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Dáil Éireann debate -
Thursday, 19 Dec 1985

Vol. 362 No. 15

Adjournment of Dáil: Motion (Resumed).

Debate resumed on the following motion:
That the Dáil at its rising on 19 December 1985 do adjourn for the Christmas recess until 2.30 p.m. on Wednesday, 22 January 1986.
—(The Taoiseach).

The national response to the Taoiseach's address yesterday was properly interpreted by the media today. There was a unanimous vote of no confidence in the Government's ability to do anything about the country's problems which had been identified by all the consultants available to the Government. It is about time the consultants' reports were put to one side and that we had the action promised in Government documents, such as Building on Reality.

The Taoiseach's message yesterday was dull and uninspiring. It is regrettable that he had to give that kind of message to the nation in the festive season. This morning the media interpreted the Taoiseach's dose of bad news for the people for the foreseeable future. The national depression, which we all recognise, is bordering on despair this Christmas and what we needed yesterday from the Taoiseach was a word of encouragement and reassurance for the people that they have the ability to survive and that they would be given the necessary ingredients for survival. Regrettably, the Taoiseach did not find it in his heart to give them that message.

The Taoiseach's continuing play on the theme that the ills of the country are the responsibility of Fianna Fáil is like playing a cracked record with the same worn out tune that the Taoiseach has been at for a number of years, blaming Fianna Fáil for everything that happened. It has become a very tired, scratchy old record. I wish the Taoiseach would take the responsibility placed on him by the electorate and get on to governing the country properly.

The Government's failure on many counts has been particularly obvious in the past three months. They have not fulfilled the promises outlined in the Joint Programme for Government. They failed in their strategy for financial rectitude which they propounded when they look office in December 1982. In such a short time they have lost touch with their own policies and now they have lost faith in their Building on Reality.

In their annual report the EC Commission said that the targets outlined in Building on Reality were a bare necessary minimum. We find now that even that minimum has been cast aside by the Government as being unattainable. They stand condemned by their own documents and consequently the country is the sufferer. The Government's economic strategy is in ruins. We must put on record again some of the elements of that strategy by way of showing how it has failed. At 250,000, our unemployment figure represents 17 per cent of the work-force and 75 per cent of those unemployed are under 25. When we consider that emigration is at the rate of 15,000 per annum we realise that the real unemployment figure may be close to 300,000. The national debt, a matter that the Government made great play of on coming into office, has reached the £20 billion mark, the highest level since the foundation of the State. The budget deficit, a matter that brought the Government into office, is out of control. It is in advance of £1,300 million. That, too, is a record in that it represents the highest percentage of GNP since the foundation of the State. It is totally out of line with the parameters set in Building on Reality. Neither can we expect anything from the Government in that regard next year as was indicated by their taking themselves to Europe recently to seek to have the rules changed so that it would be possible for them to have a percentage of GNP that would be out of line with the guidelines set for them by the Commission.

The number of productive workers is falling. The stage will be reached soon when there will not be sufficient numbers in productive employment to enable benefits to be paid to the unemployed. There are fewer people in productive employment now than there are drawing the dole. Not one economic projection has been fulfilled. Instead, all sectors of the community have been the victims of a litany of broken promises. The quality of life is at its lowest since the hungry thirties. There is an increase in the level of crime, drug abuse, money lending, absenteeism from work and alcoholism. All our disposable incomes have been reduced seriously. That is why we have had decreased consumer spending and it is why the tax revenue has not been up to the mark this year.

The reason for all this is poor Government planning and economic policies. Regarding the farming sector, it appears that the Government are more intent on utilising the full resources of the State in bringing about the schedule of assets so far as the land tax criteria are concerned than about anything to help the farming community. There is no Government feeling for the plight of farmers. The grain for rain scheme is not working. It has not been effective in dealing with the problems of the farmers in the past three months. We cannot understand why the Government did not take up the generous offer of the IFA to make available to the Government £7 million from the resources of the farming community so that they could attract the available finance from European funds by way of improved headage grants payments. There is no economic reason for the Government failing to take up that very worthy suggestion. The farming industry has become stagnant. It is depending entirely on intervention. Every time we go into negotiations with the EC on matters relating to the farming industry we come out second best. Our priority rating is being eroded on each one of those occasions.

In manufacturing industry there has been an increased number of factory closures this year. Up to 1,000 factories and businesses have closed. Last year there were 800 such closures and the same number in the previous year. In other words, we have eroded out total industrial base. Most of the factories that have closed were indigenous industries. No care or attention has been paid to the matter of our natural resources.

The Minister for Fisheries and Forestry has accepted a reduction of 11 per cent in our quota of the mackerel catch. This means that our quota has been reduced to 85,000 tonnes compared with 126,000 in 1982. We fished the 85,000 tonnes in six months of the current year. The reduction makes a mockery of what the Taoiseach has been saying regarding what he achieved at the Conference in The Hague, in 1976. He talked then about doubling the quotas for the fishing industry but doubling nothing remains nothing. At that time we did not have the fishing capacity that would bring us into line with our competitors. The loss the fishermen will suffer because of the Minister's action is unprecedented. There will be an enormous loss, too, to the fish processing sector. Consequently, there will be further unemployment in that sector. The Minister should be ashamed to return to his native Mayo where so many of his county men are dependent on this industry. He fails to recognise that fishing is still a developing industry and that all we have to compete against those huge fleets from other EC and eastern countries are six boats. This is negligible when one considers the thousands of boats of more than 120 feet that continuously plunder our seas. I cannot understand why the Taoiseach and the Minister continue to give guarantees to such countries as Spain thereby allowing them to rape and plunder the treasures of our seas while accepting quotas that will allow our fishermen to practise their trade for only about three months of each year.

It is disgraceful that as an island country we are not to have a deep sea trading fleet, a merchant fleet or a fishing fleet of any consequence. We must ask the Minister and the Taoiseach to stop being the great Irish auctioneers of this century. to stop selling off all our national assets and not to be letting go of the projects and the facilities that were built up painstakingly by Fianna Fáil over 50 years.

The Government have not paid any attention either to our other natural resources such as forestry, tourism and food processing. The only growth industry now is in the area of liquidations and receiverships and they are being added to by the increasing numbers of insatiable tax collectors the Minister for Finance has told us about. These with the sheriffs and bailiffs will be wandering the roads of Ireland seeking whom they may devour. It is a cold and hungry debate that is taking place here at this festive season but there will be no good wishes for the Government from any group this Christmas.

The PAYE sector, the professional groups, the farming interests, the self-employed and the commercial sector are all disenchanted and disgruntled. They are very angry with what the Government have been doing on their behalf in the past three months. That is what the Adjournment debate should be about. It should not have been reduced to levelling personal invective at members of the Opposition. We had a poor performance from the Taoiseach yesterday. We can only hope that one of his Ministers will try to salvage the position today.

There is no disguising the fact that there has been a sharp fall in the level of exports and imports especially in the past six months. It is a criticial matter for the economy. Since March exports have been on the slide and the 1984 peak in exports is now history. The impetus created in 1984 has not carried forward to this year. An example is that in August this year our exports virtually collapsed. Manufacturing output has been down for the past six months and our production expectations have not been realised. We hear talk from the Government about improved interest rates and lower inflation levels. That is purely a response to the international world trends. The real test of economic performance is production levels and employment levels and both have failed.

We have had no real investment in the past six months and private investment has dropped by 20 per cent in real terms between 1980 and 1984. There will be no change in employment levels until funds are returned to the productive investment sector and away from gilt investments. We do not see any planned policy by way of an investment strategy by the Government in industry. There is no investment in the future of the people by way of a promise to taxation reform over the next 12 months. There is no worthwhile strategy for investment in infrastructure.

One of the most unacceptable aspects of the Estimates published yesterday is that there will be a net reduction in the amount of money being made available for the construction and reconstruction of roads in the next 12 months. Why have the Government not taken the opportunity to bring about a reduction in the basic cost that affect our competitiveness in exports? Why have they not utilised the over capacity in electricity generation to help out our ailing industries? What have they done to help the transport and communications networks?

They have done nothing about insurance. Employers' liability and public liability are now outside the reach of many businessmen. The much lauded Irish exports drive can give a false sense of security but long term exports stability would caution against over dependence on multinationals based on product developed by foreign research and development and marketed by organisations outside of our control. We have ended up as a country of assemblers and packers with no worthwhile research and development and little input in relation to the marketing of product developed, manufactured and sold here by the multinationals.

We had a growth rate of 18 per cent in exports in 1984 and that is seriously reduced this year. The rapid growth in the value of exports has been offset by the outflows of expatriated funds which amounted to £940 million in 1984. There has been little added employment or national income as a response from the funds and profits made by the multinationals. We all welcome the location of multinationals here but we must get a better return from them. They must be prepared to allow us to partake in their research and development processes and have a bigger input into their marketing strategies particularly on the international front.

Our policy on science and technology outlined in the last week goes some way to redress that and should be seriously considered by the Government and taken on board as a serious attempt to redress a situation in which we have virtually no input into research development and marketing on an international scale.

For the past 25 years there has been a major decline in our agriculture based exports and we seem to rely increasingly on manufacturing exports. Our exports of live animals has been declining in proportion to our total exports for some time and represent less than 6 per cent of the total exports to the UK last year. Our exports of food, drink and tobacco worth £2 billion last year are in decline. They accounted for 22.7 per cent of our total exports in 1984 but they accounted for 33 per cent of total exports in 1973. We have relied totally on the growth areas of manufacturing exports, namely, the pharmaceutical, health care and electronics activity, but our indigenous industries have been failing. That is why our food imports have reached stupendous heights and now account for about £800 million of imports. This sector alone could have an import substitution programme that would generate up to 40,000 new jobs. However, the response of the Government was to close down the last food processing industry in the past month. That is hardly a decent response to an industry that could create enough jobs to do away with a major proportion of our unemployment problem.

We cannot guarantee that there will not be serious imbalances in the US federal budget in the coming year. All the indications are that there will be difficulties in that area in the US. We are dependent for world growth on the US where at this time there is increased pressure to introduce protectionist measures for industry due to the high level of the dollar. When that permeates the world, we could have serious difficulties in maintaining our world market share in so far as high technological industries are concerned. Another major influence on our economy is EC policy in relation to internal markets and in relation to the CAP which plays a key role in determining the value and structure of our agricultural exports.

Deputy Flynn has less than four minutes.

We have not had a happy sojourn in our negotiations in relation to export development in some EC countries. It is time the EC were brought to heel in support of Irish industry. Existing firms should invest in training new graduates and should provide support for in-service training in research and development. New firms getting grant assistance should get it only on condition that they will include an adequate training programme in research and development. There should be greater access to new technology and more flexible incentives for innovation research and technology development organisations and we should provide small firms with advice on technological application and development.

The elements of hardship in the Estimates do not give comfort to people who will see food subsidies reduced this year and who will see the purchasing power of their miserly incomes further reduced. The most miserable thing ever done by any Minister in the past 20 years was done by the Minister, Deputy Barry Desmond, when he could not see his way to giving a double week allowance to the old age pensioners who were looking forward to it. For such a miserly saving the Minister denied them the right to have at least a more comfortable Christmas.

We see food prices rising every month, usually brought in on Friday afternoons. Food prices have been rising and the latest increase in the price of milk is unacceptable. There was nothing in it for the farmer or for the consumer but there is a 100 per cent mark-up for the middle man in the distribution of milk. If those middle men can give a 28 per cent discount to supermarkets, surely the Minister had an obligation to protect the weaker sections by denying that increase in the price of milk?

There is a great crisis in the insurance industry which has put people at enormous disadvantage, both in the private sector and the business sector. Many families are at the mercy of burglars. They cannot get adequate insurance because they cannot afford the premiums. There are premises for sale in the centre of Dublin which cannot be sold because insurance companies will not cover them and consequently the bank will not allow a loan to purchase them. The Minister should take a more enlightened view and give some consolation to the people when he addresses them this morning.

It is always difficult to follow Deputy Flynn. I feel I have been on travels in Ireland for the past 15 minutes, not travels as comfortable as those of Heinrich Böll. The stamp of the Mayoman was evident throughout Deputy Flynn's speech.

There are many differences of opinion in the country on the right policies to follow on economic and social issues. Some of these differences are related to ideology, others to the views of specific interest groups and others again to areas where individuals or groups share a common analysis of problems but have genuine differences on the right policies to advocate or implement. Some groups would willingly assume away all problems, while others foresee a future full of gloom and foreboding.

What do Fianna Fáil have to say on the challenges facing our people? In the economic area, the Fianna Fáil Party appear to aim in opposition "to please all the people all of the time", with simultaneous demands for reduced taxation and increased expenditure coupled with criticisms of the level of Government borrowing. Then we have their crocodile tears for State enterprise combined with fierce opposition to the National Development Corporation. Fianna Fáil quite a while ago used to be a radical party on social issues, whereas now the party as a whole merely follow conservative opinion at a respectable distance.

I would be in that group and at least half the people of Ireland think I am right.

I believe that all politicians in this House will have to realise and reflect carefully in the years ahead on the long term problems facing our society. We have a major unemployment problem. Although much progress has been made, we have a major problem of budgetary imbalance which will be with us for a very long time ahead and which restricts the scope for remedial action. As a people we do not want major structural changes in public expenditure although some groups advocate measures that would put the burden of adjustment on social welfare recipients and generally less well off sections of society. The burden of taxation weighs heavily on the PAYE workers, while many other sections are perceived as using the taxation system effectively to avoid or evade tax.

The people have had enough of cynical opportunist politics that aspire to present as real solutions the mere passing fancies of a political day. Genuine optimism about the future of this country, and I believe that the Irish people are capable of mastering all the difficulties in the way, can only be built on solid analyses of where we are, of what the policy options are, and of realistic methods of achieving them. This is the case whether one is proposing the politics of the right, the left or the centre. There are many incentives for enterprise, public, co-operative and private — what is required is the careful rebuilding of national self-confidence in a spirit of realism and faith in ourselves that has been the hallmark of the Irish people at different times throughout our history.

In Government, we have been trying to achieve a correct balance between the priorities. We have brought forward many new initiatives on employment over the last three years and sought to minimise the effects on employment of any necessary corrective action. We were aiming to secure economic recovery and at the same time to maintain the essential fabric of our public services in health, social welfare, education and other areas. All these aims had to be accommodated in the context of a critical fiscal situation. There was no room for any policies of budgetary expansion — rather many commentators over the last three years were calling for major public expenditure cuts damaging in the short term to both equity and employment. These were avoided by deliberate Government choice.

For example, we have ensured that right throughout the last three years social welfare benefits have been increased at a faster level than prices. Even in 1985-86 the increases last July of 6 per cent and 6.5 per cent for short and long term payments are running ahead of inflation. We have clearly kept our promises on these issues, and have been serious about protecting the poor and disadvantaged pensioners and social welfare recipients generally.

There is more poverty today than there was two years ago.

The Chair must insist that every speaker gets a hearing.

The figures speak for themselves. Overall, the task facing the country is daunting. In a speech in Dáil Éireann over two years ago, I referred to the twin dimensions of the task facing the Government. There is the need to exercise control which is important if we are to exercise discretion and choice in the management of the economy and to sustain the social progress already achieved while at the same time there is a major need for a creative dimension in national policy that will help to create the large number of sustainable and worthwhile jobs that are required by our people in the years ahead.

In 1985, as in earlier years, expenditure has been kept under effective control. Serious constraints, however, continue for 1986 as in earlier years; the level of current expenditure and its targeting, the level and distribution of taxation and the level and composition of the public capital programme have to be seen in the context of what is feasible and prudent to borrow, both at home and abroad next year.

The situation demands a careful and planned approach to public expenditure. By far the greater part of public expenditure is in practice committed in advance in any given year; for example, the payment of interest to service existing debt, expenditure on essential services and on necessary transfers for social welfare and other areas. Public expenditure is vital to secure certain key economic, social and re-distributive objectives and will remain so. What we must seek to achieve is the efficient management of existing public spending programmes, the elimination of waste, and the phasing down of programmes that serve no necessary economic or social objective.

