought to their work.

Section 19 of the Bill provides for the consequential abolition of the post of clerk to the old age pension committee or sub-committee and for the provision of appropriate compensation to the clerks in line with Civil Service practice. My remarks about the dedication and commitment of the committees apply with equal validity to the work of clerks to those committees over the years. Their role in co-ordinating the work of committees and in liaising with Department officials has ensured that the system of adjudication worked as efficiently as it could within the constraints which it faced.

Section 20 to 28 of the Bill make necessary consequential amendments to relevant sections of the Social Welfare (Consolidation) Act, 1981. It is my intention to bring these provisions into operation by regulation in the near future.

I referred at the start to the current magnitude of social welfare expenditure. It is the quality rather than the quantity of expenditure which is of importance, particularly in the social welfare area, where even marginal changes in provision can have a significant effect on people's lives and livelihood. I believe that the combination of measures provided for in this Bill refine the social welfare system while maintaining the level of support and improving both the scope of coverage and effectiveness of delivery.

I think it is an indication of the commitment of the Government to the support of social welfare recipients that the resources necessary to finance the improvements in this Bill have been provided, without undue extra sacrifice being asked of other sections of the community.

Before finishing, I would like to refer to two other developments in social welfare this year. The first relates to the provision in the Estimates of £0.5 million for various voluntary organisations who do invaluable work in giving individual social service. A similar amount was given to such organisations last year, and successfully funded a number of once-off projects in the social welfare area. I will be allocating this year's funds in due course.

The second development relates to the introduction of measures necessary to ensure equality of treatment between men and women in the social welfare code within the terms of the EEC Directive on this matter. I intend to bring legislation on this issue before the House later this year with a view to having the necessary provisions implemented before the end of the year.

I should like to put on record my appreciation, and thanks — I am sure on behalf of all Members but particularly on behalf of the Government — to the staff of the Department of Social Welfare. In the last 12 months they worked under enormous pressures with major unemployment-related problems facing them every day in the week at central and local level, and did outstanding work. They have been subjected, mainly in relation to the smallholders' allowance — particularly a number of officials in the west of Ireland — to wholly unwarranted criticism of a most unfortunate nature. I have repudiated that criticism which came from some Members of the Houses of the Oireachtas. The staff of the Department of Social Welfare have an enormous burden to bear. They are constrained enormously by the operations of the public service staff embargo and other necessary measures in relation to public service employment. In spite of that they have discharged their duties and work commitments with enormous dedication. I should like to thank the secretary, assistant secretaries, principal officers, and all staff of other grades for the co-operation I received during the last very difficult 12 months. I expect I will get the same co-operation in the implementation of the terms of the Bill. I commend the Bill to the House.

I should like to agree with the sentiments expressed by the Chief Whip of our party, Deputy Bertie Ahern, about the speed with which the Bill was brought before the House. As the Minister stated in his opening remarks the main purpose of the Bill is to give effect to the various increases in social welfare payments announced in the budget. We had the budget on 25 January, some seven weeks ago. The Bill before the House is important because it affects very many people and it should be available to all Members of the House to give them an opportunity to study it. If this Government are in office next year I ask the Minister to have the Bill available soon after the budget.

What is proposed in the Bill before the House will cause more serious problems for the poor, the sick, the unemployed and the other under-privileged sections of the community. The Government appear to have identified the problems but have done nothing about them. In his Budget Statement the Minister for Finance said:

The Government came to office with a commitment to keep short-term social welfare benefits in line with increases in the take-home pay of workers and to maintain the living standards of other weekly welfare recipients.

The Minister went on to say that the Government had more than met this commitment. Obviously their commitment on coming to office was a legitimate one but it has not been met. The Programme for Government also guaranteed that short-term benefits would keep abreast of inflation and in line with the take-home pay of those in employment. However, that was not done last year and it is not being done this year.

The main thrust of the social policy of any government should be to create employment but this Government have failed singularly on that issue. Secondly, the Government should endeavour to meet the needs of the most vulnerable in society. The Government have failed in that for the second year in succession. This year the Government are offering a 7 per cent increase to those dependent on social welfare benefits for their existence. Last year they offered 12 per cent to long-term recipients of social welfare benefits and 10 per cent to short-term recipients. In discussing the Bill last year dealing with social welfare payments the Minister said:

I regret very much that in present financial circumstances it is not possible to provide a significant real improvement in the level of social welfare payments. I fully appreciate that many persons dependent on social welfare incomes — the sick, the unemployed, the widowed and the retired — are finding it extremely difficult to make ends meet in this severe and prolonged recession. It is unfortunate at a time like this, when the need for income maintenance services, particularly unemployment benefits, is greatest that the State's ability to make an adequate response is limited because of the critical position of the public finances. However, I can assure Members of the House that as soon as circumstances permit, hopefully by next year's budget, it is my firm intention to secure further real improvements in social welfare payments.

We come to the 1984 budget and we see what the Government offer — 7 per cent for nine months of this year. Last year the Government introduced a system that they would pay benefits for only nine months of the year. That reduces the value of 7 per cent and makes it 5¼ per cent over a 12-month period. That is what is being offered to social welfare recipients. When one adds the 10 per cent last year and the 7 per cent this year and takes it over two years, it does not compare with the 25 per cent given in the previous year by a Fianna Fáil Government nor does it compare with what was given in the two years previous to that.

The Minister made a comparison with pensions in the UK and in Northern Ireland. While we are pleased that our pensions compare favourably in terms of money, it is important that we look at the cost of essential services. This morning the Minister spoke of the advantage to the economy of social welfare payments because they are spent on the necessities of life but if the Minister were to make a comparison with regard to the price of some of the necessities of life here and in the North of Ireland he would find a considerable difference. In addition, the performance of this Government has aggravated the situation. As the Chair and I know in our constituency, the action of the Government in increasing the price of petrol by 35p in their first month in office encouraged many people to cross the Border to buy petrol. Inevitably, these people have also bought other goods north of the Border. I do not think the Minister can absolve himself or the Government of their responsibilities to the under-privileged here by making comparisons £ for £ with what is available in other countries in Europe.

An increase of 7 per cent in children's allowance will be granted this year from 7 August; it will not be available even for a full eight months in the year. That percentage represents 20p per week or, spread over a full year, 14p per week. That is the increase the Government are giving to families. Then the Minister for Finance comes in here and tells us that the Government have more than met their commitment.

