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Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 22 May 1991

Vol. 408 No. 8

Private Members' Business. - Job Creation: Motion.

The following motion was moved by Deputy J. Bruton on Tuesday, 21 May 1991:
That Dáil Éireann, appalled that in each of the last two months in succession new all-time records were reached in the Register of Unemployment, despite the fact that emigration in the latest four years of 136,000 was almost double the 71,000 who emigrated in the preceding four years; noting that unemployment, now standing at 19.7 per cent of the workforce is the highest by far in the EC and more than double the EC average, calls for the establishment of an all-party committee on job creation with responsibility to:—
(1) carry out as speedily as possible an audit of all Government activity to indentify and propose changes to any schemes which discourage, or fail adequately to encourage, the creation or seeking of employment and to recommend such steps as it considers appropriate to improve the climate for the creation and maintenance of jobs;
(2) propose specific initiatives that can be taken to promote the creation of viable jobs.
Debate resumed on amendment No. a1:
To delete all words after "That Dáil Éireann" and substitute the following:
acknowledges the contribution which the partnership between the Government and the principal economic and social interests in our society has made, reaffirms its belief in the strategy outlined in theProgramme for Economic and Social Progress as the way to develop a modern, efficient and competitive economy which will generate growth and jobs and share the benefits equitably, points to the success of this strategy in creating 70,000 new private sector jobs in three years and has confidence in the new area-based response to long term unemployment as the best way of bringing the long term unemployed back into the labour market.

Before the Adjournment last night I suggested that the first step we should take in seeking to create jobs is to make sure that jobs are protected and that, where possible, there are no further redundancies unless absolutely necessary. I regret to say that, even though it was a good idea to introduce legislation dealing with redundancy payments, we have now reached the point where profitable companies are shedding jobs. This is not acceptable given that many people are unemployed. There is a moral obligation on companies making profits to ensure that they maintain employment.

Because of the policy pursued by the Government the public service has become a dirty word. Those who have served the State loyally down through the years now find their jobs under threat. Despite the fact that there is a crying need for extra staff in many services people have been offered early retirement. It is possible that there will be further redundancies in Irish Steel; 1,500 jobs are likely to be lost in An Post and 500 sub-post offices are threatened with closure; Telecom Éireann, despite making massive profits, intend to reduce the number of staff even further; and RTE, despite all the warnings given in this House 12 months ago when the Broadcasting Bill was discussed are likely to make staff redundant. If the Government are serious about creating jobs they should, as an initial step, stop those companies which are making profits making staff redundant.

The Minister indicated that the reduction in the inflation rate provided the greatest possible incentive to create jobs. I listened attentively to what Deputy Bruton had to say. I did not agree with everything he said — he made eight points — but nonetheless he should be complimented for attempting to grapple with this major problem. Some of his suggestions however could present us with problems. The Minister defended the status quo and said that the emigration figure could be as low as 15,000 for the current year. I would put it the other way around and say that the emigration figure could be as high as 15,000 in the current year. That is a rather negative approach to adopt.

The question which was not addressed by Deputy Bruton or the Minister is why those people who have benefited most from the reduction in the rate of inflation have not created jobs. Neither of them saw a specific role for the CII. I believe however that if jobs are to be created the CII will have to play a central role. It would seem also that no one has responsibility to create jobs. The Minister mentioned several times during the course of his contribution that the Programme for Economic and Social Progress refers to the need to create jobs. It is stated under the heading “Employment as a Priority” that modern manufacturing industry needs capital investment to be competitive, to produce new products, to take advantage of technological advances and to increase productivity and that the creation of new jobs is dependent on such investment.

Why have we not seen such investment? We read in our newspapers each week that Irish multinationals are investing abroad but there is precious little investment at home. That is outrageous and seems to indicate a lack of confidence in the Irish business sector. That matter needs to be addressed. Criticism has been levelled at the foreign-based multinationals but it should be remembered that they account for 40 per cent of jobs in manufacturing industry. They have been criticised also, and rightly so in some cases, for the manner in which they have repatriated their profits but what is far more damaging is that so-called Irish entrepreneurs have given a vote of no confidence in deciding to invest abroad. That point needs to be brought home forcibly to the business sector.

There have been cutbacks in every sector. In the health sector, people have to endure pain to ensure that the books are balanced. They are suffering and have to wait for hip operations or heart surgery. Yet, those who have gained most have callously exported their capital to other countries where there is a greater chance of increased profits.

In his speech the Minister stated that there is a need for equality in the work-place. One question which needs to be addressed is the question of the European Social Charter. This country and our neighbours in Britain have been identified as the two member states within the European Community who have not delivered. If we want our workforce to be content and more productive we need to ensure that they enjoy the same conditions enjoyed by those on mainland Europe. A survey carried out in Britain proves beyond doubt that both Britain and Ireland have violated the European Social Charter. It is deplorable that the Minister is reluctant to introduce legislation and have the matter discussed in the House. If our workforce are happy and content they will be more productive. It is absolutely necessary therefore that we try to achieve the standards required given that we face integration with Europe. These issues cannot be ignored.