In the Labour Party we believe in high public expenditure but public services must be well run and efficient and serve the real needs of people and not the preferences of bureaucrats or politicians. Often those seeking cuts are either not specific, or if they are, suggest either directly or by implication limiting access to public services by lower income people, or reducing social welfare.

At the same time, creative people and genuine entrepreneurs clearly have a major role in increasing the growth rate in the economy. In the commercial, public and private sectors more initiative and innovation is necessary and in many areas better management performance. Ireland is an open economy committed to free trade. To achieve lasting and continuous growth, it is vital for all enterprises to be competitive across a wide variety of functions, and not just in money wage rates. Survival is often dependent on a willingness to develop a commitment to flexibility and change whether in methods of production, work practices or product innovation. The main responsibility in this respect lies with management; its quality and capacity for leadership are critical.

There is need for more enterprise, public, private and co-operative. Others will not ensure for us collectively both a reasonable level of employment and rising living standards. In the mixed economy there is a definite place for State enterprise, co-operatives and the private sector and for joint ventures between them.

I would now like to refer to certain issues in the energy area. As regards exploration for oil and gas, there was a satisfactory level of activity in the Irish offshore during 1985. Apart from wells drilled, over 8,000 kilometres of seismic was shot during the year and, when the well currently being drilled in the Celtic Sea is completed, it will be the sixth exploration well this year. Five of these wells were drilled in the Celtic Sea. The sixth was in the Porcupine Basin, off the west coast. The well results give some grounds for optimism because in their 48/18-1 well, BP made an encouraging gas discovery last April. The commerciality or otherwise of that discovery remains to be determined. However, it provides further positive evidence of the prospectivity of the Celtic Sea Basin and should encourage companies who are considering exploration in the area during the next few years.

The Government's policy is to encourage exploration companies to operate here by ensuring for them a reasonable return on their investment while at the same time providing that the development of our natural resources will also benefit the Irish people. Accordingly, last April I announced a clarification of the position regarding State participation and royalties in the case of marginal fields. The industry as a whole welcomed that statement. Furthermore, as the House knows, my colleague, the Minister for Finance, has recently circulated the Petroleum Taxation Bill, designed to give effect to proposals for the taxation of petroleum activities which were outlined by him in his statement of last January. The taxation statement was also positively received by the industry.

I believe that those two initiatives were important elements in our successful third licensing round. In the round nine licences were awarded which provide for some 6,000 kilometres of seismic over the 15 licensed blocks and for the drilling of at least 15 wells within the first four years of the licences. In 1986, at least ten wells will be drilled offshore Ireland, the largest number in any single year since 1978.

It is the Government's intention to ensure the thorough exploration of our offshore and the determination of its hydrocarbon potential as rapidly as possible. Given the growing uncertainty in regard to world oil prices and the overall economic climate affecting the oil exploration industry and allowing for the fact that our round coincided with similar rounds in established European oil provinces, the House should be well pleased with the level of exploration activity which is committed for our offshore area, particularly next year.

In the area of supply of offshore goods and services it is estimated that this year Irish industry maintained its one-third share of the total available market and secured around £15 million worth of business. With the expected increased level of exploration activity in 1986, when major exploration companies can be expected to spend around £100 million in their search for oil and gas off our shores, the opportunities for Irish companies supplying goods and services to offshore operations are obvious. The opportunities for business will be improved in 1986 but the offshore market is highly competitive. It is up to all involved in this section to ensure that Irish firms can compete with regard to quality, service, delivery period and price and thus secure the extra business which will come their way.

Attention has recently focussed on the Celtic Sea since the 49/9-2 oil discovery in 1983. However, there has been and will continue to be exploration activity in other offshore basins. This year, 1985, saw over 1,000 kilometres of seismic and a very deep exploration well in the Porcupine Basin. Next year my Department will publish and make available to the industry a new geological and geophysical report on that basin. In the central Irish Sea Basin, I was pleased to announce this year the award of a new exploration licence to a group headed by Hydrocarbons (Ireland) Limited, covering four blocks. This area has been relatively unexplored up to now and I await with interest the results of this group's first exploration well, which will be drilled next year. 1986 will also see an exploration well drilled in the Kish Bank Basin, the first since 1979.

In a year which has had its share of ups and downs for the oil and gas industry, I believe that on the exploration side we have performed with credit. Furthermore, I look forward with optimism to a comprehensive exploration programme off our coasts over the next few years.

In my statement to the House on 5 December 1985 I outlined the deal which the Government have recently approved with Chevron in relation to the Whiddy oil terminal which will yield $44 million to the Exchequer as well as bringing the terminal itself into State ownership. As well as the significant national economic gain which receipts of this magnitude represent, the potential for the terminal to play a role in the event of a commercial oil find off the south or south-west coasts has in no way been diminished. The facility itself will be maintained by the Irish National Petroleum Corporation, at minimum cost, against future eventualities. I know that the fact that the jetty re-build project will not now go ahead has caused disappointment in the Bantry area.

The Government spent the money there anyway.

As I stated in the House on 5 December and again on 10 December, the Government are to consider ways in which the loss of this project to the locality can be offset. I can assure the House that any views or suggestions which are advanced in this regard by local interest groups will be welcomed and will be carefully examined.

There have also been developments in the natural gas area. Indeed, the proper development of the Kinsale Field natural gas resource is crucial to our energy strategy and to the development of our economy as a whole. Secure supplies of a reasonably priced fuel are the life-blood of industrial revival. Equally importantly, natural gas can make a significant contribution to the Exchequer and — by replacing costly imported fuels — to our balance of payments.

Current Government strategy is designed to strike the optimum balance between these aims. The primary objective is to capture the markets inherently suitable for natural gas and to provide the necessary infrastructure to achieve this. It is in these premium markets that the opportunity to displace the more expensive oil products by natural gas and thus obtain the best return to the nation as a whole can be obtained. At the same time, we must charge a price for the gas which will make it attractive for our industries and our domestic customers to change over to the natural gas. The project to bring natural gas to Dublin was a first step in this process. A decision to supply Clonmel quickly followed. Over the last 12 months several further major steps have been taken, including decisions to pipe gas to Limerick and Waterford. Earlier this year, Bord Gáis Éireann, the State body with responsibility for gas transmission, took over the Cork Gas Company. The company were experiencing severe financial difficulties and I wished to ensure that gas would continue to be available to consumers, both domestic and industrial, in the Cork city areas.

The new projects will generate up to 500 jobs during the construction phase. Considerable amounts of native raw material will be used representing a major cash injection into Irish industry. In the long term, natural gas will ensure the survival and growth of jobs in the gas industry. A healthy element of competition will be introduced to the energy market and consumer choice will be widened.

Quite apart from this construction element, natural gas is, in its own right, playing a key role in our drive to promote industrial development. The availability of natural gas to the ESB has resulted in ESB prices in the year ending March 1985 being about 12 per cent less than they would have been otherwise. In my opinion, while there has been rightly considerable debate on the level of gas prices to industry, it is essential to strike the correct balance between the needs of the Exchequer and the needs of industry. We must always keep in mind the intrinsic market value of the gas as a natural resource owned by the people. Selective subsidisation of particular industries would mean that some of the benefits of the gas resource would be diverted from the economy as a whole to specific energy consumers.

While, as I have already said, I am satisfied that current natural gas policy strikes the correct balance between our various objectives, I believe that a vital area of policy such as this should remain constantly under review. Such an examination of the long term development of the gas industry is, in fact, currently in hand.

I should like to say a few words as Leader of the Labour Party.

It is a pity the Tánaiste could not get some of his friends to come into the Chamber to listen to him.

The Deputy had not so many listeners himself. As an aspiring leader of the Fianna Fáil Party he did not have too many.

The Tánaiste has at least one of his friends to listen to him now.

It probably shows the irrelevance of this House in modern Ireland. The ending of this session brings to a close not only the present Dáil term, but also three years which have been turbulent and difficult for any party whether in Government or Opposition.

In those three years we have participated fully with our partners in the decision-making process. We have faced up squarely to the financial difficulties of the economy, and we have tried to bring to that task an element of care for those whom we represent who are less privileged and less well off. We are proud of the success that we have had, particularly in terms of the protection we have offered to those dependent on social welfare.

We are conscious, too, that there have been areas where we have been less successful. I would personally be a great deal happier today if we had made more progress in the last three years in removing many of the inequalities that trouble our society. The Labour Party goal of redistributing wealth is one to which I am strongly committed. I believe that no matter how long it takes, it is a goal worth working for, and one to which I will remain dedicated.

The process of two-party Government is one of compromise. The compromises we had to make as a party in the last three years have been matched by compromises made by our partners. The analysis that we have shared of our present situation is one forced on both of us by objective economic and financial realities. That analysis has led to one inescapable conclusion, irrespective of ideological standpoint, there is no easy solution to the problems we have.

For that reason, we have had to face and take unpalatable decisions in the last three years. They were unpalatable to the general public, and no less so to us as politicians and members of the Labour Party. I do not think it would be out of place, therefore, for me to use this occasion to express my gratitude for the support I have received throughout this difficult time from the Deputies and other members of my own party.

There are signs that the patience and fortitude they have displayed are bearing fruit. Very soon the National Development Corporation will be a reality, operating in the forefront of the Government's attack on unemployment. The NDC represents the turning into concrete reality of a concept long supported and aimed for by my party. We have always been convinced of the major role that public enterprise has played, and can play in the future, in the shaping of our economic well-being and the creation of viable, productive jobs. The impetus for greater efficiency in that sector has been fuelled, for our part, by that belief.

Now that the NDC is about to become a reality, it is important that a steady flow of ideas comes forward. New ideas will be welcomed by the NDC, whether they come from within the public, private, or co-operative sectors, or whether they concern products that can be manufactured for export or as an alternative to imports, or new concepts in the services area.

An important ingredient in the eventual success of the NDC will be a degree of consensus among the parties in the House about its importance. For that reason, most of us on this side of the House were dismayed and bewildered by the attitude of Fianna Fáil during the debate. Notwithstanding the commitments they had previously given to the Irish Congress of Trade Unions; notwithstanding the crocodile tears they are prepared to shed over any threat to existing State enterprise; notwithstanding the promises they will willingly make to any pressure group; the attitude they took to the NDC was totally devoid of any hint of a constructive approach. Speaker after speaker described the NDC as nothing more than a sop to the Labour Party and a cosmetic exercise.

It would be easy to dismiss the Fianna Fáil approach as irresponsible. I want instead to appeal to the better instincts that I feel sure must still exist on the benches opposite. The NDC can work, and in working can provide hope for thousands who need and deserve it. It will need the support of all sides of this House because its task is difficult. I am confident that that support will be repaid.

One of the most interesting and important developments in the session just ending has been the intensified debate about the difficult subject of marriage breakdown. The Labour Party have tabled a Bill dealing with this subject, which will be debated in Private Members' time in the next session.

Some Deputies may wonder why we have chosen to move ahead with this Bill. The reason is simple. The debate in this House on the Report of the Oireachtas Committee on Marital Breakdown is well advanced. It has revealed an openness among Deputies to recognise the real and major problem of broken marriages, and a willingness to consider remedies. We regard the setting down of our Bill as a step that will enable the House to continue the task of turning that openness, and that willingness, into concrete reality. If we did not move the order for Second Stage now, we consider it likely that the pressure of business in the House in the new session would make it difficult to move the order for many months, thereby missing a valuable opportunity to widen the debate to include specific remedies for this problem.

In conclusion, I should like to refer briefly to the Anglo-Irish agreement. It has a number of key objectives. It aims to promote peace and stability in Northern Ireland. It aims to reconcile the two major traditions in Ireland. It aims to create a new climate of friendship and co-operation between-the people of both countries and it aims to improve co-operation in fighting terrorism.

The agreement also improves the position of the Nationalist community in the North, in a number of ways, and to such an extent that the SDLP who have lived with and in the turmoil of the last 17 years have felt able to give it their support. The agreement has done this while recognising, just as the Forum report did, the legitimate identity of the Unionist population.

None of us, I believe, can seriously object to or disagree with any of these aims and objectives. There will be those who will describe them as too limited, although very few of the constitutional Nationalists in the North have seen them that way. But to believe that more farreaching targets are possible or realistic in the present climate is to fly in the face of reality.

Certainly, as Leader of the Labour Party, I have always believed, as the whole party do, that the most urgent issue facing us in relation to the North is the issue of reconciliation. I have always believed that reconciliation can only come about through mutual recognition of the rights, identities, and aspirations of both communities. And I have always believed that the central feature of that recognition has to be the understanding that violence offers no answer.

What we have done in the Anglo-Irish agreement is to create a framework. We have not solved the problems of the North, but we have provided a vehicle with the potential to address each and every one of those problems. There is a place in the process that we have begun for everyone, with equal guarantees of rights and aspirations.

As the 1985 parliamentary year ends it is disquieting to look at the state of our country. There is real hardship and deprivation right through the community. Mass unemployment is destroying self respect and human dignity. Our prisons are unsafe; our legal system is in a mess. People are not safe even in their homes and widespread violent crime threatens the very fabric of our society. Business bankruptcies and factory closures are at their highest level ever. Disruptive strikes damage the economy and cause unnecessary loss and inconvenience.

The appalling and depressing state of Irish society today is directly due to a loss of faith by the people in the capacity of the Government to run the country and organise their affairs. They see more evidence of economic failure every day. They see clearly that the economy is not providing jobs, sustaining business or producing the resources needed for the welfare services. There is bitterness, anger and alienation which find expression in destructive strikes, apathy, non co-operation and a turning away from normal procedures.

I do not claim that economic recovery would put everything right in Irish society or that overnight it would bring sanity and social stability; restore respect for law and order and end the present drift towards social collapse. But I believe that it would go a very long way towards doing so. I believe that our nation today desperately needs an economic revival, more employment, reasonable living standards for families, a lowering of the burden of taxation and adequate public services. By not acknowledging this reality and acting on it, the Government are doing a serious disservice to the Irish people, their well-being and their future.

The year 1985 has been an economic disaster. There was no growth at all in the national economy, and it is in a far worse state today than when the Government came into office three years ago. Unemployment continues to rise and now stands officially at 228,000. At least 15,000 Irish people emigrated during 1985.

The public finances are in disarray and the Government find it almost impossible to frame a credible budget for 1986. The current budget deficit for this year, 1985, will be close to £1,350 million, the highest ever recorded in the history of the State. The national debt is now over £20 billion, compared with £12 billion three years ago. Foreign debt is nearly £9 billion compared with £5 billion three years ago. Crushing taxation makes life impossible for thousands of families and kills the incentive to work. The output of industry and industrial exports are falling.

Despite this overwhelming factual evidence of the disastrous state of the economy, the Taoiseach and the Government throughout the year kept on trying to mislead us into believing that things were getting better and that the economy was improving. That was blatantly untrue and one very significant aspect of the Taoiseach's speech yesterday was that he had to admit for the first time that the economy is in a downward spiral and that a depressed level of economic activity is resulting in declining tax yields. We have been arguing that this is the situation for over 12 months now and at last the truth is acknowledged and admitted.

Monetarist policies can now be clearly seen to have been counter-productive. High taxes have depressed the economy and brought about a situation of diminishing returns. The effect of Government policies has been to adjust everything downward. This is really the basis of all our economic and financial problems today. The Government have had to borrow more and more to meet current expenditure, so that the amount available for capital investment and job creation became less and less, with disastrous results on the unemployment situation. It has also become increasingly difficult for the Government to finance public service pay and a reasonable level of essential public services.

Of course, one of the things that has been happening is that as the year progresses even the restricted published Capital Programme is cut back further so that the Exchequer borrowing requirement can be kept down. The Public Capital Programme 1986 document just published shows this clearly. On page 7 it shows that in 1985 the Budget Estimate for economic investment was £463 million but only £384 million was spent; the Estimate for productive infrastructure was £710 million but only £706 million was spent. Therein lies one of the hidden reasons for rising unemployment.