Last year there was no increase in children's allowance and thus the 7 per cent is the only increase in two years. Last year was the first time for many years that a Government did not give an increase in children's allowances. There was no double allowance for child dependents of social welfare recipients last September. This had been given in the previous year to help parents to get their children back to school. There was no double allowance at Christmas for the children of short-term recipients of social welfare benefits. People on unemployment assistance are probably the worst off sector at the moment.

There have been massive charges for the use of school buses. The family income supplement will not apply where there are more than five children. There will be an imposition of 8 per cent in respect of VAT on clothes for children over ten years of age. It is reasonable to say that the Government since they came to office have been particularly hard on children and on families. The Government tell us they are awarding a 7 per cent increase in children's allowance, not effective until 7 August, whereas formerly all such benefits were paid at the beginning of April. I am surprised that the Government would try to defend that policy and say they have discharged their obligation to the less well-off sections of our community.

Section 6 increases the contributions to the occupational injury fund and, along with the increase already announced to the redundancy fund, adds another ½ per cent to PRSI contributions. In itself this will be an added burden on employers who have complained over the years that they are having difficulty in meeting their commitments. The philosophy in regard to the creation of jobs is one that should be considered when the Government decided to increase the PRSI contribution. Employment should be the prime economic and social policy of the Government. Unfortunately the Government have failed miserably in that regard. Unemployment increased by 28,000 last year and the Government expect it to increase by 30,000 this year. That shows a lack of confidence in their own policy. We have 216,000 unemployed and 66,000 are under 25 years of age. Unemployment is eating away at the whole fabric of our society.

The Government should be looking seriously at the problem. They should be doing something positive about the problem. The Minister's responsibility is to ensure that those who are unfortunate enough to lose their jobs through no fault of their own are properly looked after by the State. The Minister recognises that in his opening speech but he has done nothing to help that section because this 7 per cent increase will make it quite impossible for very many of these people to meet their commitments. The Minister talked about the £500,000 which the Government have allocated to voluntary bodies. Perhaps they might consider allocating another £500,000 to voluntary bodies like the social services councils, the St. Vincent de Paul Society and other societies working on behalf of the poorer sections. There is absolutely no doubt that despite the increases awarded last year and again this year more and more people will have to look elsewhere for their means of survival, particularly those with large families. The cost of food, the cost of services, the 8 per cent on clothes will all affect these people and many who were in good employment and have lost their jobs as a result of the Government's economic policy, many who were able to meet their commitments, now find they can no longer do so. One has only to ask any local authority about the situation in relation to the repayment of loans under the SDA to be told that more and more people are unable to meet their commitments. The Government offer them 7 per cent or, if they are more than 15 months unemployed, 8 per cent.

In the situation in which we find ourselves the answer is obviously to create jobs as well as protecting those who are in employment. That will remove a great deal of the poverty and the personal frustration and altogether create a more healthy society. The increases given of £2 and £3 this year is not a reasonable increase. If it were a reasonable increase it would be at least £8 or £9 per week. A married man with two children gets £68.15 if he is unemployed in a rural area.

On the question of unemployment assistance I agree with the Minister in what he said about the officials of his Department. I had the honour to work in that Department before the change of Government and I could not praise too highly the work and dedication of the public servants there and also the public servants working out in the field. It is important to remember that the public servants working outside, particularly in relation to the small farmers' unemployment assistance, are carrying out the direction of the Minister. The Minister said he rejected the criticism of his officials and I would point out that the most severe criticism and the harshest criticism has come from Members on his side of the House. A west of Ireland Senator and members of the Fine Gael Party on a number of occasions recently appealed to the Minister to do something about the small farmers but nothing has been done. Apart from the low rate of payment there are unacceptable delays in the assessment and administration of the social welfare assistance scheme particularly the UA scheme. There are delays of three and four months and even longer. If there is a shortage of staff the Minister should ensure sufficient staff are recruited so that people are paid their unemployment assistance as a matter of urgency. A reasonable period would be two or three weeks after applying for unemployment assistance.

Many people are unemployed through no fault of their own. Many of them coming on to the labour exchange do not have their insurance contributions and have to apply for assistance rather than benefit. Many do not have anywhere to turn to. I would ask the Minister to examine the situation in each health board area to find out how many people are not receiving unemployment assistance and supplementary allowance. It appears to me that when people look for supplementary allowance to which they are entitled the community welfare officer checks with the Department of Social Welfare and finds they may not be paid unemployment assistance because there is a suspicion they are working. The health board then will not pay them supplementary allowance. I would like the Minister to look at that and see how many families there are who have no income whatsoever because they are not receiving supplementary allowance on the say-so of the social welfare Department and not as a result of the community welfare officer's own investigation.

The problem of the long-term unemployed is probably the biggest problem. Those who are short-term unemployed or on short-term disability are able to cope with the situation but those who are long-term unemployed are in a very, very serious position in trying to meet their commitments. The NESC in their report No. 62 had this to say:

The council is concerned that a substantial minority of long-term recipients are dependent upon incomes which are clearly intended for subsistence in the short term and recommend that the question of providing more adequately for the needs of the long-term unemployed be given urgent consideration.

To give the long-term unemployed 1 per cent more than everybody else hardly meets the need particularly when talking about the other 7 per cent and 8 per cent.

The Minister has decided to increase the floor for pay-related benefit from £36 to £44 per week. This increase of £7 is the largest in any year since pay-related benefit was introduced. Last year the increase was £4 per week. The Minister's argument that the Government had raised the rates in 1974 when they were only £14 per week is hardly reasonable. This £7 per week is the largest increase since the scheme was introduced. The Minister hopes to save £2.8 million as a result of the change and I wonder if it is in order for him to save that amount which is coming from the workers, which they have paid for through their insurance contributions.

The percentage limit of reckonable earnings is being reduced for disability benefit from 80 to 75, and for maternity allowance from 80 to 70, to take effect from the beginning of April. Those beneficiaries will be allowed to earn only 75 per cent of their earnings in disability allowance and 70 per cent in maternity allowance. That will save £380,000 in the first case and £1.1 million in maternity allowances, again at the expense of the workers. We must question seriously why it is necessary to reduce these figures.