In his speech yesterday the Taoiseach said:

I think it is right that I should submit this sober report to the House,

Note the word "sober" by the way, for the first time.

for it is the duty of a Government, and one which I personally take seriously, to keep the Houses of the Oireachtas fully informed as to the way our country's affairs are developing.

Was he adhering to this precept when he claimed on 7 February 1985 to have been able "in the national plan and in this budget to launch the process of recovery"? Was he adhering to this precept when on 11 July 1985 he said: "We now have a growth rate not bettered in any country in Europe"? Was he following this precept when he said in the Adjournment Debate last year:

By 1987 we will have cut it — the current budget deficit — back to 5 per cent of national output.

Under this Taoiseach the national debt has gone from £12 billion to £20 billion in three years. In 1982 the national debt was 104 per cent of GNP. By the end of this year it will be 132 per cent of GNP —from 104 per cent to 132 per cent in three years. I do not see how this can be described as bringing the national finances under control as both the Taoiseach and the Minister for Finance are frequently claiming.

Recently a new and seriously disturbing trend in the economy has emerged. The output of Irish manufacturing industry is now declining. Manufacturing industry did expand its output during 1984. That has now been reversed. It reached a peak in the final quarter of 1984, but has now been falling for three consecutive quarters. In particular, production in the third quarter of this year was almost 5 per cent below the same quarter in 1984.

This falling off in the output of Irish industry has been consistent right across the board. It was particularly dramatic in the case of the electronics sector which was formerly the star performer, but other sectors are also contributing significantly to the decline.

We have all been aware for some time of the major deterioration in the public finances, the devastated state of the construction industry, and the poor state of agriculture. We must now add to those features of the economy this new disastrous aspect, a decline in the output of manufacturing industry.

I pointed out some time ago that the slump in investment would sooner or later be reflected in a fall-off in employment and industrial exports. It was obvious that without new investment, the growth in exports and industrial production would not be sustained. That has now happened, but what is surprising is that this disastrous decline has come so suddenly and on such a widespread scale. It is a stark and brutal comment on the performance of this Minister for Industry, Trade, Commerce and Tourism.

It is deplorable that the Government have not produced a Book of Estimates for 1986 until the second last day of the Dáil session this year. It was a major plank in this Government's programme that the Book of Estimates would be brought forward in September, so that the Estimates could be fully debated before the next financial year commenced. Instead, we have this unacceptable eleventh hour presentation. The Dáil is starting its last major debate prior to the 1986 budget and we have not had an opportunity to study and analyse fully the Government's proposals for expenditure in 1986, though their implications of further cutbacks and hardship are clear. Right throughout the Book of Estimates there is every indication that from the point of view of State expenditure and in particular from the point of view of those who are dependent on expenditure in one way or another, 1986 is going to be another bad year.

In the course of his Adjournment speech yesterday the Taoiseach, by implication, predicted the amount by which the current budget deficit will exceed the target for this year. At one point, talking about overruns, his figure is in excess of £100 million. Elsewhere talking about the shortfall in tax revenue of 2½ per cent, he gives a figure of just under £150 million. The budget deficit will therefore exceed target, according to the Taoiseach yesterday, by between £100 million and £150 million and most likely will finish up somewhere in the region of £1,350 million. With GNP growth reduced, as it has been, to zero in 1985, that would amount to a current budget deficit total equal to 8.7 per cent of GNP. That is by far and away the highest ever incurred both in actual amount and in percentage of national output. Still they had the audacity time and time again during last year to tell us they were getting the national finances under control.

One remembers that hysterical campaign conducted by the Coalition a few years ago about the current budget deficit. Now that it is at its highest figure ever, £1,350 million and 8.7 per cent of GNP, why are the media commentators not shouting stop, loudly and insistently? Why are the financial columns not full of ringing protest? Should the Taoiseach not be accusing himself of gross financial irresponsibility and of putting our children's future at risk and all the other emotive phrases used a few years ago? According to the Government's plan, Building on Reality, the current budget deficit for 1986 should be £1,080 million. The European Commission agree with that.

If the Government, therefore, are to maintain their Building on Reality target, the current budget deficit for 1986 will have to be reduced by somewhere between £200 million and £250 million. Will the Minister for Finance, during the course of this debate, confirm that they intend to achieve this reduction because that is what they have to do if they want to keep to the target in Building on Reality and comply with the advice given by the European Commission. They have to get the current budget down in 1986 to £1,080 million, or we will give them the benefit of the doubt and make it £1,100 million.

The EC Commission in their report to the last European Council, speaking of this Government's targets in Building on Reality 1985-1987 said:

These targets must be regarded as a minimum. Consequently in 1986 the Authority the authority being the Government] should reduce the Exchequer borrowing requirement and the current budget deficit by at least 1½ per cent of GDP by reference to the probable outturn for 1985, constituting a halfway step towards 1987.

That is the solemn advice given by the EC Commission to this Government, that they should reduce by 1½ per cent of GNP on the basis of the probable outturn for 1985. That would require that the deficit in 1986 should be, as I have said, £1,080 million, or, again giving them the benefit of the doubt, £1,100 million.

Since that advice was published by the EC we have witnessed the spectacle of the Minister for Finance heading, cap in hand, for Brussels in order to get the Commission to release him from that requirement, that 1½ per cent reduction to which I have referred. Even if he has succeeded in persuading the Commission to forego this demand to reduce the current budget deficit to approximately £1,100 million that will not change anything or fool anybody. Everyone will still know what the Commission believe this Minister for Finance should do. But it is a strange way of running the country's finances — publishing a budget target as a national objective and then persuading the Commission not to insist on the Government adhering to it.

In the three years they have been in office the total of the current budget deficits incurred by this Government amounts to £3.3 billion; three years and they have clocked up £3.3 billion in current budget dificits. They have borrowed those £3.3 billion and added that amount to the national debt just to balance their books. Thus they have increased the national debt by 27.5 per cent merely to meet their current budget deficits, the excess of their day-to-day expenditure over income. Of course, there is absolutely nothing to show for it, £3.3 billion borrowed to pay current budget deficits and not a single asset of any kind to show for that borrowing.

The Estimates published yesterday once again show a fall in capital spending, even vis-à-vis the targets set out in the document Building on Reality 1985-1987. Public capital spending will be £50 million below target this year and will be another £50 million below target next year. Of course that figure of £50 million will be greater if the pattern of underspending continues to be repeated next year. In 1985 and 1986 the capital budget will be only approximately £1,700 million. That compares with an original provision we made in 1983 of over £2.1 billion.

The current Estimates themselves show an increase of 4 per cent over the 1985 level. However, when public service pay increases and social welfare are added, the Estimates are likely to be increased to approximately 6.5 per cent of GNP or at least .5 per cent above what it was in 1982. Again, where are we reaching the targets of controlling and reducing current Government expenditure? It is almost certain that in 1986 the percentage that the public expenditure represents of GNP will be 5 per cent more than it was in 1982. Even before budget increases the Estimates are £70 million above what was planned in Building on Reality 1985-1987. With post-budget expenditure, increases in pay and social welfare expenditure next year will be £200 million more at least than was provided for in Building on Reality 1985-1987.

An even more serious departure from Building on Reality 1985-1987 is the decision to halve food subsidies. It was specifically promised, in page 136 of that document — and I want to read this out for the benefit of the House and particularly for the single, solitary member of the Labour Party who is present and doing me the honour of listening to me:

Further reductions in food subsidies will be deferred until the introduction of the Child Benefit Scheme which will compensate low-income families for increased food costs.

That is a very clear, specific promise. We now know that the child benefit scheme will not be introduced next year. This effectively constitutes another breach of faith by this Government and Taoiseach with the women of Ireland. We all remember his famous £9.60 per week; he was going to put an envelope every week into every door in this country giving the housewife £9.60 a week into her hand. Does anybody remember what happened that particular promise?

Magnificent fraud.

Grimms Fairy Tales.

Current levels of taxation are punitive and are preventing any major revival of the economy. The amount of tax collected has increased by £1,650 million during the lifetime of this Government. A spurious claim was made in this House on 26 November by the Minister for Finance that, in 1985, he said, for the first time since 1979 the tax burden will fall. It takes some nerve to make a claim of that kind when we know the facts. The facts are that the total tax revenue collected by the State in 1979 was £2 billion — total tax collected by the State. This year it will be practically £6 billion. If the Taoiseach is going to shift the Minister for Finance that is sufficient ground for shifting him now.

In this country income tax rates in particular are exorbitant. There can hardly be any other country in the developed world where a significant number of industrial workers are paying the top rate of tax on incomes less than £10,000 a year. Such a situation is an economic absurdity. It gives rise to a flourishing black economy and wholesale tax evasion. It was this Government that abolished the 25 per cent tax rate even though they had promised in the June 1981 election to make it the standard rate. Does anybody remember that promise? In the 1981 general election the present Taoiseach promised the people that he would reduce the standard rate of tax to 25 per cent. Where is that promise? Including levies over 40 per cent of Irish taxpayers now pay tax at 50 per cent. Such a situation kills all enterprise and initiative and is certainly driving many of our younger, talented people abroad. This Fine Gael Party made a major issue of tax reform in the June 1981 general election. However, since assuming office they have pushed up the tax burden steadily. If the targets set out in Building on Reality 1985-1987 are adhered to there will be no real tax relief between now and 1987. Of course, 1987 is supposed to be election year. Of course the reports of the Commission on Taxation have been studiously ignored by this Government.

It will be recalled that in the Joint Programme for Government —does anybody remember that document? — £100 million was going to be raised in capital taxation by 1984. The expected yield in 1985 is one-third of that, £33 million. The residential property tax — that darling reform of the Labour Party — no longer even merits a separate heading in the tax returns.

In the area of personal taxation we on this side of the House believe we must set ourselves clear objectives and then ascertain how they can be achieved. A sound taxation policy would ensure that the standard rate of income tax really should be the rate for a minimum of approximately two-thirds of the working population. In Ireland today too many people are too heavily taxed for the good of the economy and in the interests of social justice. With levies, the 48 per cent income tax band is, in effect, a 50 per cent band. As I have said, two out of every five taxpayers pay that rate of 50 per cent.

What the responsible citizen wishes to be reassured of is that the budget will be an honest one and that the Book of Estimates will state the full amount of Government expenditure, unlike 1985 when the amount provided for unemployment in particular was quite inadequate. The key question will be the amount of the current budget deficit decided upon for 1986 and whether the target of £1,080 million set out in Building on Reality and endorsed by the European Commission will be adhered to, or whether this Government will borrow still more to meet a higher deficit. That will be the test, and the fact that the Minister for Finance has already pleaded with the Commission in Brussels to change its advice shows the way things are going.

The Taoiseach devoted quite a considerable part of his speech yesterday to the black economy, apparently the only enemy in sight. I wish to suggest that it would have been more helpful and more constructive, instead of wasting so much time bemoaning the existence of the black economy, had he outlined for us the reason it exists and to such an extent. He must recognise that what has magnified the black economy is the current exorbitant level of taxation and the persistent high level of unemployment without the Government being able to hold out any prospect of improvement. These are real reasons for this phenomenon, which is undoubtedly more widespread today than it has ever been in modern times. The very existence of this huge black economy is a condemnation of the economic and taxation policies being pursued by this Government.

The Taoiseach said on 8 November 1985:

The Government remain convinced that the economic strategy of stimulating growth is the only realistic approach to job creation and to the improvement of our national finances.

The fact that that statement in itself represented a major U-turn went largely unnoticed by our friends in the media. If there was any such strategy it has been a dismal failure because he spoke yesterday about "the lower than expected level of economic activity". In other words, a slump. Even though the Taoiseach had the audacity to tell us last summer that we had one of the healthiest economies in Europe, we now find that for 1985 our growth rate was zero. What other economy is less healthy than ours?

Outside the public sector the jobs we need will be in the main provided by business firms. It is business firms, companies, partnerships or individual proprietors who actually employ people. The principal feeling in the business community at present is a total lack of confidence. This is both preventing any expansion in business and employment and resulting in the widespread loss of existing employment.

Business collapses have been increasing at an alarming rate. A recent report indicates that no less than 932 companies failed this year compared with 763 in 1984 and 658 in 1983. The managing director of Stubbs has no hesitation in blaming these failures and the lack of new enterprises starting up on the present high levels of taxation, the tough policies being implemented by the commercial banks and the lack of any investment incentives.

The present climate is completely hostile to new investment. The business expansion scheme set up by the Government is making no impact whatsoever. On the other hand, many actions taken by the Government are actually detrimental to confidence and investment. In the taxation area, for example, particular actions such as the introduction of advance corporation tax, and the extra 5 per cent VAT on construction have acted as real disincentives to investment. What are needed are positive incentives and a major revision of the taxation system to encourage investment and business expansion. Inflation has come down in line with the general reduction of inflation internationally but the business community are deeply concerned that it should not be pushed up again by tax increases in the budget.

A new developmental role should be formulated for the IDA. The IDA have performed superbly at a particular time and in certain circumstances, but the scene has changed and the role and function of the IDA must change with it. Our development needs and possibilities today are different from those of five or ten years ago. A number of limitations and restrictions which were placed on the IDA are no longer relevant. The IDA must be involved in a much wider area of operation and with a different type of approach.

The role of the commercial banks must be examined in depth and the contribution they should make and do or do not make to economic development assessed. In many recent cases, both in the public and private sector, banks have taken a lead in bringing about liquidations and closures. Exorbitant interest rates have undoubtedly been responsible for many business failures and have seriously inhibited the starting up of new businesses and badly needed investment in existing enterprises. The principle of the limited liability of companies is an important investment incentive. British industry was built on it but in Irish banking over a period of decades it has been largely set aside and negatived by the banks insisting on personal guarantees by directors or proprietors. This Government — and future Governments — must take a serious view of that.

It is timely in this period of economic recession and business failures to ask whether our commercial banks are playing a positive or a negative role in the economy and whether some change of purpose and direction on their part is now required.

The recent fall in the output of manufacturing industry is particularly disappointing as this has been the area looked to as the key to providing most of the jobs we need. But in fact there has been no substantial flow or outside investment into Irish industry since 1983. High input costs have neutralised the value of the incentives we offer to attract new investment. We must make a serious effort to reduce industrial costs and one way to do this would be an energy strategy based on competitively priced gas. There are at present netotiations going on with some very large concerns whose future viability may depend on a supply of natural gas at the right price.

The cost of energy to industry is one of the significant factors which determine national industrial competitiveness, particularly, of course, in the case of those industries which use large amounts of energy. Therefore, this resource, natural gas, should be used selectively to promote economic development. This would, of course, mean supplying natural gas to certain key areas of potential development at favourable prices, rather than maximising the return to the Exchequer by means of a higher price policy. The temptation, of course, and I understand it for any Government, is to cream off the maximum possible return to the Exchequer. It can be easily demonstrated, however, that ultimately a far greater return to the Exchequer can be procured by a pricing policy which will promote economic development and job creation, particularly in export oriented sectors.

The time is now opportune to embark on such a policy. The economic situation will never be worse nor the need for economic recovery more urgent. We would be fully justified in present circumstances in using natural gas as a flexible instrument of economic policy to stimulate economic development in the different areas where this can be achieved.

The time is also opportune for another reason. At present, the ESB use natural gas and in fact consume 65 per cent of the Kinsale gas production. It has become the ESB's most important fuel and accounts for about half the fuel used for electricity generation. It has been calculated that when Moneypoint comes on stream using coal, it would take seven large customers of the same size as Aughinish Alumina to replace the current usage of natural gas by the ESB. The availability of this amount of natural gas surely presents us with a golden opportunity to promote industrial, agricultural, horticultural and many other kinds of employment-giving projects. At present only a very small amount, 4 per cent of natural gas production, is used directly by industry. I would, of course, envisage that there would still be a reasonable direct profit return to the Exchequer. But a sensible and flexible use of natural gas to offset some of the disadvantages of Irish industry could also ensure that the Exchequer would be repaid many times over for any diminution of revenue in the short term. The possibility of further gas finds in the Celtic Sea is another reason the market for gas must be expanded and its use developed along the lines I have outlined.