Last year, the waiting time for the payment of pay-related benefit was extended to 18 days. That caused hardship for those who were short-term out of work, people who were sick and who went to hospital for a month — they did not get anything, and consequently were in difficulties about meeting their commitments. This year, the amount they will be allowed to take home has been reduced, causing still more hardship. Recently, the Eastern Health Board announced that they had paid out more than £1 million to the ESB by way of supplementary allowances last year. This indicates that our social welfare system is not catering for the people for whom it was intended. I agree with the paying of benefits to those who had applied for enterprise allowances but I do not agree with the Minister's statement that the lump sum will be equivalent to the amount of pay-related benefit that an applicant under the scheme would otherwise have received in respect of the unexpired portion of the relevant period of interruption of employment, subject to a maximum of 26 weeks.

Section 9 of the Bill deals with a change in the means test in respect of the leasing of land. Though we agree that farmers should be encouraged to lease land for longer periods, I ask the Minister to look at the possibility of giving the applicants the option of having their assessment made on the profits of long-term leasing or on capital value of the land, whichever is the more beneficial to the applicants.

The result of last year's Social Welfare Act has created havoc among small farmers, particularly those in the counties affected by the payment of social welfare assistance under the notional system. I question whether it was necessary to do away with that very good system which gave supplementary incomes to the poorest farmers in the land, even considering the High Court decision on which the change was based. There is nothing in the judgment to stop the Minister from paying a direct supplement to smallholders in the west on the basis of their valuations. Because of the decision, more than 1,100 have lost supplementary allowances and many others have had their allowances reduced considerably. The Government will save about £1 million on this at a time when farming is not doing well, when it is realised that farmers' incomes have been reduced. We have only to look at some of the areas in the west, in Donegal and Galway, but particularly in Kerry. One would not have to be a social welfare investigating officer to appreciate that those people need supplementary incomes to ensure that they will stay on the land and continue to rear families. Many of them would not be on the land were it not for these supplementary allowances, now taken from them.

It was interesting last Friday to read in The Irish Times that a revolt is starting in the Fine Gael back benches because of this, which has caused such a serious social and economic problem in the west. Something will have to be done to ensure that these smallholders remain on the land. That should be the social philosophy of a Government in Ireland. In the last 20 years 200,000 people have left the land and it is important that a Government would not do anything to increase that number.

The Irish Times article stated that on the occasions last year when Members of the House had an opportunity to vote on that issue only one backbencher from the Government side voted against the Social Welfare Bill. We had a Private Members' Motion here on the notional system but nobody from the Government side voted for that motion even though voting for it would not have affected the working of the Government. This year, small farmers who are still under the notional system will not receive any increase, even the 7 per cent. Is this reasonable? I ask the Minister also if these people on factual assessment are found to be entitled to assistance, will that 7 per cent be given to them retrospective to the implementation of this Bill?

Recently a deputation here from the ICMSA expressed concern about a number of areas and particularly about the effect of the notional system of assessment for small farmers. They were concerned also about the various methods of assessment used by the different Departments of State in assessing the means of farmers. They suggested that a major training course for social welfare officers might be appropriate because of the complexity of their work and the difficulty in assessing the various allowances and profits on the farms. That deputation pointed out that farm incomes are being calculated by several different Government Departments each using their own criteria to identify farm income. They gave examples of the Department of Social Welfare, the Department of Health, the Department of the Environment for education grants and the Department of Finance. They made the point that the Department of Health have two definitions of farm income. When assessing small farmers' entitlement to medical cards the only expenses taken into consideration are in relation to feeds and fertilisers. The health boards do not treat as deductible outlay such items as capital expenditure on machinery, depreciation or bank interest on development loans, yet when the Department of Health calculate farm income for the purpose of liability under various income levies they allow interest paid for farming purposes as an allowable expense but exclude all forms of depreciation including capital allowance for machinery and plant, fences, roadways and buildings.

The deputation pointed out that the Department of the Environment when assessing farmers' eligibility for a higher education grant define farm income as gross income less outline deductions and allowances. They include interest paid in full, machinery and plant investment allowance, machinery and plant initial allowance, wear and tear on machinery, machinery and plant balancing allowance and farm buildings allowance. Finally the Department of Finance when assessing a farmer's liability for income tax purposes restrict capital allowance to 30 per cent of farm profits. Perhaps the Minister in conjunction with his colleagues in the other Departments might look at this area and make it easier for everybody, including the Departments of State, to have some unified approach to the means of assessing the income and profits from farming.

Section 11 of the Bill extends validity orders for children's allowance from three months to six months. Why does the Minister not extend this to all social welfare pensions? As he knows, many old age pensioners particularly go off to visit their families and they may become ill or stay the whole winter and be away from home for a long time. It would be beneficial to them if these orders were extended in their case.

We have waited a long time for the family income supplement. It was promised in 1981 when the Coalition Government were in power. An amount of £5 million was allocated for it in February 1983 in the budget. That was reduced to £1 million at a famous meeting in Barrettstown in July and we were promised that it would be in full operation last December. However, we find now that it will not come into operation until November this year. It is interesting that when the Government are collecting money from the workers such collection takes effect from the beginning of April. In the past under Fianna Fáil Governments the pay-outs were made at the time but in this case it will be at the end of the year, November, before the family income supplement is introduced. The maximum amounts of supplement are too small at £8 maximum where there is one child and £15 maximum where there are five children. In order to get that £8 a man with a wife and one child needs to be earning less than £63 per week in full-time employment, as the Bill states.

Does the Minister believe that £63 per week in full-time employment is a legitimate wage in this day and age? Will the administration of this family income supplement encourage people to pay lower wages because there will be a supplement from the State? Also, why is it confined to full-time employees? What about part-time employees who have no other source of income? What about the self-employed many of whom are on very low incomes? Do they not qualify for this benefit? Where does the Minister get the figure of £95 which he uses in the calculator and then £15 per child? Why is the amount of the supplement only 25 per cent of the difference? Why not make it 50 per cent of the difference and give something worthwhile to the families who qualify for it? What is the view of the trade union movement about persons who are receiving on full-time employment £63 per week gross? We would object to this provision being confined to families of five children. A man who has eight or nine children surely is in a more serious position in meeting his commitments and there is absolutely no reason why the extra money for the extra children should not be paid to him, thus increasing the maximum weekly supplement that would be payable to him.

I ask the Minister if he has any idea of the cost of the administration of this scheme. He told us that it was administered centrally from his Department. The applicants would have to be investigated, and presumably that would be done through the social welfare officers. Must another large bureaucracy be set up to administer this scheme? Will this money be taxed? Will it be taxable? Will it create an anomaly with two families of the same size living side by side, one earning an income and paying tax on the whole lot while the other family are earning an income and getting this supplement which will bring them up to the level of their neighbours and not paying tax on the supplement? Why is a condition of this scheme that the allowance must be paid to the wage earner, the employee? Why not make it optional to pay it to the spouse if the employee so wishes? If it is the man who is receiving it why not pay it to his wife if he so wishes? Could the Minister not find an easier and less costly way of ensuring that there will be a supplement for those on very low wages?

For example, PRSI payments could be abolished in the case of everybody with an annual income under £5,000. Would that not have much the same effect and have the Government considered this? We support the principle of paying a supplement to the less well off in our society and in this case to those working for low wages, but this scheme is cumbersome, would be difficult to administer and the amount payable is much too low. The maximum weekly amount payable to a family with one child is £8. Compare that with the Government wanting to give £9.60 three or four years ago. One wonders if they realise the massive increase in the cost of living which has taken place since then. I ask the Minister to look for a more simple system with the same effect. This scheme will not commence until November of this year, which is a miserly approach on the part of the Government. It should have been paid from April, or even from July when other benefits are being paid.

This morning the Minister told us that 35,000 families would benefit. Surely it is an indictment of our society that 35,000 families earn wages low enough to qualify for this supplement. While we support the supplement to the workers, nevertheless we do not want to take away from the fact that the worst off members of our community are those unemployed for a long period, particularly those who through no fault of their own found themselves out of work and unable to meet their commitments. As a result of this Social Welfare Bill they will find their situation to be much worse.

We have no objection to the abolition of old age pension committees. Apart from the points mentioned by the Minister, most people living in the country did not like the idea of going before a local committee. They preferred to keep their business confidential and did not like it discussed before an open committee. The local elections should have been held this year and these committees were appointed by the local authorities. Perhaps the Minister might decide to retain the commitees until the local elections are held. Had the local elections been held next June it would have been possible not to re-appoint these committees. Another point is the compensation for the clerks of those committees, who have served the committees very well over the years. I ask the Minister to re-examine the compensation being offered.

With regard to the supplementary social welfare allowance, last year provision was made in the Social Welfare Bill whereby the Government would alleviate the burden of portion of the charge on the local authorities. This year some local authorities failed to discharge their statutory obligation, making no allocation whatsoever for the supplementary allowance scheme. It is long past time when a direct transfer of funds, approximately £25 million, should be made from the Department of the Environment to the Department of Social Welfare. This would take the entire supplementary allowance financing out of the hands of both local authorities and health boards. The local authorities are unable to meet their commitments, being almost bankrupt because of present Government policy and the health boards are not receiving their allocation from the local authorities. A direct transfer from one Department to the other to cater for this scheme would be much simpler.

The Minister has promised a review of the national fuel scheme. This is a matter of fundamental importance to those about whom we are speaking here, those on social welfare benefits and assistance and particularly the unemployed. Why for the first year since the introduction of this scheme was a paragraph inserted in the letter which went out to the chief executive officers of the health boards stating that persons on short-term social welfare benefits — for example, unemployment and disability benefits and unemployment assistance — are excluded from the scheme? This gives no discretion whatsoever to the health boards, the community welfare officers or the superintendent community welfare officer to give free fuel vouchers to persons receiving unemployment assistance, which vouchers they had received in previous years. This year, if you are on unemployment assistance, no matter what your circumstances you are not entitled to free fuel vouchers. This is happening at a time when everyone recognises that these people are worse off than ever and when their social welfare income was increased by 10 per cent last year and 7 per cent this year, compared with 25 per cent in each of the previous three years.

I am surprised that the Minister has not brought forward legislation on foot of the EEC directive to give equality to women workers. I hope that he will bring in and implement this legislation and not wait until the last possible date under this directive. I hope that he will make that gesture to ensure equality between the women and men in our work force.

There is no word in the Bill of the national pension plan promised by the Government in their Joint Programme for Government. The Minister has mentioned the advantages of free television, free travel, free electricity supply and other benefits which pensioners and those on long term sickness benefit have. However, it is important to recognise that all these schemes were brought about by a Fianna Fáil Government. That is one of the big differences between the Coalition's negative approach to social policy and the imaginative approach of Fianna Fáil. The Minister could without much cost allow a free colour television licence rather than one for a black and white set. That would improve the quality of these peoples lives.

Last year one Member from the opposite side of the House voted against the Social Welfare Bill. If there is any logic or consistency there, I expect that many of his colleagues will follow him this time into the lobbies, to vote against a Bill which will do absolutely nothing for those less privileged in our society.

I am sorry but I do not propose to oblige Deputy O'Hanlon, or take him up on his final offer and trust that he will not be too disappointed. Deputy O'Hanlon's submission was constructive but there is difficulty in reconciling the two views put forward by speakers generally from the opposite side. On the one hand, there is a call for further increases in all types of benefit and comparisons are made with similar payments in the UK. We must keep in mind at all times that somebody has to pay for those benefits. Unless we want an increase in taxation to allow for such proposed increases we should not make such proposals. Deputy O'Hanlon referred to the small farmers' assistance, and the abolition of the notional system. I have registered my antipathy towards the entire concept of those payments but I do not see anything wrong with making the money available. That is a very desirable thing but the money should be made available to those people by incentive rather than by disincentive, as has applied for a long time. The most important factor to remember is that people living in disadvantaged areas who cannot eke out an existence from their small holdings should be given assistance. The underlying factor in that acceptance must be that it should be changed to incentive and support for effort rather than the assistance which has operated down the years. Anybody who knows what that system has done to certain parts of the country recognises that it has undermined the pride and self-sufficiency of any of the people who have been in receipt of such payments over a long period.

When we look at this Social Welfare Bill and we take into account the fact that £2,156 million gross is to be expended in the current year it gives an indication of the magnitude of the social welfare system. When we consider that it costs £6 million each day taxpayers can assess the situation and ask themselves where their money is going and whether they are paying too much tax. It is time for them to recognise that many people have not jobs and there are quite a number of people who are elderly or disabled and have various other needs which require them to receive social welfare payments. It is time for all of us to recognise that a large amount of our taxation goes in this direction. It is right that that should happen because otherwise people who are receiving social welfare payments would suffer great hardship.