Modern growth industries are for the most part technically advanced. We must take comprehensive measures to strengthen our scientific and technical base so that we can provide the infrastructure, the services and the linkages that we need. Science, technology and research have not received the priority they merit. We cannot afford to rely too heavily for our research and development capacity on the few foreign firms that bring some of their R & D to Ireland. We need the structures to give a clear opportunity to scientific research and development work, to enable us to develop centres of excellence, to promote the liaison between scientific and research institutions and industry. As our Fianna Fáil policy document on science and technology states, a major focus of our technological strategy must be the process of industrial innovation. A national programme for technological innovation will be developed to ensure that the resources we possess in our education system and in the State sector are properly harnessed to improve the level of innovation in and technology transfer to Irish firms. Fianna Fáil have developed and published new policies for this area. We identified information technology, biotechnology, which includes agricultural and environmental research, engineering and marine and mariculture research as priorities.

In the nineties there are likely to be labour shortages in parts of Europe, while on the other hand there will still be a plentiful supply of employable people in Ireland. The crucial question is whether we adopt a defeatist approach, and allow a section of our young Irish population to leave and supply the employment needs of Europe, or whether we make a major effort to attract the industries who need the workers to establish here. Fianna Fáil policy is based on the premise that a major attraction for these industries to come here and create the jobs will be an adequate scientific and research infrastructure.

Agriculture has virtually been written off by this Government as a contributor to growth and to employment. Farm incomes have fallen drastically and many thousands of farmers are in serious difficulty. The outlook in Europe is discouraging. The time has come for a major review of policy and a planned approach for the future. We must identify profitable lines of production and where production quality can be improved. High quality food products with value added can to a considerable extent reduce the negative impact of quantitative restrictions. If the obstacles to the expansion of farm stock are primarily financial, in other words the cost of credit, then serious consideration must be given to ways of overcoming that. At present margins in many enterprises are so low, that farm investment has virtually ceased. However difficult the conditions, a dynamic agricultural sector is vital to the overall health of this economy. The supply of natural gas on favourable terms could help the development of food processing and boost our horticultural production. We also propose that the management and development of our forests be changed and put under the aegis of a commercial-orientated semi-State body like Bord na Móna. Our marine resources have never been properly developed. A policy document published by us early this year envisaged the setting up of a Department of the Marine and a Marine Institute to enable us to develop effective policies for the exploitation of the sea and its resources.

The exploration for, and development of, our mineral and hydrocarbon deposits both onshore and offshore is an area which must receive serious attention because it is one which we cannot afford to neglect. A fundamental reappraisal of our existing efforts and a major comprehensive new initiative are called for.

With regard to land based minerals, some exploration is taking place but we will not get the momentum required until such time as a clear, attractive régime for exploration is set out by the Government, which will ensure that the necessary amount of vitally important risk capital is forthcoming for exploration first and development later.

The offshore oil exploration scene is a very unhappy one. No matter what the Tánaiste said the third exploration round has been a failure. And now with increasing world production and the fall in oil prices, the indications unfortunately are that this country may once again have missed the boat. A new imaginative approach is necessary if we are to make any progress at all in present circumstances.

The announcement that the multinational oil corporation concerned do not intend to proceed to rebuild the installation at Whiddy Island, Bantry, has come as a cruel disappointment to the entire region of west Cork. The Tánaiste and the Government must be held responsible. Financial experts state categorically that the amount to be paid to the Government, £44 million, is totally inadequate having regard to the overall commitment entered into by the multinational. Fianna Fáil believe that this money must be used for economic and social development in Bantry and the surrounding area. The people there have suffered too much. Their hopes have been raised and dashed too often. The region is both neglected and disadvantaged. It would be a serious miscarriage of justice, in our opinion, if this money were not to be invested for the benefit of the people of west Cork because by any standard you wish to apply, it belongs economically to that region.

I was very interested to see what appeared to be a very innocent statement in the Taoiseach's speech yesterday when he spoke about a fortuitous increase in non-tax revenue in 1985 which will not recur in 1986. I have a dreadful suspicion that this is the £44 million from Whiddy Island. If so, it is a particularly disgraceful piece of Coalition book-keeping.

The Deputy is wrong.

I am glad to hear it. We can take it that the £44 million will be spent in the Bantry region and west Cork.

(Interruptions.)

Fianna Fáil will make a major effort to rebuild the tourist industry because it is employment intensive, is decentralised, has enormous potential and because we have basic natural advantages. It is also true that it was Fianna Fáil who first——

On a point of order, would it be possible to have a copy of the Deputy's script which has been circulated to the press gallery and I have not received a copy——

I apologise but it was not intended as a discourtesy. As a matter of fact, the Taoiseach was not here when I started speaking. Does the Taoiseach mind if I continue with my contribution pending the arrival of a copy of my speech?

Of course.

(Interruptions.)

Fianna Fáil will make a major effort to rebuild the tourist industry because it is employment intensive, is decentralised, has enormous potential and because we have basic natural advantages. It is also true that it was Fianna Fáil who first recognised the potential development prospects of the tourist industry and the benefits it could bring to this country and who started many decades ago the whole tourist development process. The recent White Paper on tourism policy just published is a disappointing document that showed little vision or imagination. We plan to give back to the tourism industry the importance and the spirit of progress it had in the sixties.

This autumn has seen a serious breakdown in industrial relations, with a series of stoppages in the public service, a worsening in the CIE situation depriving the Dublin public of their bus service and uncertainty in B & I. The Minister for Labour in this Coalition Government has become an invisible man. He stays quiet while belligerent colleagues bring the country to a halt with bulldozing, bullying tactics. Government Ministers are directly responsible for these exceptional strikes because of their insensitive handling of situations. Relations between this Government and the trade union movement have never been good, and there has been no meeting of minds on economic policy. There has been no attempt by the Government to win the confidence of workers and their representatives and establish some understanding of policies and targets. Fianna Fáil always sought to establish a constructive working arrangement with the trade union movement and secure their support to the greatest possible extent for our economic and social policies. Co-operation, not confrontation, was our policy. I recommend it to this Government.

Surrender was the policy of Fianna Fáil.

Did the three-day Attorney General say something?

What is happening with regard to public service pay?

Does the former Attorney General not remember the time he spent when he was Chief Whip chasing the poor reluctant Fine Gael backbenchers in here to vote for a Bill which his own Taoiseach voted against? Does he remember that time? Let him keep quiet.

The treatment of the building and construction industry by this Government has been one of neglect and hostility. The very fabric of the industry and its complex of skills and professional expertise is disappearing. The index of employment in construction shows that the numbers employed are down to 55 per cent of their mid-1981 level. In this sector the rise in unemployment has actually accelerated again, no doubt due to the disastrous 5 per cent increase in VAT on housebuilding. According to the Review of the Irish Productivity Centre, there was a 6 per cent decline in the volume of construction activity this year. The IPC review predicts: "Construction output will fall again next year due to the continuing slide in new housing starts and the absence of any recovery in new building, in agriculture, industry or offices. Within the aggregate figure there will be significant growth in housing repairs and improvements because of the autumn reflation package". This year housing output will fall to about 23,000 houses compared with 29,000 in 1981 and a target of 30,000 in the Joint Programme for Government. That Joint Programme commitment of 30,000 houses a year has now become something of a cynical joke.

While the various incentives announced in October are generally welcome, they will not reverse the downward trend in the construction industry. On the contrary, that trend will continue into 1986. In virtually every country of the world the construction industry is of critical importance to the general level of economic activity and a major source of economic development and employment. This Government have chosen to ignore this reality and are primarily responsible for the present devastated state of the construction industry through their general budgetary policy and a whole series of discriminatory measures.

A major revival of the building and construction industry can start an economic recovery but there are no major projects on hand at the moment in either the public or the private sector or any areas of major activity. The British and French Governments in the midst of their economic recessions appear to be about to take their courage in their hands and build the Channel tunnel, which at peak employment may employ 75,000 people. Potential public construction projects here at present fall into four categories: a major improvement in the national road network, general infrastructure including bridges, radical improvements in the road and public transport network round Dublin, and the national gas grid. Regrettably Building on Reality pinpoints the area of productive infrastructure for major cuts and this is confirmed again in the Estimates and Public Capital Programme just published so that spending in 1986 will in real terms be £200 million below even the 1984 level. That brings me back to the point that this Government are forced to borrow so much to meet their current budget deficit — £3.3 billion over three years — that they do not have the capacity to undertake the necessary borrowing for productive infrastructural projects.

Surely the case for accelerated investment in this whole sector is unanswerable. A national gas grid could be extremely remunerative to the Exchequer, especially if another gas field were to be brought onstream. The upgrading of the national road network should now receive priority. It has been calculated that transport accounts for 8 per cent of our industrial costs, that in this country these costs are 25 per cent higher per hour than the EC average, and that average speeds of freight traffic here are 25 mph against 40 mph on the Continent. There is no shortage of worthwhile road projects. The work programme outlined in our road programme for the eighties, which has recently been updated, could be pushed ahead faster. Apart from the main trunk roads, the building of the motorway ring road round Dublin should be expedited. Above all, it should be treated as a single large project to be completed by the end of the decade, not the end of the century.

I would strongly urge the Government to abandon the piecemeal approach and go for the large integrated approach, which could very probably be financed entirely by the private sector on a toll basis. It is a crucial part of the EI Euro-route and it would be far easier to get both European and private sector funding for the project on an integrated basis. A bold and imaginative approach would also provide an important boost to confidence. The other projects with scope for private funding on a toll basis are a ring road round Limerick including a river crossing, and the downstream crossing in Cork. It is time to get on with these projects. In our view favourable consideration should be given to the CII recommendation for the Government to set aside £50 million for contracts with the private sector for the development of toll roads and bridges.

The quality and efficiency of a capital city's public transport system also is a powerful advertisement to the outside world, and is economically justified by any criteria one wishes to apply.

Environmental programmes, restoring heritage houses, cleaning up the pollution of Dublin Bay and adjoining waters, the rehabilitation of our inner cities could all help to boost employment in construction.

The year 1985 has been dreadful from the point of view of maintaining law and order. Murder and personal attacks of one kind or another have increased menacingly. Robberies, burglaries, kidnappings, drug related crimes are all occurring on a frightening scale, especially in the suburban areas.

People are becoming increasingly fearful of being attacked and robbed in their own homes. Even those who have not suffered directly are paying indirectly through increased insurance premiums, that is, if they can get insurance at all, and through the cost of measures to improve the security of their homes. People are convinced the Government are not doing enough to protect their homes, their lives and their property. They view with dismay the prospect of more gardaí being taken off the streets of our cities and towns and sent to Border areas.

Garda strength has not been brought up to the levels planned when we left office. It is 600 short. The prison situation is difficult and dangerous. There are many reasons for this but high on the list of causes is the drastic cutback in the prison building by this Government in their first two years in office. Without an adequate and secure prison system the whole administration of justice is undermined.

We have proposed a number of measures to combat the rising tide of crime, including co-ordinating the operations of the courts, the gardaí and the prison service, a restructuring of the Garda and the introduction of modern management techniques. The burglary of homes and business premises has reached epidemic proportions. The theft of household possessions and commercial goods would be greatly inhibited if there were not receivers and handlers to take these off the culprits and dispose of them. The law governing this aspect is antiquated and ineffective. As an example of what can be done by the legislators to help combat crime we have introduced a Private Members' Bill which will enable the Garda to prosecute more effectively those who handle stolen goods.

In contributing to the Dáil debate after the signing of the Anglo-Irish Agreement, I asked the question: Is anyone prepared to make the claim that what is proposed in this agreement will provide lasting peace and stability to Northern Ireland, even in the longer term, or that it will end the alienation of the Nationalist community, or that it will even achieve the agreement and consent of the Unionists? Does anyone honestly see this agreement as being capable of bringing violence and instability to an end?

The events which have taken place since, regrettably confirm the validity of that question. Whatever else it may have done since it was signed, the agreement has certainly not brought peace and stability to the North, nor does it look like doing so.

I recall that the present Taoiseach, in criticising the Anglo-Irish Summit of December 1980 said: "It was presented as the two ruling Governments getting together as if to take decisions over the heads of the people of Northern Ireland. Instead of the Anglo-Irish context being seen as one that was helpful it had the opposite effect." It would be very interesting to know whether the Taoiseach still holds that view about it being unhelpful to go over the heads of the people of Northern Ireland in the light of recent developments.

Our difficulty with the Anglo-Irish Agreement, our fundamental objection of principle, was that we could not accept formal and binding recognition of a perpetual right of veto by a Unionist majority, could not accept binding international recognition of the legitimacy of Partition, or of any British right of sovereignty over the North. That is our position, a legitimate position and one that was consistent with the position taken by all Nationalist constitutional parties until November of this year.

In my speech commenting on the provisions of the agreement, I also said:

This means that the Conference will ultimately self-destruct by setting up a new administration that will take over its functions. These two elements, the guarantee of the status of Northern Ireland as an intergral part of the United Kingdom and the handing over progressively of functions to a devolved administration, combine to bring us further and further away from a United Ireland towards a partitioned Ireland in which Northern Ireland as a firmly entrenched part of the United Kingdom and with a sacrosanct Unionist veto over any change would be governed by a devolved administration.

That view has been categorically confirmed by the British Prime Minister who said this week, in what many might regard as offensive terms: "The people of Northern Ireland can get rid of the Inter-Governmental Conference by agreeing to devolved Government".

Our view that the agreement cements the Partition of Ireland and British sovereignty over Northern Ireland as an intergral part of the United Kingdom regrettably has been confirmed by a number of statements made since the signing of the agreement by the British Prime Minister and other Ministers and especially by the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland whose view is that we now have partition "in perpetuity".

On two occasions since the signing of the agreement I have indicated clearly that Fianna Fail will not attempt in any way to undermine or inhibit the operation of the agreement and that if those who believe in it can secure some benefits for the hard-pressed Nationalist community we would welcome any such developments. We intend to adhere responsibly and reasonably to that position in spite of the great deal of provocation which has been offered to us.

As events unfold and the situation develops, our policy of having the two Governments call an all-round constitutional conference to settle new structures for a United Ireland with Unionist participation and agreement must surely become more acceptable and even attractive to a wider spectrum of people.

The principal outcome of the economic and fiscal policies of this Government is a quarter of a million people unemployed. If the rise in unemployment appears to have slowed, that is due to the re-emergence of emigration and a range of training and temporary employment schemes, the value of which is very doubtful. There are now some 38,000 young people either on AnCO training programmes or in one or other temporary job scheme.

It is callous and heartless for this Government to attempt to disguise the reality of the dismal situation in regard to youth unemployment. Since October 1982, registered youth unemployment has increased from 48,000 to over 70,000. The Youth Employment Agency's magazine Focus points out that the “improvement in young people's employment position which had been anticipated for 1985, has not yet occurred”, and that “this reflected trends in the economy, where growth in 1985 was slower than expected and overall employment continued to fall”. It also points out that much of the increase in training and employment schemes in 1985 took place in school-based programmes, which have relatively little impact on the registered unemployed. Almost half of the young people had been out of work for more than six months, and a quarter for over a year.

This depressing situation outlined clearly by the agency concerned is the unfortunate explanation of the wide level of alienation and antagonism that exists concerning young people.

Unemployment was supposed to peak at 220,000 at the end of 1984, according to Building on Reality. In the light of renewed emigration, in the light of all these temporary measures, it is clear that the real rise in unemployment has not slowed down at all. Earlier this year the Taoiseach claimed that employment at least would begin to rise again this year. That, too, has turned out not to be the case. The Government have totally failed to deal with unemployment. As a result, there are many thousands of people with no jobs, no prospects, who feel robbed of their dignity and their self-respect because they are not able to make their contributions to society.

Fiscal rectitude has turned into a nightmare for this Government. It was the centrepiece of their economic and fiscal plans. In its cause they caused massive unemployment, crucified us with taxes, sacrificed national assets, deprived us of essential services, but now it has been abandoned. First of all, they watered it down in Building on Reality by setting new easier targets and even those targets have now been discarded. As I heard a depressed and disillusioned businessman say recently “We have taken all the punishment for nothing”. Borrowing goes through the roof, taxes remain high, unemployment rises and the economy slides steadily downhill.