I notice that the gross expenditure on unemployment in the current year is £580 million, a very considerable sum. When we consider that 60,000 young people are in receipt of social welfare assistance or benefit we begin to come to grips with the vast problem which confronts everybody. We have to recognise that as long as we have a problem like that we will have high taxation and a very obvious need for social welfare benefits to offset hardship. While everybody would have liked to see a greater increase being given to social welfare benefit and assistance recipients one must realise that if one goes down that road one has to accept that somebody has to pay for it. If you increase taxation in order to pay for it you must accept that you have to increase inflation and cause further problems. You have then a snowballing situation, which will increase rather than decrease with the passage of time and instead of resolving problems we will create larger ones. In relation to an increase in inflation we should realise that there has been no increase this year in employers' or employees' contributions.

Many people who are working are asking whether it is more beneficial from their point of view to be employed or unemployed. There are two sides to that story. There is the case of the unfortunate people, who, through no fault of their own, find themselves without jobs and have to rely on the social welfare system in order to exist and rear their families. I fully accept that we have a social responsibility to cater for those people. There is also the point of view of the worker who receives a low wage. Many of those people come to public representatives and point out instances where they feel they would be better off unemployed, particularly if they have to travel any distance to work and involve themselves in PAYE, PRSI and make a fairly substantial contribution to the system. They feel they are being penalised and they do not receive remuneration commensurate with their efforts. I can understand how those people feel but I also have to keep in mind that the people who are now employed and who feel that way should accept that perhaps some time in the future they also might be unemployed particularly in a recessionary situation like we have at the moment. We have to be able to explain to such people that there is a need for the social welfare support we have and that any of us might have to apply for such asistance at some stage in our lives. An incentive should be given to those who have jobs and who wish to continue working.

We have heard quite a lot of talk about the assessment of various benefits and assistance. The only comment I have to make about that is that there have been a number of instances recently of people who have been cut off from social welfare assistance or benefit and quite a period has elapsed before eligibility was determined. Those people can apply for supplementary benefit — this goes back to what Deputy O'Hanlon said — which is a safeguard. Quite a number of people have been cut off from benefit for five, six or seven weeks pending the outcome of the investigation who feel they have been discriminated against by being so narrowly excluded from the system. I feel it would be better, if, instead of cutting them off from the system, during which period they have to receive supplementary benefit their case was investigated first and informed of the outcome in case they wanted to appeal and possibly prevent hardship which could be caused in certain cases.

With regard to contributions, deductions from employers and employees, the incentive to work, the black economy and so on, the employer who wishes to take on a person for a short period, perhaps a householder who wishes a tradesman to carry out some improvements to the house could under an old system some years ago deduct social welfare by way of insurance stamp and it was quite simple to bring deductions up to date very quickly. This applied particularly to short-term employment. Nowadays, the system is so complicated and bureaucracy-ridden that if such a job were to be undertaken by an employee he finds it much more beneficial not to participate in the official system; he finds it easier to offer a price far below that charged by legitimate tradesmen. At the same time, he could be drawing unemployment benefit. It would be far better if, as Deputy O'Hanlon said, the system could be simplified. A potential employee should be allowed to have a certificate of his status which could be brought up to date during the time he is employed. It would be much simpler from the point of view of the employer and employee and would discourage the black economy.

I welcome the enterprise allowance scheme mentioned by the Minister. It is innovative and gives unemployed people a chance to use their initiative to get back into the mainstream of business while at the same time getting some help which was not available heretofore. However, if the payment of lump sums is not very carefully administered, an unfortunate person who had been employed for most of his or her life and suddenly received a lump sum to help set up a business could spend it before starting the business and the family could not get any other assistance as a result of getting the lump sum.

I hope land leasing will encourage the leasing of land to young people and that there are sufficient incentives to those who wish to opt out of operating their farms on a commercial basis to hand them over to young people.

The concept of the family income supplement is good because it has been brought to our attention recently that there are breadwinners in employment who are not receiving a realistic income on which they and their families can exist and where there is a need for improvement in their position. I think the thrust of Deputy O'Hanlon's argument in this regard was that while it was welcome and acceptable it could mean the introduction of another bureaucratic system which would cost money to administer and which could become extremely unwieldy and inefficient. It would also be uneconomic from the point of view of central administrators. The concept of improving the position of people in low income brackets needs to be looked at. Undoubtedly they need assistance, but at the same time we should examine the net benefits. If that involves the introduction of a whole new bureaucracy in relation to investigation and duplication of effort on the part of the Government, then it would be counterproductive. There is a growing tendency for the Government to become too deeply involved in the everyday affairs of family life in general. If that is done to a great extent you are involved in the payment to administrators which is unnecessary if another means could be found, such as a reduction in PRSI.

Reference was also made to the abolition of the old age pensions committees. I should like to pay tribute to the people who organised and sat on those committees over the years. They did a very good job in the sense that they brought local knowledge to bear on many of the cases with which they dealt. Of course, there was reluctance on the part of many applicants for old age pensions to have their cases discussed by people who were known to them and I can understand their feelings in that regard. However, it brought an element of compassion and local knowledge to the assessment system which had a certain advantage. I hope under the new system that the same sympathetic appraisal is given to such cases and that the guidelines should be accepted as such and not as strict rules and regulations.

I have mentioned pension committees which operate properly and efficiently but there are some committees which have not met or operated for many years, yet decisions are emanating from them every week. This is rather peculiar, to say the least. It is time that somebody considered abolishing them because they were never intended to operate in that way.

There has been reference to criticism by some Members on this side of the House regarding investigations into entitlement to unemployment assistance etc. The Minister seemed to refute such allegations in his speech. I should like to think that the people who raised questions on this matter are responsible and would scarcely go out of their way to create acrimony unless they had some doubts as to the way the system was operating. The vast majority of investigating officers go about their business in a forthright, sympathetic, friendly and efficient fashion. I am not one of those who raise questions on this matter but I recognise that there must have been some reason for objections raised by some people on this side. Reference was made to Fine Gael backbenchers. I would ask the Minister to keep that point in mind.

Regarding the payment of supplementary benefits, it has been said that it would be better to have a centralised system under the control of the Department of Social Welfare rather than involve local authorities and health boards. I would be in general agreement on that point. However, the system operated by the health boards with assistance from the local authorities is not all that bad in that it brings a local element to the investigation of each case. There is a fear among applicants for assistance that there is some central office which is totally and absolutely impersonal and does not necessarily take full account of their case. They feel that the person visiting them from this office is a threat and very often they have difficulty in co-operating with these officers. In the case of the health boards, the people who carry out the investigation are usually known to the applicants and have a background knowledge of the case before they ask them any questions or go to visit them. It is always valuable to have people carrying out an investigation who have this background knowledge and are reasonably well known to the applicants. I mention this by way of a rider to some of the comments made by the Minister and Deputy O'Hanlon. I am a member of a health board and the investigating officers there have done a reasonably good job despite the present difficulties.

In times of financial stringency and economic recession it is the duty of Government to cater for those who are unable to cope financially, those who are less fortunate and less well off than the rest of us. It is the responsibility of Government to set out the guidelines for undertaking that task and to raise the necessary revenue. It is also the responsibility of Government and of politicians to explain to the general public the reasons they, the public, have to pay by way of taxation or otherwise for the services being made available to the unfortunate who are unemployed, disabled or in mental institutions. These are the underprivileged who are not capable of looking after themselves. We all have a social responsibility which we must accept.

Our spokesman, Deputy O'Hanlon, made a very comprehensive speech touching on practically all the services operated by the Department of Social Welfare. I must voice my objection regarding the manner in which this Bill is being rushed through without ample notice having being given to Members that it would be taken this morning. A Social Welfare Bill is always very important and Deputies are usually rushing in to make their contributions. Such contributions have always been of great assistance to the Minister responsible for administering these services. I protest strongly at the manner in which the Bill is being taken this year because we are rushing through the Minister's brief and trying to pick out things here and there in an effort to improve the social welfare structure.

I am disappointed that the Minister did not mention the need for a complete restructuring of social welfare services. Every budget introduces some changes in social welfare and we now have a patchwork of legislation, vulnerable to all kinds of abuses and fast becoming of little benefit to those for whom it was intended. One has only to read the Order Paper to see the large number of questions on social welfare. The number of questions for written reply shows beyond doubt that the Government of the day must give serious consideration to a completely new structure with more efficiency and a reduction in the cost of administration. For many years I have been outlining defects in social welfare. While one must sympathise with the Minister and with his officials because of the many anomalies that exist in the social welfare system, the time has come for the Minister to appoint a committee to consider the whole structure of the system. It may be said that at a time of so much unemployment, it would not be appropriate to proceed with such a review but a serious effort should be made to formulate a new structure.

I welcome the abolition of the pensions committee system. I have been advocating such abolition for a long time. It was a dreadful situation that payment of non-contributory old age or widows' pensions could be held up for months because of the committee not meeting to sanction payment. Apart from that, I always regarded the committee system as an infringement on the privacy of the applicant is that a number of council members were aware of the private income and so on of applicants. Consequently, I am very glad that the Minister has seen fit to discontinue that system. In saying that I am not taking from the committees in any way. I was a member of one of them but I was always very much aware of the unsatisfactory nature of the system.

At a time when our young people are experiencing so much difficulty in obtaining employment there is a situation in respect of unemployment assistance that I should like to bring to the attention of the Minister. I am referring to a situation in which a young person of over 18 who is in receipt of unemployment assistance but who enrols for some educational course in the afternoons is thereby considered automatically not to be eligible for the assistance. I know of many young people who left school without credits and who were on the dole queues for up to two years but who were no longer considered eligible for assistance on informing their local labour exchange that they had enrolled for an educational course.

We hear a lot of empty talk these days about drugs, vandalism, bugging, breakins and so on, but we must realise that one of the most important aspects in a young person's development is that he be occupied at all times, whether he be in employment, involved in some community work or making an effort to improve his education. I agree totally with the Minister about young people taking an interest in community work but I should like him to take some action in regard to the anomaly I have outlined in regard to ineligibility for unemployment assistance on the basis that one is pursuing a course in education. I know many young people who instead of walking the streets are anxious to improve themselves by way of attending educational courses in the afternoons but who at the same time are prepared to take up employment should the opportunity arise.

Last year's budget included provision for a family income supplement for lower paid workers. The scheme was scheduled to come into operation in October 1983 but it was postponed until December and was not introduced then either. Last year it was estimated that about 20,000 families would benefit from the scheme but we are told now that the number this year is likely to be 35,000. One wonders how the scheme is to be administered. We should not have a situation in which we spend so much on the administration of a scheme as to deprive people who are in need. Therefore, in so far as this new scheme is concerned I should like the Minister to give us some definite information on that aspect. When we talk of the lower income families, we must ask about the part-time worker. He is not entitled to the supplement.

I should like to make a case for those who, to my mind, are the real poor. They are the young married couples with mortgages. They had the initiative to build their own homes rather than being a burden on the local authorities or the State. They now find themselves in the queue for the dole, and we talk about supplementing lower incomes. Thousands of those people are fighting frantically to preserve their homes. As the Minister knows, this is not a good time to sell a house. Those people would have to sacrifice their homes and accept practically half what it cost to build them.

The structure of social welfare was designed mainly to help such people at a time of need. What are we doing for those people who spent the last penny of their savings to build their own homes? This category of people should be included in those entitled to have their incomes supplemented. The local authorities are doing their utmost to help such people. A man comes home with around £65 in social welfare assistance. Out of that he has to pay something in the region of £27 to £30 on his housing loan. The Minister should consider the plight of those people. I have been told that about one third of the people attending our hospitals have social problems. Young married couples are in desperate need of help to keep a roof over their heads. This is why I said at the outset that we should talk about structures which were designed mainly to help those in need. We hear talk about abuses. We all know what is going on, but it is due mainly to the structures which are open to abuse.

I am making a very special appeal to the Minister on behalf of those young married couples. No public representative can deny that such people are coming to their clinics. I have visited them in their homes. They were deprived of electricity. They were living on bread and butter. They are the real poor. What are we doing to help them? I ask the Minister of State to convey my remarks to the Minister in the hope that something very positive will be done for them.

The Minister referred to equal treatment for men and women under the social welfare code. He said he hopes to introduce legislation this year. We must assume that the EEC directive will not be implemented until late in 1985. When the Minister is replying I hope he will be able to tell us something more definite about this matter. I cannot see the directive being implemented until late 1985 or perhaps 1986.