As we go through this winter the outlook for our people is bleak and it will get more bleak and depressing still until there is a change, the sort of change that only a change of Government can bring.

This Government offer no solutions, no employment, no hope. I know of no sector of our community, no group of people, in which there exists any degree of enthusiasm, optimism or confidence in the future. A blanket fog of pessimism lies over the land.

This is not normal. It is not the natural way of things. It must be dispelled. The Irish people have a strong instinct for survival and a fundamental optimism that cannot be depressed indefinitely.

Let us have a general election now and give the people a chance to show their natural courage and capacity to fight back and overcome difficulties, given responsible leadership and a new sense of direction. If the manager of a small company made such a mess of his or her business as this Government have made of the national economy and the public finances, he or she would have the decency to resign. I strongly urge this Government to do exactly that.

Having listened to Deputy Haughey for an hour I must say that I have heard it all before. Nothing he said taught me anything, not simply because I am incorrigible but because since I came in here I have heard from Opposition benches much the same kind of thing. His speech, punctuated occasionally by not very hearty laughter from his supporters, contained a great deal of criticism of the situation over which the Government preside. But it is about time Fianna Fáil and their Leader understood that coming in here bashing bin-lids about unemployment, lack of investment, the building industry, high taxation, is no good. We want to know what will get us out of it, and where will the money come from for the public expenditure which any measure implicit in Deputy Haughey's words will call for. I started making notes of the various implied routes of expenditure his speech carried, but I had to give up because I lost count.

It is said to be received political wisdom that an Opposition party does not impose tax, but they complain about taxation. They do not make any suggestion of a painful kind. That may be all very wise, but it is very boring, and it is no help to the people who elected the Opposition. Fianna Fáil talk continually about being the biggest party in the country — that is not true because more people vote for the Unionists than vote for Fianna Fáil——

That is because Fine Gael have joined them.

That is a fact that does not figure in Bodenstown rhetoric. However, allowing that Fianna Fáil are the biggest party in this State, one may ask what service they are providing for those who vote for them? All the people opposite do is to come here bashing bin-lids about the country's difficulties. They do not offer one concrete suggestion of a kind that a voter would be able to make sense of. Only six weeks ago, at a moment when Deputy Haughey thought he was home and dried, electorally speaking, he said in a sudden fit of responsibility that "Fianna Fáil do not make promises". He went so far as to slap Deputy O'Kennedy on the back of the hand for having promised taxation cuts. Increasingly, Deputy Haughey is being proved wrong in regard to his electoral prospects.

How am I to interpret what Deputy Haughey said here a few minutes ago — and I shall go no further than this one instance? How are we to interpret his call for the reinvestment of the £44 million in the immediate area of the Whiddy terminal? How can a west Cork voter be expected to interpret this? Deputy Haughey has a lot of ground to make up in west Cork. There are three seats to be recaptured there; one of these is held by a dissident and the others are held by two of our people. Is Deputy Haughey making a firm promise to invest that £44 million in the immediate area of Bantry or even in west Cork? What proposal has he for ensuring that the unfortunate inhabitants of west Cork can track that expenditure, without being told that taking one year with another, the money would be invested over a period of time? How could those voters be assured that the money would be invested in their district? If I were a west Cork voter I would require answers to those questions and I would heckle every Fianna Fáil ward-heeler and speechifier until I got straight answers. But I would be wasting my time because that party do not know the meaning of a straight answer. I regret to have to say that their founder, who did have ideals and a vision of what the country might be, set that standard of deviousness.

What a derogatory way to speak of a great man.

I am sorry to have to make that judgment, but the late Mr. de Valera made canonical a form of mental deviousness at a time when a different stamp might have been imprinted on the national ethos. He made canonical a way of speaking and a way of thinking at a time when that was not necessary or natural in public life here, and he left that as a diabolical legacy to his party. However, he did have ideas about what ought to be done. They may not have been all good ideas, but he did have a positive vision of some kind. He thought, for example, that we could enhance industrial employment and employment generally by a system of protective tariff barriers, and by encouraging the development of native industry and of self-sufficiency. That idea worked not badly for a time, but Fianna Fáil did not recognise when that time was up. It was left to the Coalition Governments of the fifties to realise that change was necessary; but at least that was something that one could make a plausible case for. This morning we have heard nothing from the Leader of the Opposition as to what might be done to alleviate our problems. Of course we would like a gas grid better than the one we have, and we would like our roads to be better, but is Deputy Haughey or his supporters earning their salaries by producing these generalities?

I am as dispassionate a member of my party as one will find. I have paid a price in order to be that way. If I were making a fairly dispassionate judgment of the Government I would have to say that they can look back on the past three years with reasonable satisfaction. Some of the improvements are due to foreign influences, but the Government can take some credit for the fall in the inflation rate. The reduction in this area has been so great as to put within the realm of the possible the total elimination of inflation within the foreseeable future. That no longer seems a fantastic prospect. Three years ago deputations and individual constituents were coming here telling us that the main obstacle to industrial or agricultural advance was high inflation together with high interest rates.

The Government can take credit, too, for contributing to the steep fall in interest rates. That improvement must be of benefit to industry. The crucified sectors, which Deputy Haughey referred to, must have benefited from that decrease. The ordinary house buyer must have experienced the benefit of that decrease also.

In the past three years there has been a substantial improvement in many dimensions of our infrastructure. There may not have been much improvement in so far as the county roads or minor roads are concerned, but every motorist travelling a long distance experiences the improvement in the trunk roads. There has been a substantial improvement also in the rail service, not merely in terms of the implementation of the DART service but also in the provision of new rolling stock for the main lines.

A very substantial improvement has been effected, too, in the telephone service, as every Deputy will be aware. Up to two years ago we were damned with people writing to us complaining of not being able to get a telephone after waiting for three or four years. It has been six months or more since I received a letter of that kind. Complaints regarding telephones now tend to be on the subject of maintenance or of delays in repairing out-of-order phones.

The economy as a whole has benefitted from the improvement in international oil prices. The Government have not dictated that improvement; but they must be given credit for having refrained from syphoning off the improvement or from diverting it into the State coffers by way of increases in excise.

There has been a very substantial reduction in the numbers in the public service. I do not wish to be accused of being against the public service. That would not be true; but I have said always that our public service is too big. It is not unnecessarily big by foreign standards, but it is big by the standards of what an economy of our size can afford. The Minister for the Public Service has succeeded in reducing by 8 per cent the numbers in the Civil Service without markedly reducing its efficiency. That is a very considerable achievement. It may not be popular either with school leavers or with their parents, because by reason of the embargo, avenues of recruitment which were traditionally available have been closed. The Minister's move was difficult politically; we would all prefer to be creating jobs; but the reduction in the Civil Service numbers was necessary in the interest of bringing some sort of order into the public finances.

There are two other matters to which I wish to refer and these are not negligible matters. The first relates to the standard of individual freedom for Deputies and Senators. The political atmosphere here has been maintained by the Government in a way which deserves praise. As one of the beneficiaries of this atmosphere I must record my appreciation of it. There is a very proud contrast, which is of some importance in the general scheme of government, between the tolerance and understanding which my party shows towards those who do not agree with the general thrust of what they are doing, with the intolerance and the brutal tyranny that has been exercised on Deputies on the other side of the House who are not even allowed the right to speak in the House if the subject in question is one about which the party apprehend they will hear something unwelcome. I am sure there are times when Deputies in my party wish that people like myself or like Deputy O'Donnell or Deputy Glenn would hold their tongue, but there has never been the slightest pressure, either disciplinary or moral, applied to any of us in that matter.

The atmosphere of politics has improved in the last three years, too, in that those three years have been scandal free. There have not been political scandals on the Government side, nor has there been notorious neglect or misbehaviour. That is a nice change compared with 1982, when it began to look as though scandal was becoming endemic in the system, and when people began to wonder whether we would have a system at all because they saw such low standards in high places. People may have forgotten those days, and I do not make my political livelihood from reminding them about it, but when a Government are under attack as this one has been, they are entitled to point to these things and to the fact that they have managed three difficult years without the atmosphere which led to fisticuffs within the precincts of the House, and people being intimidated with anonymous telephone calls and with threatening notes stuck on their windscreen-wipers, and with broken bottles. That has gone, and please God, it will never come back.

This Government are entitled to a reasonable degree of pride in their achievements on those levels over the last three years, and are entitled to gratitude and appreciation for the arrangement which represents a fair chance for Northern Ireland, emerging from the very unpromising start of the New Ireland Forum, that Forum whose report was shanghaied by the party opposite for their own Twenty-Six County purposes and which is the origin of the only negative and difficult dimension in this agreement. The Government are genuinely entitled to support, encouragement and praise for their efforts in this area. If one were to criticise the Government I would point to areas where neither this Government nor any other Government have been sufficiently innovative or sufficiently urgent.

In spite of promises and vague talk, nothing has been done to attack the absurd industrial relations structure here. The last person who launched a frontal assault on it was Deputy Sean MacEntee in 1941, and his resulting Trade Union Act was subsequently invalidated by the Supreme Court in 1945. Forty years have rolled by, the world has changed and it is time the Oireachtas took its courage in both hands and faced the situation. Nothing has been done to outlaw unofficial strikes, or reduce the number of competing unions in the same trade, or about subjecting employment in vital public utilities to a no-strike clause. All of these things would raise a howl of protest on a formal trade union occasion. Nonetheless, the huge majority of people would support something being done and that huge majority would largely consist of trade unionists and their families. I cannot see why we should not confront the trade union structure here and make a radical improvement in it. To do so would gain the support of a huge majority of people stretching across all parties.

Not only has nothing substantial been done by way of shedding the State's financial responsibility and reducing its exposure in a range of services which private enterprise could perhaps perform more efficiently and with less or no cost to the taxpayer, but experiments were not even tried here. Many times I suggested experiments, if one does not want to go the whole hog. I would not go any distance merely in response to an ideology, in case Deputy Mac Giolla thinks that is what I am driving at, for example towards turning the whole of CIE over to private enterprise, but I would experiment with it, in order to save the taxpayer money. CIE have long since exhausted the patience of the taxpayer. Although I would praise the new DART system, generally speaking the people have no patience with CIE. Any Government who took their courage in both hands and started handing slices of CIE out on an experimental basis to private enterprise would have public support. That is what we should do.

The omission to do anything about industrial relations and to push ahead with taking loads off the State's back and handing it to private enterprise where appropriate is due to the involvement of the Labour Party in Government. I regret that. I respect their courage and I salute, not for the first time, their sound and solid performance in everything to do with the North of Ireland. I am sorry that my apprehensions about the paralysis which they were likely to cause in the areas about which I have been talking, and which I expressed in 1982 when the Government were being formed, have turned out to be correct so far.

The Tánaiste is a Deputy whom I respect. I was sorry, but not surprised, to hear him this morning appealing for ideas for the NDC. Surely the ideas should come first. It is only when one has an idea that cannot find a suitable structure for effectuating that one goes looking for a new body to perform it; it is not the other way around. I am sorry that the Minister's speech left him open to what I hope time will prove to be a baseless gibe on my part. It is a sad thing that the man who will chiefly sponsor the National Development Corporation should come in here appealing for ideas for it. Is there a suggestion box somewhere? Will there be a filter to ensure that anything which goes into the suggestion box does not represent a function which some semi-State body already carries out?

Nothing adequate has been done by any Government in the field of education, in changing the orientation of school leavers from public service jobs towards productive enterprise and to promote at top speed an improvement in linguistic skills. Only 3 per cent of this year's school leavers offered German in the Leaving Certificate, although after the UK Germany is the biggest EC trading partner and it will become more important every year. Germany is becoming more important to us in many other ways with which I will not broaden this debate. Only one school leaver in 30 even sat the subject at Leaving Certificate this year, and I do not know how many passed.

The biggest single element on the world economic scene at the moment is the explosion in the Chinese economy which will triple the average Chinaman's spending power between now and the end of the century. I hope we are not so barbarous, primitive and insular that the mention of China brings only a smile to the face. It does not with CTT and people who know what is going on in the world, but as an economy we have not shown the slightest sign of grasping what that means in terms of potential markets for us. Is there a single person here who could sell a Chinaman something in his own language? That is not a silly question and I do not want to hear laughs anywhere when I ask that question. The Japanese do not think it silly. They are already trying to corner the Chinese market. Even though we are on the far side of the world we start with some advantages as Europeans without a colonial past in that we have not created as many enemies as other people and we have made a lot of friends. China is an example of what we should be aiming at, because it is from China that wealth and jobs can come here in the future.

The second last thing I want to say is that nothing has been done to adapt the local government system which is now — I do not mind saying this deliberately — a scandalous, important but expensive farce. There are people dressed up in gowns, cocked hats and coaches going through the motions of being local authorities but taking damn good care that whenever any odious function looks like needing to be performed it can be shoved off on to central government, like raising taxation or housing itinerants. Naturally, Mr. de Valera stripped them of all their other serious powers 45 years ago, but he allowed them to pretend that they were still local government. They have governed nothing except the handing out of trips to Bulgaria in strict rotation; they have governed very little otherwise. I should like, as I have often said before, to see the local government structure adapted so that it becomes what is says, that it be given a dimension, in particular in economic development, in local areas which councillors are supposed to know best themselves.

The local government reform we have seen here so far in this Dail, apart from giving Galway a Lord Mayor — a Lord Mayor, if you please; a mayor was not good enough for them — has been minimal. I heard Deputy Molloy here plead for a Lord Mayor, this republican. I suppose he would despise my claim to be as good a republican as he is. I would not give tuppence for a title like that, but Deputy Molloy is mad keen to have it. That is a funny kind of republicanism. Anyway, that is what I would like to see done with local government — real reform, not in a few boundaries and titles, but in its functions, forcing people who take it upon themselves to seek election to do some serious job for it.

Finally, there has not been enough progress towards visible taxation equity and visible equity also, let me say, in the treatment of Members of this and the other House. I do not want to appear to be biting the hands that feed me, or anything like that, so I will try and explain quickly. I do not want to appear to be doing down colleagues or anything like that. The system whereby Deputies and Senators are paid is one which, rightly or wrongly, causes awful resentment outside the House and makes the Government's job in trying to secure restraint in wage demands next to impossible. Anyone who is asked to show restraint says: "What about yourselves? What restraint are you showing? Have you not got so and so much money tax free? Do you not get your restaurant subsidised, your meals subsidised? Do you not get your travel subsidised? Do you not get allowances of all kinds? If you have served three years in ministerial office do you not get pensions even when you still hold a seat in the Dail?" That resentment is a fact of life. It may be uninstructed, ill informed, but it is a fact of life and a very serious fact of life with which a Government must contend in trying to deal with the public service and people generally.

I want to say this about the payment of Deputies, whether they are in receipt of a ministerial pension or not, it is an erratic system. It is kind to some people, and let me frankly say that I am one of the ones it is kind to because it permits them to do another job. It gives me a small — it is a very small — pension while I still hold a Dáil seat. It is very unkind to other Deputies who do not have another job, who have given up the chance of a livelihood or profession perhaps at a much earlier age than I went into politics at, who do nothing else except attend to their duties in here and to their constituents. I do not want to be taken to make the béal bocht for anybody; it is their own business to do that. To some Deputies, of whom I am one, the system is very kind. But there are others who are, perhaps not exactly pulling the devil by the tail, but they are not too far off it. Any Government will have to do something about this situation, to put us right with the public who elect us, who do not understand the situation here but who are able to point to a few very visible things which seem to them to be anomalous but which are not anomalous in such a way as uniformly to hand out unearned benefits to all Deputies. We owe it to ourselves, to our image with the people, to put that right and, in general, to put taxation equity at the absolute top of any scheme of Government priorities. Until we deprive people of the grouse and the excuse that they are being screwed into the ground while other people get away with murder, no Government here will ever find a governable population in regard to wage restraint.