I want to touch on a number of other points. There was no indication in the budget that the allowances for the care of severely handicapped children would be increased. The Minister did not refer to this aspect. They are entitled to the 7 per cent increase. Some clarification is needed here. The current maximum allowance is £62 per month and with a 7 per cent increase it would be around £66 per month. When the Minister is replying he might give us some information on that.

The next point relates to the death grant. It has been said that it is more costly now to die than to live. Nothing has been done in this respect. One has only to see an undertaker's account to understand the problem. This is worthy of consideration because it has caused a great deal of hardship to families especially when they were responsible for the burial arrangements of an old relative. I hope the Minister will look at that.

I welcome any money given to the voluntary organisations especially those involved in community work. Never before was so much work needed to endeavour to lighten the hardship suffered by many families. Whatever money is spent in this area will have my wholehearted support. With massive unemployment, early retirement and so on, the work done by voluntary bodies and community associations is essential. I hope people who unfortunately have to walk the streets because they are unemployed will direct some of their time and energy to promoting voluntary work in their own areas. It is so important now because, irrespective of what is said here today or what Minister tries to take credit for any increases given, we have still to deal with a tremendous amount of poverty. I have never seen so much poverty. Any help that can be given to promoting voluntary community effort would be welcome.

I welcome the provision dealing with land leasing. As an agricultural country we must welcome any incentive given to farmers to hand over their land to younger people. Unfortunately there is a lot of land lying idle. That land, if it was properly utilised, would help create employment. There is little point in such land being left idle. I welcome the provision to help farmers, particularly elderly people, hand over their land. I should like to emphasise the importance of examining the outdated structure that exists. The system was introduced at a time when the country did not face so many problems. We must meet different challenges today and, consequently, there is a need for new ideas. Everybody should be asked to contribute to the social welfare system. It would be possible then to prepare new structures that would not be open to so many abuses. The Minister and his officials should consider the introduction of a complete new social welfare structure.

We are debating a Bill which provides for increased rates of payments in social insurance, social assistance and insurance allowances. The sections dealing with social assistance are the ones which evoke perhaps the greatest concern and compassion among all Members. I respectfully suggest to Deputy Wyse that, whatever the difficulties or stresses the community are suffering at present and however great we all may feel about them, it would be hypocritical for him or any Member of his party to suggest that this is something that has emerged only in the last 18 months or so. The neglectful economic policies of his party in Government have contributed to the unsatisfactory position we face now. I challenge any Member of the Opposition to put his or her hand on their hearts and say that they did not have anything to do with this. They must share a large proportion of the responsibility for the present state of our economy.

At present there seems to be thinking prevailing among some people that the money paid out in assistance should somehow be cut back and saved or used for more useful or productive purposes. It is surprising the fora or meetings where this kind of thinking emerges. That causes some concern because those who are on assistance have great need and the assistance payments are the only thing between them and poverty. I would like to think that they could be given out in a generous spirit. In fact, it is those who are at work and paying taxes — the Government and the Department paying out on their behalf — who are paying this money to the people in need. I would like to see more generosity and understanding of the needs of such people with unemployment so high.

According to statistics, up to last December there were approximately 725,000 people on assistance against a total labour force of 1.2 million. In effect that means that the 1.2 million people with jobs and paying PRSI and taxes, not a very big number, were supporting the payments and requirements under the social insurance and assistance schemes. The point to be realised is that none of us knows when those we know — neighbours, friends or relatives — will change from one group of statistics to another. It is important to uphold the rights of people to assistance or benefits to which they are entitled.

I am happy that the Minister in his speech gave an outline of the family income supplement scheme and that it is to be introduced with effect from 1 September. That scheme will help to redress the position that has developed in recent years whereby some workers with dependants are only marginally better off than if they were on benefit. That can arise principally because earnings, unlike social welfare entitlements, do not generally take dependants into account. Where such a situation exists there can often be very little incentive to take up low paying employment. One of the main objectives of the family income supplement scheme is to restore this incentive. Such a scheme also recognises the fact that poverty is not confined to families where there is no one at work. We know from statistical data that there is a significant minority of families with a parent at work who are in the poorest groups and hence the instance of poverty is directly related to family size. Recent data informs us that, while one in ten families with one child are poor, one in three families with four or more children are in the poorest group. The family income supplement scheme, by relating payment to family size and by limiting entitlement only to those households with children, will help improve the relative position of some of our poorest families. The fact that the supplement will be paid for a specific period of one year, together with the important point that there will be no general ceiling on qualifications but rather an individual assessment, means that low earners have the assurance of an uninterrupted reasonable level of income for at least one full year. That scheme is to be welcomed.

I should now like to deal with the issue of the children's allowance scheme. In the course of my contribution to the budget debate I welcomed the fact that, contrary to rumour, the payment was not taxed and that there was no suggestion that it might be subject to a means test. The scheme is important in that it is the only payment by the State directly to mothers. It could be said that it recognises the importance of their work in raising children in the home. While I am glad it has been maintained and will be increased in line with expected cost of living increases, I would not suggest that the payment as it is recognises the value of the woman's work in the home. It recognises the importance of the work the mother does but in terms of the amount it does not come anywhere near compensating or recognising from the financial point of view what a mother at home should be paid, if we could afford to pay such workers.

I welcome the increases provided for in the Bill especially as in recent years the value of child tax allowances and children's allowances have declined in real terms. Despite the fact that we probably have the highest birth rate in Europe and have the largest number of women working in the home, the proportion of national income spent on children's allowances is low. However, it gives official recognition to the fact that there are very high costs associated with child raising and that, without some effort on the part of the State to redistribute resources, many families would find life almost impossible. The State, and thereby society, recognises it has a responsibility in this area. Naturally women would prefer if that responsibility were more substantially recognised but this is not likely given our present economic restraints. I am glad to see that the irritating, if relatively minor, anomaly in the children's allowances scheme has been eliminated to equalise the entitlement for officers who work outside the country in certain categories in the service of the Government. When I inquired I was told this was due to our laws on domicile, where a mother working abroad in one of the categories described could not claim children's allowances.

I am pleased the Bill will extend the validity of the children's allowances orders from three months to six months. This will give the parent more flexibility in using the allowance. For instance, if a mother wanted to save the children's allowances up to now this was not open to her because the allowances had to be cashed within three months. It was a disincentive if a parent wanted to save for holidays, for Christmas or for a time of major expense such as a First Communion.