The last thing I want to say — I am sorry I have left myself only five minutes in which to do it — bears on Northern Ireland, which I mentioned briefly at the beginning of my speech. I see now that the Deputy Leader of the Official Unionists, Mr. McCusker, appears belatedly to be suggesting that there is a Unionist willingness to work out with the political minority in the North a local solution once, as he put it, the Anglo-Irish Agreement is dropped. That option of doing business with the SDLP was at all times open to the Unionists; it was at all times open to them had they shown that open-mindedness. It was open to them long before that Hillsborough Agreement was ever heard of. They have only themselves to thank if their resistance to power sharing contributed to the disaffection among the Nationalists having reached the point that apparently, if I am to believe what I hear from the SDLP, only the intrusion of Dublin in some institutionalised form would any longer reassure them. That is said to be a sad development for the Unionists, a development that has taken place behind their backs, and so forth; but I am afraid they have only themselves to thank for it. However, I mention them not in order to recriminate, far from it, because the overtures or the small chink of light which Mr. McCusker's words seemed to contain must not be ignored or slighted.

It is vital, both for his own party, for the DUP, as well as for the SDLP, to understand the stakes in this play. Those stakes were stated with cold-blooded accuracy by the IRA in what they had the brutal cynicism to call their Christmas message, when they said about the Hillsborough Agreement, that they intended to smash it "because it was a highly sophisticated counter-revolutionary plan". That exactly puts the finger on what it is. It does not put the finger on what is its main purpose: its main purpose is to try and bring an end to the bloodshed. But, of course, the IRA have a further objective beyond the bloodshed, the blood which they intend to swim through to reach it, and see the agreement as having a counter-revolutionary effect. I would like Mr. McCusker and those who think like him, who have as much openmindness as he has himself, which is not a lot perhaps, but even that little bit, to concentrate urgently on that phrase in the IRA's Christmas message. That agreement is not aimed at defeating the revolution they want to bring about; but, of course, if it succeeds, it will have the effect of forestalling the revolution they want to bring about by fire and slaughter.

It is time that Mr. McCusker and his friends looked at the total Irish predicament, not just at the predicament of themselves and their million co-religionists, but at the total Irish predicament from this angle. It is time they realised that what is at stake for themselves and their children, as well as for us and our children, is something more than a flag, an emblem or an anthem, or indeed an allegiance. It is something more than these abstractions. It is the choice between a free and decent life for individual Irish people and a tyranny, run by sanctimonious butchers. That is the choice. I am not under the illusion that they are on the Nationalist side only, far from it; I have not got that illusion. I know there are people of whom I would use the very same language on the Unionist side — sanctimonious butchers. I just regret that it is left to us — and I have to say that Deputy Jack Lynch discharged that duty as manfully as did Deputy Cosgrave or Deputy FitzGerald — to speak plain language about the people who fly our flag and commit brutal crimes in its name. I regret that the Unionists had not been as outspoken about the savages on their side. If we are to be rescued from these savages of whatever colour, it is up to people in this country, in this whole island, Orange and Green, who abhor the prospect of a brutal tyranny, to see each other as allies and to act accordingly.

I wish yourself, Sir, and everybody else a happy Christmas and New Year.

Christmas is the time of year for good cheer and goodwill. It is the time of year when we convey cordial greetings to each other. We convey blessings and hope for the future to each other. My message to this Fine Gael/Labour Coalition Government is: please go now, go now rather than later. To this Government I would say that they no longer have the moral authority to govern. They have deprived the old, demoralised the young and depressed the remainder. They have broken too many promises. Their policies have failed and they have lost the confidence of the people. They owe it to the country to go now rather than later and make way for a Government that will tackle the job they have failed totally to do.

I regret most sincerely that I have no messages of hope to convey from the Coalition Government's Christmas Adjournment debate to the 240,000 people who are out of work or to the 20,000 young people who have been forced to emigrate since this Government came into office three years ago this week. I have no hope of long term employment to convey to the 60,000-70,000 young people who are on temporary employment programmes, or to the PAYE sector of our community who are brutally burdened with taxation levels at present and who resent bitterly and deeply these taxation levels that have been added to by further levies, charges, rates and fees.

I have no hope to convey to those who are victims of the criminals who are running riot in our country. I cannot say to them that the rampant crime is being tackled seriously, that the Government are making available to the Garda Síochána the resources they need to deal with this rampant crime increase. The people resent the fact that criminals are being facilitated by the Government to such a degree that, in the case of Spike Island, the ignition keys were left in a JCB tractor to allow them to break their way out of that prison.

I have no hope to convey to the old people and, indeed, people no so old, to young people, on the question of people being murdered, mugged and raped in their homes. I have no hope to convey to people who are ill, sick people who are bedded in hospital corridors while hospital wards are closed. I have no hope to convey from this Adjournment debate to the people who have had their medical cards withdrawn because they may have found themselves with £1, £2 or £3 over the guidelines laid down. I have no hope to convey to those old and poor people whose free fuel voucher applications have been refused by health boards this year.

I have no hope to convey from this Adjournment debate to those engaged in agriculture, the forgotten industry. I have no hope to convey to the dairy farmers of County Limerick who are now experiencing the results of the Government's caving in on the milk super-levy question. I have no hope to convey to those dairy farmers who have to queue up with their milk because they have exceeded their quota restriction and they still have three and a half months to go with milk supply to dispose of. I have no hope to convey to the small businessman who has been forced to close with the sheriff at the door and the banks urging that he should be put out of business.

If this is a time of goodwill and cheer, then let me say to those whom I have listed — I am sure there are others — that Christmas cannot be a cheerful time for this large sector of our community. Government policies have failed and it will take far more than expert and efficient public relations exercises on the Late Late Show, or anywhere else, to get these people to forget the reality of the situations they find themselves in.

The conviction yesterday of all 27 defendants in a supergrass trial on the uncorroborated evidence of a paid informer represents a serious threat in itself to peace and stability. The judgment shows a blatant disregard for the deep and fundamental objections among all sections of the Nationalist community to the most obviously corrupt feature of the Northern system of justice and it represents a serious setback to fulfilment of the aspiration in the Anglo-Irish agreement that the two Governments agree on the importance of public confidence in the administration of justice. If this judgment is allowed to stand, it will be totally destructive of confidence in the Anglo-Irish agreement. The Government should demand a meeting of the Inter-Governmental Conference to discuss the matter at once.

Certainly it must have been disappointing to Northern Nationalists that the agreement contained none of the concrete reforms in the security system which we have reason to believe were discussed exhaustively over many months with the British authorities. There was the assurance in the Hillsborough communiqué that, at their first meeting, the Conference would consider measures to improve relations between the security forces and the minority community and in particular the application of the principle that the armed forces, which include the UDR, would operate only in support of the civil power with the objective of ensuring as rapidly as possible that, save in the most exceptional circumstances, there will be a police presence in all operations which involve direct contact with the community.

To judge from the communiqué, the first Conference advanced matters no further. The Conference considered the steps which were being taken progressively in applying the principle regarding the armed forces in the Hillsborough communiqué with the rider that the Chief Constable of the RUC stated that this was in accordance with existing RUC policy. As has been correctly pointed out, this is indeed part and parcel of the so-called Ulsterisation policy which makes the Army and the UDR a backup regiment for the police. However, the Chief Constable of the RUC made it clear, even before the meeting, that the UDR would still be unaccompanied for some time to come.

It is certainly disturbing that, according to the deputy leader of the SDLP, UDR harassment of the Nationalist community has increased since the Hillsborough Agreement and that Mr. Mallon was detained by the UDR for 45 minutes last week. I see that the Northern Minister, Mr. Scott, has said that the Anglo-Irish Inter-governmental Conference is not the place to bring up incidents or breaches of law involving security forces. In that case in that crucial area the Conference will be ineffective. In any discussions I had as a member of a Government, either in the Department of Justice or the Department of Foreign Affairs with Secretaries of State for Northern Ireland, we were always in a position to discuss such breaches. This issue ought to be taken up at the first opportunity. At first sight, therefore, it would appear that no real change in the composition or operation of the UDR is contemplated, that everything will be much as before and that there is no intention even to begin the process of their disbandment. I will be happy if anybody can persuade me that I am wrong.

A code of conduct is promised also for the RUC next year. I wonder if the Government have asked our Embassy in London to study codes of conduct already in operation in British police forces and if they have inquired as to their effectiveness in ending alienation among the black community in deprived inner cities of Britain. The extradition process carried through by former Chief Justice Tom O'Higgins and former Attorney General Peter Sutherland, now both gone to highly paid jobs in Europe, has surely been a complete fiasco. We have had major cases collapsing for the want of evidence.

On reflection I think the Deputy will agree that it is not in order to make derogatory remarks about members of the Judiciary either present or past.

I am not making derogatory remarks about the Judiciary present or past. I am expressing the facts as they are. Those gentlemen have gone to Europe to far better paid jobs than they had here and the process which they allowed has in my view been a complete fiasco.

The former Chief Justice was one of the court of five who decided the matter.

In that case I will say, those who decided with him.

The Chair is of the opinion that it is in bad taste to say the least of it.

I do not wish to haggle with the Chair because my time is limited but I believe I am being fair in my comment on the extradition process. The judgments of the Supreme Court have driven a coach and four through the 1965 extradition Act which was never intended to apply to the political offence.

It is certainly well laid down that judgments of the courts should not be criticised.

I am telling the Chair what has happened as a result of the judgments and we cannot run away from the facts. We have had these cases collapsing in recent times for the want of evidence. That fact has been printed and commented on. The extradition Act of 1965 which was never intended to apply to the political offence worked very smoothly and without complaint as long as the concept of political offence was interpreted in line with international law. Extradition is strongly opposed by the entire Nationalist community in the North with a motion condemning it being passed at the recent SDLP Conference. The Government would be unwise to proceed any further along this path and the whole question of extradition should now be reviewed.

In an interview in Tuesday's issue of the Belfast Telegraph the British Prime Minister said that the Hillsborough Agreement was not an arrangement for sharing the government of Northern Ireland but simply a formalisation of discussions. We hope that these discussions are intended to lead somewhere. We would be very happy if worthwhile visible and substantial reforms and improvements for the Nationalist community were to emerge over the coming months and if these were to lead towards greater peace and stability. After the fanfare we are certainly entitled to look for the substance.

Ireland at the end of 1985 faces a bleak economic and social future that has had no parallel since the fifties. There is no sign of any real recovery. In most material respects the economy is in a much worse state today than it was three years ago when the Coalition took office. We now have mass unemployment, crushing levels of taxation and a huge national debt which has grown from £12.8 billion to over £20 billion in three years. Living standards have been grievously depressed but the fall in living standards has not been matched by any increase in jobs or healthier public finances. No other Government in recent times have been guilty of such an appalling record of failure or mismanagement or presided over so much damage to the national economy.

Last week I failed to get the Minister for Foreign Affairs to recognise the dangers that exist in the discussion documents published by the European Commission on reforms of the Common Agricultural Policy. I was shocked and amazed at the Minister's replies to my supplementary questions. It is my belief that, because of the importance of agriculture to our economy, and the importance of making the Government aware of the task they have to face in Europe on the question of reform of the Common Agricultural Policy, we must recognise that agriculture will always be vital to our economy. Very few countries if any, regardless of how industrialised or technologically advanced they may be, do not accord special attention and a special position to agriculture. In view of our favourable climate and other natural advantages for agricultural production, to neglect this sector would represent an irresponsible waste of natural resources and bad economic management.

Agriculture employs directly 15 per cent of our labour force. Last year gross output amounted to more than £2,500 million while agricultural exports exceeded £1.6 billion. There is almost no other developed country in which, relatively speaking, agriculture plays so large a part. Full account must be taken of this not just in deciding Irish economic policy but equally in setting the lines of development and priorities of EC policies. No other single sector of the Irish economy occupies such a central role and it follows that agricultural development must be an essential priority of our economic policy.

That basic truth may be considered by many in the Government and in the House to be self evident but it needs to be constantly restated. That belief was confirmed for me in the question and answer session I had with the Minister for Foreign Affairs recently. For a time in recent decades it may have seemed that new areas of development would secure national prosperity for us, but the hard lesson in the last two years has taught us that we cannot neglect any area or any development prospect and that every possible national resource must be utilised. If we are to achieve a reasonable level of national prosperity then no sector or potential can be discarded or neglected.

Another lesson of recent years is that general economic conditions are of real relevance to farmers and that the general economic and fiscal context in which they have to operate are just as important as individual farm enterprise decisions. Interest rates are a specific example of this reality. Because of the relatively under-developed state of Irish agriculture our farmers must have access to working capital at reasonable rates if they are to develop. Despite a welcome reduction, interest rates remain too high and this means, among other things, that farm expansion based on borrowings is likely in most cases to yield a low rate of return. With inflation now at about 5½ per cent, real rates of interest are excessively high and an improvement in this area should be a major policy objective.

I have always been an advocate of constructive consultation between Government and the main sectoral groups. In Government in 1982 we made an attempt to formulate a four year plan for agriculture with the help of the farming organisations. In the changed circumstances of today a longer term strategy for agriculture is still required. For such a strategy to be useful it requires, first, the active participation and input of the farm organisations and, secondly, a basic commitment to the industry by the Government so that the exercise can be as realistic, practical, acceptable and attainable as possible.

Because the prospects for different sectors are far from clear, and different lines of production are threatened with restrictions and limitation of one kind or another, such a planned strategy is most urgently needed at present. There is scope for production growth in the beef, sheep, poultry, tillage and horticultural sectors. The difficulty is that most forms of animal production provide a relatively low income if capital has to be borrowed to increase stock at high interest rates. Cattle exports amounted to almost £800 million in 1984 but the implementation of effective policies designed to increase the national herd are required. The chief barrier to expansion of the national herd are not material or technical, but financial, in particular, the high cost of credit compared with low returns.

At present the efficient dairy producer is likely to remain the mainstay of Irish agriculture. There is still scope for improvement and increased efficiency for seasonal diversification and increasing the range and sophistication of dairy products. In a world of levies and quotas, we must seek to maximise the return from milk, exploring every possible new product that can be sold on the international market. The Irish climate enables us to produce some of the best grass in the world, which makes us very competitive producers of milk. In the last decade we have concentrated our resources on expanding milk production which makes up about one-third of farm output. It is bad economics that we should be forced to renounce our natural advantage because of the factory-type overproduction on the Continent based on large scale imports of foodstuffs from outside the Community.

The use of hormones in beef production has become a controversial issue, not merely in Ireland but throughout the Community. I realise the difficulties involved here since I am Chairman of the Oireachtas Joint Committee on EC Secondary Legislation, which recently examined this area. Despite the difficulties involved, we have to recognise the very widespread concern among consumers about the application of artificial growth stimulants. While I am conscious of all the difficulties implicit in this issue for farmers and for productivity, I believe that our future lies in fostering an image of Ireland as a place which produces healthy natural foods.

The future of the Common Agriculture Policy is a key element and one which will largely determine the future conditions and prospects for Irish farming. I would like to call on all sections of the Irish community to vigorously oppose the Commission's Green Paper. The major development of the milk sector which we had looked forward to has now been deliberately closed off and it appears that we face other attempts to restrict possible avenues of growth. The Green Paper recently issued by the European Commission strikes at the very basic principle of the policy which offered the greatest attraction to Ireland's entry into the Community. It proposes that the current support system be replaced by what is euphemistically referred to as a more market oriented approach. Essentially, this would mean the replacement of price support by income aids that are largely national and, in effect, a return to the era of low and unstable prices for our agricultural products that plagued our economy prior to our joining the Community.

In relation to the impact on the national economy, all the proposals in the Green Paper pale into insignificance and I would like briefly to dwell on how disturbing it really is. From the guarantee section of FEOGA alone, nearly £650 million flowed into Ireland last year. This represents a staggering one-half of total farm income in that year, and even with that substantial support our farming income per head is still little more than 50 per cent of the European average. In my view, this is certainly no time to bring about a further reduction in farm incomes, just when the imposition of a ceiling on milk output strikes at the sector of the industry with greatest potential.