I have referred before to the form necessary for completion in respect of children's allowances. I have made a submission to the Minister for Social Welfare regarding this matter, as I have done with other Ministers. The form totally ignores the fact that a mother could have an occupation. There are sections on the form to state the father's Christian name, occupation, address and so on but the form does not suggest that the mother might have an occupation. It is important that we update our forms to take account of the reality of life.

I am quite happy to reply to the question put by Deputy Wyse about the elimination of discrimination against women in the social welfare code. The Minister said he intended to bring in legislation later in the year to give equal treatment to men and women in the social welfare code within the terms of the EEC directive. The requirement of that directive is that it should be introduced by the end of 1984. I am assured that this legislation will come before the House later this year with a view to having the necessary provisions implemented before the end of the year.

A matter that has been highlighted recently in the press has been the maternity allowance scheme and I should like to take this opportunity to clear up some misunderstandings about this matter. The Bill provides for a change in the maternity allowance scheme for women in employment. At present it provides for the payment of 80 per cent of reckonable earnings in the relevant year. The proposal is to reduce the level of guaranteed payment under the scheme for women in employment from 80 per cent to 70 per cent of reckonable earnings. It is understood that the 70 per cent refers to gross earnings. Because of higher taxes and levies in the past few years many people were getting more on maternity payment than their normal take-home pay. The original formula was somewhat out-of-date. I should like to read an extract from a letter sent to the Irish Congress of Trade Unions by the Minister to explain the situation. It states:

On 21 December I wrote to you following publication of the 1984 estimates. In my letter I set out in some detail the background to those estimates in so far as social welfare as a whole was concerned. In the course of the letter I also spelled out in some detail what is at issue in the proposal relating to maternity allowance.

As there seems to be some misunderstanding at this stage as to the degree and extent of what is at issue, I think it is as well to outline once more the background and detail of the proposal. The purpose of the scheme was to ensure that women would be fully compensated for loss of earnings after all deductions, i.e. take home pay. The formula devised at the time, taking account of tax and other deductions, allowed for payment of an allowance amounting to 80 per cent of reckonable weekly earnings. It was provided in legislation that the percentage factor could be varied, up or down, having regard to such matters as movement in the annual average earnings of women and the imposition of or variation of deductions from earnings. The scheme was introduced in April 1981 and, in the first year of the scheme, the 80 per cent factor originally provided for gave an approximate 95 per cent replacement of take home pay. Last year, however, the continued use of the 80 per cent factor meant an effective replacement rate of take home pay of 110 per cent. It was never the intention that the operation of the scheme should result in over-compensation in take home payments and it was for this reason that provision was made in the legislation for varying the percentage figure up or down as the situation demanded. The matter can perhaps be best illustrated by means of a table, which I enclose, setting out replacement ratios in relation to various levels of wages. You will see from the table that a 68 per cent factor would give 100 per cent replacement of take home pay this year.

I think that explains the situation. It is not as simple or as brutal as it has been portrayed.

A provision that must be welcomed is the allocation of £0.5 million for various voluntary organisations. I do not suppose there is any duplication in the allocation of this funding. I would hope there would not be much duplication in terms of the allocation being made to organisations already funded from other sources. I am sure this will not happen and I would support Deputy Wyse in his aspiration to have this funding used for the relief of local poverty or used in an attempt locally to create services of a voluntary nature. It has been my experience that very often a very small amount at local level can be of maximun effect.

With regard to the deserted wife's allowance, there is to be an increase to something in the region of £45 or £46 per week for a woman with one child. This particular allowance is one for which there is probably most need but it is not easy to get this allowance. Many believe that it is extremely simple for women who are separated and not being maintained to get the deserted wife's allowance. There is today a more flexible approach than there was in the past but from representations made to my section there is reason to believe that there is extreme difficulty experienced by many women particularly those living outside the "Pale" area in qualifying for this allowance.

One of the qualifying factors is that women are required to make a reasonable effort to trace their husbands and obtain maintenance from them for themselves and their children. Now this is extremely difficult and it has been found that the social welfare officers and the community welfare officers have varying approaches to women in this situation. I am not now taking a swipe at those who carry out this work because it is a very difficult job and the vast majority of the officials engaged in this work both in the Department and with the health boards and are doing an extremely difficult job. They have to act like social workers, but the reality of the situation is that in some areas some deserted wives are meeting with great difficulty in convincing the officers of their needs. Great difficulty can arise when women have not yet qualified for the deserted wife's allowance and are looking for supplementary welfare.

I would suggest to the Minister that the training and preparation given to welfare officers in the Department and to the community welfare officers could be improved. Every day they are meeting up with hardship cases. They are seeing the grim side of life, experiencing the dire realities for many people, not only with deserted wives but with all the other difficult cases where people are at the end of their tether, so to speak. These women are not working or they have financial difficulties and they end up in the health centre looking for money to tide them over. This is social work and I think there should be some element of social work dimension included in the training for the job. I am sure that in the selection of these officials their personalities, their characters and their approach to this type of position are all taken into account. I know that the vast majority are kind, understanding and compassionate; but it would be desirable in this area to have the best possible people with as much training as it is possible to give them. The social welfare officers who operate with the Department of Health are the same people who check out employers about the payment of contributions and I regard that as an extraordinary marrying of functions. I accept the problem created by the embargo, but in this area there is definitely a conflict of difficulty in having those two functions related and particularly in the implementation of the functions. They do two social jobs, one of which is largely social and the other which is purely financial.

With regard to the difficulty deserted wives and children are facing at the moment, very often when a woman lives with perhaps a distant relative or in a house in which there could be a man with whom she could be cohabiting this tends to affect her eligibility. Here again representations have been made to me that women have been forced to abandon a home in which there would be emotional support and companionship and live alone because the qualifying factor would be affected since she could be judged to be cohabiting. Cohabiting in this context does not necessarily mean a sexual relationship. It is cohabiting in the sense of living in a combined domestic arrangement. This situation does militate against women at a particularly difficult time. It is something on which I would like to see some easing up. It would be a pleasure to all of us if we could discuss this Bill in terms of the financial increases for those in greatest need, namely, those on social assistance. There seems to be a stigma attached to these. This is quite unfair.

Debate adjourned.
Sitting suspended at 1.30 p.m. and resumed at 2.30 p.m.
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