Official reports such as the Green Paper tend to assume a force of their own, even when they propose measures that otherwise would be rejected out of hand. This is all the more reason why the central proposition of the document must be vigorously and continuously opposed. There is general disappointment that so far there is no great evidence of publicly voiced opposition of the dimension that is merited by the seriousness of the issue. In the European Parliament——

Deputy Collins has marginally less than five minutes.

——our Members published our position on the proposed changes in the Common Agricultural Policy a few weeks ago. They drew attention to a number of significant aspects relevant to the debate that do not come through to public notice. Urban dwellers, in particular, see the Community's problems as stemming from the support given to those who work off the land, but the food and drink industry is the largest single Community industry. It employs more than three million people. That industry absorbs 85 per cent of sales from agricultural products and the meat and the dairying industries look to agriculture for four-fifths of their purchases. The Common Agricultural Policy has given a strong impetus to Europe, to the agricultural co-operatives, and today they employ more than 500,000 staff.

The degree of support for European agriculture is also represented as unfair in the context of international trade, discriminating particularly against US farm interests. The reverse, in fact, is the case. The per capita support for the US farmer is considerably greater than that of his European counterpart. I feel particularly strongly about the public image of the cost of the Common Agricultural Policy. We are all remiss in not bringing it home to the public that that policy costs as little as 0.6 per cent of Europe's gross domestic product. Closely allied to this aspect is the major shift that has already taken place in the thinking and attitude of the Community establishment, leading to stifling budgetary entrenchment and reduction in financial support for traditional Community policy.

The entry of Spain and Portugal to the Community will see a worsening of the position from our point of view. There will be substantial diversion of resources from northern to southern agricultural regions, while at the same time the agricultural and regional funds are not likely to be increased significantly to cope with the new demands which will be made on them. I am concerned that discussions on such topics as alternative products, new uses for agricultural products, regional and social policies, while very important in themselves, may divert attention from the more serious threat lurking in the proposal to dismantle the existing price support systems. This is a threat to the future of Irish agriculture at a time when economic recession and widespread unemployment make it necessary to retain as many people as possible in agricultural employment. Directed as it is at income, the Green Paper represents a threat to the Irish farm family because, as we all know, the basic problem besetting our farm families is the farm income problem. We must resist more effectively and with greater unity of effort the implementation of policies that would be an undoubted setback of major proportions to our economy.

We must also take measures to ensure that output is increased relatively quickly to a more satisfactory level. We cannot afford to be caught again in a situation where quotas and penal levies are placed on lines of production on which we have not reached our potential. The special position of Ireland as one of the least developed countries in the Community in which agriculture plays so large a role will have to be recognised more effectively than happened on the last occasion.

The Green Paper published by the European Commission is of such great importance to the Irish economy generally and to the people as a whole that far greater attention should be directed to it. The Minister should have public discussion and debate on it in this House. If the attitude of the Minister for Foreign Affairs to this Green Paper is to be taken generally as the attitude of the Government to it, then we are in for an unbelievably rude awakening in 1986 if the European Commission decides to go ahead and implement, even to any degree, some of the recommendations in that Green Paper.

It is the time of year when we bring goodwill and wishes of good cheer to the community at large. This Government, after three years in office, have little or no hope to offer the many sectors of our community, and I say that with great regret. I say it to the 240,000 people out of work, to the 70,000 people forced to emigrate, to the 70,000 people on temporary employment programmes who have little or no chance of job opportunities in the future. I say it to those who are in fear of their lives in their homes from the criminal who is running riot around the country.

The criminals are being caught, thank heavens.

I say, with very great respect, that I cannot share that view with the Minister. Those who are being caught are not even being held.

Yes, they are.

The Government give them JCBs with keys in the ignition with which to make their way out of Spike Island.

The continuing tight budgetary situation, which is a legacy of the chaotic condition of the national finances which this Government inherited, should not be allowed to obscure the fact that the outlook for the Irish economy is better now than at any time since the last world recession began in 1979. The economy is already benefiting from the reduced inflation and interest rates brought about by prudent and responsible economic management.

I am deeply conscious that, notwithstanding the improved general economic climate, the problem of unemployment remains extremely serious. In terms of economic waste and human misery widespread unemployment is totally unacceptable to me. It must and it will continue to remain right on top of the Government's list of priorities. Due to our particular combination of demographic and economic circumstances it will remain a difficult and stubborn problem to bring under control, especially since involuntary emigration has no place in our scheme of things.

However, the improved general economic conditions and the series of imaginative measures taken by the Government, such as the social employment and the enterprise allowance schemes, have produced some encouraging trends. Significant among these trends are a substantial slowing down in the rate of increase in unemployment; an increase in seasonably adjusted employment in the manufacturing sector for the second quarter of 1985 and a substantial reduction in the number of notified redundancies for the first ten months of this year. The recently announced comprehensive package of measures to stimulate employment in the building industry, to which I shall return later, will give a further boost to the labour market. Overall, there are firm indications now that, for the first time in a number of years, next year will see some increase in the total number of people at work in the country.

The healthier national economy has also enabled us to push ahead with progress in specific social and economic areas. In my own sphere of responsibility, as Minister for the Environment, the very considerable reductions in both the rate of interest and the rate of inflation have been most beneficial. Indeed, 1985 has been a year of very satisfactory achievement for the Department of the Environment. The widespread activity on road building evident throughout the country, the big drop in mortgage repayments, the shrinking of local authority housing lists and the palpable pick up in house improvement activity all testify to this achievement far more eloquently than anything I say here. However, progress has not been confined to these "high visibility" areas: we have made advances over a very wide range of activities, in dealing with homelessness, local government reform, protection of the environment, local financing, security of employment for local authority workers and so on.

Because my Department have a responsibility for monitoring the overall performance of the building industry and because of its potential for improving the unemployment situation I would like to make a few comments on this industry before going on to deal with the specific services within my Department's purview.

No one denies that the building industry — both in terms of employment and of output — has been having a difficult time since 1979. Despite a constantly high level of public investment in construction, I can think of no other major industrial sector that has been hit as badly by the economic recession which has decimated private investment in it. For these reasons the Government's recent package of measures aimed at reducing unemployment concentrated on the building industry, especially measures to attract private investment since there is a limit to the extent to which publicly funded expenditure can solve the industry's problems. The special package included: a greatly expanded scheme of home improvement grants; grants for the improvement of facilities at hotels; a special £5 million amenity project scheme and a programme to re-vitalise run-down inner city areas.

Although I will return to the house improvement grants in the context of housing policy it is important to say here in relation to the building industry that every £1 spent by the Government in improvement grants will generate an additional private investment of at least £2. An investment of the order of £25 million should, therefore, generate some £75 million worth of building work and about 3,500 jobs. In introducing these grants we were particularly anxious to ensure that the activity and employment generated will benefit legitimate building contractors and we have, accordingly, taken specific steps to ensure that grant aided work is not carried out by black economy operators. It is a condition of the scheme that grant applications cannot be considered except where the tax numbers of contractors who are undertaking the work are furnished on the application form. Since this is necessary to prevent public funds being siphoned off into black economy operations I am sure it will have the wholehearted support of Deputies.

With regard to the promotion of inner city redevelopment, legislation is being prepared to provide for the establishment of a statutory authority to direct and control the development of the Custom House docks site and I expect to be able to circulate the Bill in the next Dáil session. Work is also proceeding on the designation of those inner-city areas of Dublin, Cork and Limerick to which it is intended to apply special tax incentives to encourage redevelopment. The areas to be designated will be announced as soon as possible following the conclusion of consultations which are currently taking place with the local authorities involved.

I am pleased to be able to inform the House that the Government have accepted my proposal to establish a Construction Industry Development Council. My Department will be in touch with the relevant interested parties early in the new year to make the necessary administrative arrangements.

I am confident that the new private investment generated by these measures will provide a demand which will hasten a turnaround in the fortunes of the industry. Low interest rates and low inflation are vitally important to the revival of the building sector. These, when allied to the new incentives and the continued high level of the PCP affecting construction in 1986, presage relatively favourable conditions for the industry next year.

Over the past year or so there have been three very important developments in the housing area, namely, the introduction of the £5,000 grant for certain tenants and tenant purchasers of local authority houses; the publication of the Housing (Miscellaneous Provisions) Bill, 1985 and the greatly expanded scheme of home improvement grants announced in October.

The national plan announced the £5,000 grant for local authority tenants who give up their tenancies and provide houses for themselves on the private market. Events since have shown that this was a very successful policy initiative which in a relatively short time has had a significant impact on the housing situation. To date, some 4,500 applications have been made. By the end of the year 1,950 dwellings will have been returned to local authorities under the scheme and grants amounting to some £9.75 million will have to be paid.

The success of this grant, together with the other local authority houses becoming available for reletting in the normal way, will mean that local authorities will be able to house about 3,500 households in 1985 from their existing stock of dwellings. To this must be added the 6,500 new dwellings expected to be completed in 1985, which though down on completions of 7,002 in 1984 will still be higher than any other year since 1976. The national plan set a target for local authorities of housing 9,000 households annually, 6,000 in new dwellings and 3,000 in existing dwellings. This year the target set will be comfortably exceeded and indeed this is the second year in succession when local authorities will have housed over 10,000 households. The continuing success of the £5,000 grant scheme, the level of capital being provided for local authority housing construction and the successful application of the cost control procedures all augur well for continuing success in the achievement of the target of housing 9,000 households annually from approved waiting lists.

The Housing (Miscellaneous Provisions) Bill, 1985 has already been introduced in the House and the Second Stage is at present being considered. It is the most significant amendment of the housing code since it was consolidated by the 1966 Act. This Bill fulfils the commitment in the national plan to review the statutory provisions on the management and letting of local authority houses to ensure that the needs of particular categories of persons such as the homeless, the aged, travelling people and other disadvantaged groups would get due priority in the formulation of building programmes and the allocation of tenancies. It will make specific provision for the homeless by establishing a framework within which local authorities will be able to devise a flexible and appropriate response to the various types of need which homeless persons present. The debates on this Bill in the next session will afford Deputies the opportunity of an in-depth discussion on a wide range of housing issues.

I have already referred to the new scheme of house improvement grants as a fillip to the building industry. From the point of view of housing policy there are also compelling arguments in favour of increasing expenditure on the conservation and improvement of our existing housing stock, an extremely valuable national asset. Both the scope and size of the grants available from my Department have been very substantially increased and we have quite justifiably put a special emphasis on the older houses in the stock. A completely new grant of up to £5,000 has been made available for necessary repairs and reconstruction work to houses or self-contained flats built before 1940. The maximum grant for all existing categories of work has been increased substantially and a new category has been added under which up to £800 is available for the replacement of seriously defective windows and external doors.

In cases where the dwelling is in a particularly bad state of repair and lacking in essential amenities a maximum overall grant of £8,600 could be payable if, in addition, to the £5000 grant, a person qualified for the water, sewerage, bathroom and extension grants. Waiting periods since a previous grant have in general been reduced from ten to seven years, and it is not necessary to prove overcrowding in order to qualify for an extension grant. For example, in many houses there are small kitchens which need to be extended irrespective of the number of persons in the household. Similarly, in relation to a bedroom extension, a family should be able to exercise some discretion in the matter without having to rely on overcrowding in order to qualify for a grant. This new scheme of house improvement grants has been widely welcomed. To date over 100,000 requests for application forms have been received and well over 13,000 applications for grants have been submitted to my Department. I have already taken steps, including making use of the services of some experienced inspectors, to ensure that there are no undue delays in processing these applications and I will be keeping the position in this respect under review.

In addition to these three major developments, there are a number of other aspects of housing to which I might refer briefly. A fundamental aim of Government policy is the continued availability of and adequate supply of mortgage finance. The high level of the capital allocations provided for the Housing Finance Agency and for local authority loans in the PCP demonstrate the Government's commitment in this respect to prospective home owners on modest incomes. Demand for agency loans has been such that the Government have increased the agency's capital allocation in 1985 by some £26 million to £91 million. There is also a steady demand for local authority house purchase and improvement loans and some £76 million was provided under the scheme in 1985. The Housing Finance Agency (Amendment) Act, 1985 increased the agency's borrowing power to £500 million, thereby enabling the agency to continue to make a significant contribution to the housing programme. The £5,000 grant has had a major impact on demand for loans and the combined package of loans and grants has brought house purchase within the grasp of many people of modest means. Building societies continue to cater for the largest portion of the mortgage market and hundreds of thousands of householders are benefiting from the very significant reductions achieved this year in the mortgage interest rate charged by societies. The ordinary rate now stands at 9.75 per cent, the lowest since 1978.

I am particularly delighted in this season of goodwill to say I have been able to secure a 50 per cent increase in the allocation for the Task Force on Special Housing Aid for the Elderly. Now £1.5 million will be available to the task force in 1986. Deputies are already aware of the very meritorious work being done by the health boards under this scheme to improve the living conditions of elderly people. Since the scheme commenced in 1982, over 5,000 dwellings have been improved and the increased funding will enable activity to be stepped up in 1986.

In March 1984 I introduced an attractive scheme of assistance for voluntary housing groups who wished to provide housing for certain disadvantaged groups, the elderly, handicapped etc. While the provision of housing accommodation can represent a daunting undertaking in terms of planning, construction, financing and management, I am pleased to say that the scheme is expanding and the value of projects approved in 1985 was more than twice that in 1984. However, I have been aware that the £16,000 maximum loan limit per unit of accommodation has restricted the number of projects which could be brought forward, particularly in urban areas, and I am pleased to announce that this limit is now being increased to £20,000 per unit. As these loans are fully subsidised by my Department. I am confident that this increase will be a significant benefit to the voluntary housing sector.

Deputies will, no doubt, have noticed from the 1986 PCP just published that the total capital provision for housing at £411 million is over 5 per cent up on the 1985 provision. So next year we have the money and the policies to continue to tackle our housing problems effectively.

No less than in housing, 1985 has been a year of impressive achievement for the roads programme, with the production of a new road plan, a rise of one-quarter in capital spending on road building and some badly needed and long awaited major improvement schemes getting under way. The national plan, recognising the importance of a good road network to our economic infrastructure, contained a commitment to increased capital expenditure on roads. With this commitment I was able, last January, to produce the new road plan which contained a detailed and comprehensive statement of Government roads policy. It sets out a clearly defined programme of works for the period up to 1987 and a tentative programme for the years immediately afterwards which will serve as a planning framework for both local authorities and the building industry.

Fifty four schemes are listed in the road plan to be commenced and/or completed in the three year period up to 1987. At this stage, work is already in progress on 27 of these schemes. All but one of the schemes scheduled to commence in 1985 have already started. The final scheme, the Blackrock by-pass, will start early in the new year. In addition, I have confirmed five compulsory purchase or motorway orders, 15 further public inquiries have been held and a further public inquiry is being held this week. This progress is evident right across the country. In the Dublin area work has been completed on the new airport road: work is in progress on schemes at Chapelizod, Lucan, and Tallaght and work will begin next year on the Dublin ring road. Work is also in progress on schemes throughout the country such as by-passes of Athlone, Oranmore, Roscrea, Leighlinbridge, Wexford, Midleton, Slieverue and Askeaton. Major improvements are taking place on the Cork to Mallow road and new bridges are being constructed in Waterford, Limerick, Galway and Cork. Two new ring roads are being constructed in Cork.

In the plan priority is being given to the improvement of the national road network and selected major works on other important routes. While this is so, funds are also being provided for the improvement of the more important regional roads and, through the block grant, for the improvement of county roads. The block grant to local authorities this year was increased by 10 per cent. I also announced during the year that I intended to pay 75 per cent grants towards the cost of approved improvement works on the more important country road bridges in anticipation of increased weight limits under our EC obligations.

The Government are determined to obtain the maximum value for money from State funding of road improvements and a number of practical steps have been taken to this end. My Department with the co-operation of An Foras Forbartha, have developed a cost-benefit analysis system which is being used to the maximum extent possible to assist in determining the priority and optimum timing of certain projects. At a recent symposium An Foras Forbartha presented the results of research undertaken by them at the request of my Department on the relative costs of the direct labour and contract methods. The question is now receiving further consideration in my Department.

The Government have given their approval in principle to the private sector funding of the Lucan Road-Navan Road section of the Dublin ring road and the possibility of private sector involvement in the Newbridge by-pass is being discussed at present with a group representing banking and building interests. We are prepared to consider funding on a joint public-private basis where projected traffic volumes are insufficient to justify a fully privately financed scheme. In this connection I circulated last February a document to financial, construction and other interests setting out the terms on which investment would be considered and identifying five possible toll road projects. The Estimates provide for the allocation of nearly £160 million on road grants or an increase of 5 per cent over this year's record level.

Road accident casualties have been decreasing in recent years and the trend so far this year has been equally encouraging with road deaths down by a further 10 per cent. Among the factors contributing to this improvement are the increased State funding of road improvement and maintenance, measures to improve the safety of vehicles and their use, traffic law enforcement, the drink/driving laws, the educational activities of the National Road Safety Association and the recently confirmed substantial increase in seat belt usage by drivers and passengers.

Over recent years public investment in the sanitary services programme has been stepped up considerably. This high level of activity was maintained in 1985 which saw considerable progress in many important water and sewerage schemes throughout the country. In 1984 I was able to clear the backlog of fully planned major schemes held in the Department. As a result the total value of schemes in progress or at tender stage stood at a record £515 million at the end of 1984. Thanks to the increased levels of funding I can assure the House that no major schemes are now being held in the Department for lack of funds. In 1985 £91 million loan capital was made available to finance public schemes and this was fully expended during the year. The provision for 1986 will be sufficient to meet all commitments likely to arise during the year and will ensure that the progress on the programme will be maintained at the required level.

While speaking about sanitary services generally, I should mention the large increases for group water and sewerage grants which I announced in May. The maximum grants payable for domestic and farm supplies in group water schemes were doubled outside the western region while the maximum grant payable for schemes inside the western region went up by £100.

The question of local government reform has been high among my priorities over the past year. We have made significant progress in implementing the reform programme which was the subject of the policy statement "The Reform of Local Government" which I issued on 30 May last. The programme is based on a comprehensive examination of the opportunities and challenges which face local government as well as a recognition of the strengths and weaknesses of the system as it stands.

The purpose of the reform programme is to secure a more complete, as well as a more effective system of local government. It is my intention to provide local authorities with structures and procedures which will help equip them to meet the future needs of the communities they serve. In addition, local authorities will be given as much discretion as possible to carry out their functions.

Over the past year there have been two significant developments affecting the financing of local authorities — the enactment of legislation providing for the farm tax and the reserving to elected councillors of the power to levy charges. More important from the point of view of local and Exchequer finances was the enactment of the Farm Tax Act which, I believe, will ensure a more realistic contribution from the farming community to the provision of local services in a manner which involves no disincentive to agricultural production. It will also help to restore some degree of equity to our overall taxation system. I understand that the assessment of land is proceeding and that local authorities will have the information necessary to issue demands to a significant number of farmers towards the end of 1986.

During the year studies of local finances were published by the National Economic and Social Council and by the Commission on Taxation. These outline various approaches to overcoming the financial difficulties which local authorities are currently experiencing and provide a valuable focus for discussion. The conclusions and recommendations of the studies are being examined carefully in my Department and I expect to be in a position to report to the Government on this matter at an early date.

Considering the severe constraints on public spending I hope Deputies will agree that the level of rates support grants contained in the 1986 Estimates is not ungenerous. The total of these grants in 1986 is nearly £300 million, which is 4½ per cent greater than 1985 and 32 per cent greater than 1982. As this might not be immediately apparent from the Environment Estimate, a word of explanation may help to clarify the position. The apparent drop in the grant in relief of domestic rates does not represent a real reduction since it is due to the fact that £18.9 million has been transferred to the Social Welfare Estimate on foot of a Government decision to relieve local authorities of their obligation to contribute part of the cost of the supplementary welfare allowances.

I would now like to mention an important recent development in relation to security of employment for local authority manual workers. Future security of employment was an issue which has, very understandably, been causing concern among these workers. Sharing this concern I had the position examined by a working party, which reported to me in November. I have asked both local authority management and unions for their co-operation in implementing the code of practice contained in the report. The main advantages of the code of practice are, first, the majority of full time employees of local authorities will be given formal security of employment for the first time; second, there will be uniformity of practice throughout the local authority service, which should ensure equality of treatment of employees as between one local authority and another and, third, employees will be more willing to co-operate with management by providing a more flexible working environment.

The Government decided on 22 October 1985 to make a sum of £5 million available in 1986 for a new scheme of improved community and leisure facilities and other general amenities. The scheme is aimed at the provision of such facilities in areas of greatest social need, particulary in the urban areas. To develop these facilities, £5 million is included in my Department's Estimates in 1986. A large proportion of the funds available is being channelled into the provision of recreation-leisure centres. In recent years, there has been an increasing demand from residents' associations and voluntary organisations for the provision of such facilities which are important outlets for all age groups, but particularly young people. I am at present examining proposals under the scheme in consultation with the Minister for Labour and definite projects will be brought forward as early as possible.

There are a number of other areas where our achievements over the past year have been noteworthy. However, time constraints do not permit me to go into them in any detail so I would just like to put them on record very briefly.

Earlier this year I made important new fire regulations which require the owners and managers of places of assembly to ensure that exits are unobstructed and to provide that nobody shall impede the person in control from complying with this requirement. Severe penalties have been stipulated for breaches of these regulations and I have asked local authorities to conduct "during performance" inspections.

I have set up the Environment Awareness Bureau in an effort to increase public awareness of environmental values. While the bureau have been in existence for only a short time, they have engaged in a wide range of promotional activities which will help to foster a more caring attitude to the environment and they will intensify their efforts in this respect during 1986.

I am pleased to say that the drafting of a Bill to control air pollution is at an advanced stage and will be circulated at the beginning of the next Dáil session. The Bill will provide the necessary legislative framework for the implementation of EC directives and for the development of a comprehensive policy leading to improvements in air quality generally.

To conclude then, let me repeat that 1985 has been a year in which the Government's economic policies have begun to bear fruit and this is well illustrated by the achievements in my own area of responsibility — notably in housing and roads. Looking forward to 1986 I am happy that the Estimates and PCP just published reflect the right balance and that in my own and in other spheres we will be able to continue to build on the achievements already made.

To you, a Leas-Cheann Comhairle, to all Deputies and to everybody in the House, I wish a very happy Christmas.

This Government stand condemned for their economic policies, not just by Fianna Fáil or any other group in this House but by categorical statements in their own documentation. I shall give a few brief quotations from the report of the Central Bank published on 6 November 1985 which describes the various indices in the economy that show the disastrous road that lies ahead. The report refers to the disappointing excess in regard to the budget deficit which is now expected to exceed the planned level of 13 per cent. It states:

The position now is that the current budget deficit will exceed 8 per cent of GNP in 1985, the highest ever experienced. With the total national debt now exceeding 130 per cent of GNP, almost half of which is external debt, a faster pace of adjustment is required if mounting debt charges are not to become intolerable and the balance of payments position is not to re-emerge as a major constraint.

The Central Bank states that this is all the more disappointing since in the past few years the completion of some major infrastructural projects should have allowed an even greater reduction in borrowing needs. The Central Bank, conservative as it is, states that were it not for the parlous state of the national finances where the Government are exceeding their budget deficit by way of borrowing for Government expenditure, that borrowing could have been devoted to the infrastructural requirements which are so badly needed. I refer to road construction as one outstanding example in that connection. The Central Bank report contains the following comment:

Developments in merchandise trade in 1985 have been less buoyant than was forecast earlier in the year.... Employment in industry in the early months of the year was lower than expected in response to a weak trend in industrial output. With continued weakness in the trend of production to mid-year, little improvement in employment is likely to have occurred before the third quarter.

That fact is confirmed now and it is quite clear that in three consecutive quarters in 1985 Irish manufacturing output has fallen consistently. The Central Bank report did not contain the figure for the third quarter but we have that figure now. It shows that manufacturing output is 5 per cent below the figure for the same quarter in 1984. The report makes the following comment:

Exchequer returns for the first nine months of the year confirm the indications available at mid-year that some overshooting of the targets for the current budget deficit and Exchequer borrowing requirement is likely this year.

All of these matters have been confirmed in the Public Capital Programme and the Estimate forecasts. The fundamental weakness in the economy is not difficult to diagnose. It is basic and is related to capital investment that should be taking place to provide the stimulus for economic growth which would benefit private investment thus resulting in further economic growth and an increase in employment. That is the only way forward. Yet, in the basic area of economic investment, during 1985 there was a reduction in the Estimate of £463 million to £384 million, the money actually spent. Thus, so far as the State was concerned it spent less money on economic investment in 1985. In addition, less money was spent on productive infrastructural works. The amount estimated was £710 million but only £706 million was spent.

In the figure which represented the reduction in economic investment by the State last year, industrial development suffered a reduction of £60 million. So far as the Industrial Credit Company were concerned there was a reduction of £46 million. There is a real indicator of how the economy has decelerated. In this instance the State, in partnership with private enterprise, seeks to stimulate economic growth through the industrial sector. Most industrial development in the private enterprise area is dependent to a large extent on appropriate loan facilities being made available by the Industrial Credit Company. Yet, last year there was a reduction of £46 million in the take by that company from the money allocated to them last year for the purpose of stimulating industry and industrial development.

There was also a reduction of £17 million in regard to the aids available from the State for agricultural development. Again, that cut has directly affected productive agricultural investment. There is a reduction of £15 million for the farm modernisation scheme which has been the best and most productive investment scheme worked out in co-operation with the EC. That scheme was specifically designed to increase agricultural output. Yet, last year there was a reduction of £15 million in that area.

There have been similar reductions in investment in energy. For instance, the allocation to Bord Gáis Éireann was £6 million less than estimated this time last year. BGE cover an obvious area for immediate productive investment in the provision of energy cheaply to attract more industrial development. Because of that slow down in investment and consequent constraints, the gas board could not utilise their potential for expansion.

All of the areas I have mentioned are vital, including industry, agriculture and energy, all connected with our natural resources, all of them high production areas crying out for more capital investment and higher employment. In all of them, less was spent this year than was estimated in the Book of Estimates published last year. One might call it economic lunacy, and the Central Bank commented that the Government, in order to maintain some semblance of a budget deficit, diverted money from the capital to the current programme. In other words, they diverted investment from important capital programmes to keep them in office through greater current expenditure.

This cannot be denied. Their spending last year on programmes of long term capital investment was £71 million below the sum in the Book of Estimates last December. The total figure for 1985 was £1,176 million and the amount spent was £1,106 million. We can expect a similar pattern in the coming year because of the Government's fixation on progress towards greater budget deficits. Therefore, productive capital investment is being slashed and we are going backwards not forwards. In this Book of Estimates we are planning for a reduction in capital allocations, and in our economic circumstances the State capital programme is all important because either directly through the State or indirectly by incentives 60 per cent of Irish investment is dependent on the capital programme. There is no point in producing targets for jobs unless we get the rate of State investment up, and that applies to private enterprise as well.

That is economic practical thinking. We planned in 1980-81 for large scale State investment in infrastructure programmes and we gave specific targets, but not a single new start has been made by this Government in their three years in office. Every single major highway work had been started or planned during our term of office, including the North County Dublin project providing for the arterial highway to Belfast through Swords, and the improvement of the Naas carriageway to Newbridge. They were all commenced and planned in our ten year programme for 1980-1990. Not a single fresh start on such projects was made by this Government.

We were criticised by the Government at the time for wasteful public spending in regard to these projects. It was the main criticism directed at us during the last general election campaign, but our planning then has been endorsed by the Central Bank as being appropriate investment. The Central Bank report stated it is a pity that one of the consequences of this Government's budgetary policy has been to divert expenditure from capital to current programmes. Funds were diverted from major infrastructure programmes such as roads and bridge building. All those programmes had been left ready for immediate starts by us but no funds whatsoever have been spent on them because the Government were anxious to prop up their administration.

In the past 12 months, in simple monetary terms, capital productive investment has been reduced when, to meet inflation, it should have been increased by at least 5 per cent. The State capital programme this year is going backwards by comparison with last year, when what is required today is planned investment for growth. If we are to change the continuing downward spiral, the continuing deceleration of the economy whereby the engine of the economy is not only slowing down but is reversing, we must opt for growth by way of investment in selective areas and by way of a planned programme of investment in selective areas. We must move away from the notion of planning for budgetary balancing because that is leading only to a further acceleration of the problems. The result of the Government diverting resources from capital to current expenditure and the result of slowing down the economy is that tax revenue has been reduced dramatically with the result that, as the Taoiseach said yesterday, the main problem now is a revenue problem. More money is needed to help finance the basic requirements of the Exchequer. The revenue problem is created by reason of the rundown in the economy because in those circumstances the scope for taxation decreases and there is a consequent reduction in revenue. Then the State is driven to borrowing to maintain the normal current State machinery and the result of that borrowing is further unemployment in the public and private sectors. The only way this knot can be untied is to opt for selective growth and to provide for investment in selective areas. Only in this way will we create the necessary incentive for the investment of money in these areas.

One may ask what are these selected areas. We have spelled them out already. Tourism, in all its aspects, is one such area. It is one industry which would respond to investment. In his very negative speech yesterday the Taoiseach said that the impetus for growth must come from outside. The impetus need not come from outside so far as tourism is concerned. The people employed in that industry are locally based and the industry has a high labour intensity. Highly labour intensive construction projects are required to improve the facilities and amenities in the area of hotel and guesthouse development but all these areas involve a high proportion of home based raw materials. In that way tourism is linked with the construction industry which is largely home based also in terms of employment content and raw materials. These, then, are two industries on which we could draw immediately without the need for the impetus for growth coming from outside.

The investment outlets are available so the Taoiseach condemns himself when he talks about the impetus for growth coming from outside. There is, too, the whole area of the development of our national resources but our fisheries, for instance, are being frittered away and sabotaged by the inept handling of the diplomatic negotiations that are required to maintain a percentage of fish stocks that would enable the legitimate expansion of our fishing fleet to take place.

The expansion of our forestry and timber resources requires the kind of planning that can be organised only by the establishment of a new company or by giving the job to an existing company such as Bord na Móna who have the capacity in this respect.

In agriculture and the related industries the inputs are mainly home based. We have the resources both in terms of people and raw materials. Even such technological industries as the electronics and pharmaceuticals industries can be established with native input. Some industries in these areas have been established successfully here. The latest figures show that industrial output is declining rapidly for the first time. Manufacturing input in the third quarter of this year has decreased to 5 per cent lower than the figure for the same quarter last year. This is an indicator that outside investment in our economy is being affected by the climate here. What is required as much as money is a psychological turnabout. We need a complete change in our approach both to work and investment but that requires political leadership and political will. In this respect the Government are failing totally. They are not giving people the kind of leadership that would lead them to be confident that the Government are serious about their business.

The longer this Government pursue their way in power despité having failed already, the more they become in the minds of the people an obscene Government, a Government who do not have a legitimate mandate.

Must the Deputy say that? It is hurtful.

The disillusionment that the Government have caused, among young people especially, is very serious. It is biting deep into the social, educational and psychological scenes. We must see our young people who are so well educated and trained as one of our greatest assets. We owe them more than to leave them disillusioned with a Government who are hanging on to office blatantly for the sake of being in office. The next Government, and they will be a Fianna Fáil Government, will have to face the problem of that disillusionment of the people apart from having to come to grips with changing the economic and social policies being pursued by this Government. Our greatest task will be to convince the people that this country can have a Government who care and who are interested in governing the country as opposed to hanging on to office long after their legitimate normal term has expired. The people must be convinced that there is an alternative and then the psychological and economic policies that are necessary will flow from that confidence. We are that alternative Government. The sooner we are in, the better for Ireland. That is what is important for Ireland, instead of looking at this charade of a Government which we have at present.

Will Deputy Mac Giolla please move the adjournment of the debate?

I move the adjournment of the debate.

Debate adjourned.
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