I appreciate that the Minister of State, Deputy Smith, is standing in for the Minister but I would like to address a number of issues raised in the Minister's speech. The Minister stated that the ESB strike is likely to be a disincentive to investment in the country and by so doing, by implication, blamed the workforce. However, there is another side to the coin. In the first place this strike should not have taken place. We were unanimous in this House in saying that the strike should be brought to an end quickly, but from my personal experience with some of the ESB management during the strike, I can say that there was much to be desired. I had occasion during the strike——

I am sorry to interrupt the Deputy but perhaps he could bring his speech to a close.

There were two sides to the dispute and I do not accept that the blame lies solely with the workforce in the ESB. A strike of that kind certainly cannot be repeated. We have a Programme for Economic and Social Progress on which we are pinning so much hope for industrial peace. We cannot afford to go outside the guidelines laid down in that programme because if we do it will work to the detriment of the country.

The Programme for Economic and Social Progress represents a fundamental change in the approach of both Government and the social partners to the matter of managing our affairs. A small trading economy cannot prosper with divisive and competing interests. Through the implementation of the programme, the Government and the social partners have adopted a strategy which will accelerate economic and social progress in the nineties. This strategy is to maintain a low inflation economy with a stable exchange rate which can compete internationally. By entering into a partnership between all the interests concerned, we have put ourselves in the position to transform Irish society in this decade in such a way that we will increase significantly our prosperity and distribute that prosperity more equitably and fairly.

Fundamental to the successful implementation of the programme and achievement of the benefits it will bring to our society, is that we maintain firm control of our public finances so that there is a steady reduction in the national debt to GNP ratio. This is an overriding principle of the programme and one which cannot be infringed in the implementation of the programme. To depart from that principle would plunge the economy back into a spiral of rising inflation and interest rates, lower real incomes, declining standards of living and collapse of the investment we need to create jobs.

If we have learned anything over the past few years, it must be that macro-economic stability is vital to economic progress in a small open economy. The central objective of macro-economic policy in the programme is to secure and strengthen long term growth potential.

The improvement in macro-economic conditions since 1987 has been the fundamental reason for the improved performance of industry in terms of output and employment growth. Industrial enterprises, whether in public or private ownership, which can competitively export or displace imports have been, and will continue to be, the most important engine of Irish economic growth. One out of every three jobs in the Irish economy is now dependent on manufacturing which spends £10,600 million in the economy each year.

The primary objective for manufacturing in the Programme for Economic and Social Progress is to make the maximum contribution to employment growth and higher living standards in Ireland through building a strong internationally competitive industrial sector. In practical terms, the aim is to create 20,000 new jobs each year of the programme in manufacturing and international services.

To achieve this goal, the Government will continue to strengthen the indigenous industrial sector, particularly in terms of scale and innovation. It is essential that we ensure greater integration of industrial activity with other sectors of the economy so that we can increase the Irish value added share of industrial output.

A major priority in this has to be the development of natural resources which can then serve as a foundation for increased industrial expansion. We must also seek to achieve a satisfactory regional balance in industrial development.

The cost of servicing public debt this year will amount to more than £2.4 billion. It will account for between one-quarter and one-third of every £1 collected on tax revenue during the year. It will, for example, absorb the combined total of all the money collected in VAT, under the employment and training levy, and motor vehicle duties or more than three-quarters of all expected income tax revenue this year. Our total national debt still remains significantly higher than GNP. It is an enormous burden for taxpayers and represents a huge constraint on the Government's ability to undertake economic policies which help to create employment or social policies which provide adequate services for those most in need in our society. It is for these reasons that the control of public expenditure remains high on the agenda of the Government.

With a great deal of effort and sacrifice on the part of many we have started to achieve control over public expenditure in recent years. The ratio of national debt to GNP has been falling steadily and the Government are determined that this process will continue. A great deal of the burden of adjustment must fall inevitably on programmes involving current expenditure and this involves difficult and painful decisions at times.

The alternative is, however, an even less attractive proposition. The experience over a large part of the past ten years, shows clearly that a failure to take in the short term the actions needed to bring public expenditure under control results at a later stage in a need for even more drastic and painful action to bring order to the public finances. We are today still paying the price in terms of high unemployment and, sometimes, less than adequate social services for the failure to face reality following the oil-price shocks to the world economy in the seventies.

Control of public finances remains the vital touch-stone of the Government's responsibilities in economic management. How well they do this has a major influence on the confidence of investors in the Irish economy — a confidence that is restored only by sustained good management practice by the Government over a prolonged period.

Many commentators have pointed to the fact that interest rates in Ireland in recent years have remained stubbornly higher than those of our narrow-band EMS partners despite exemplary achievements in the economic fundamentals of productivity inflation, trade surpluses, public expenditure control, and so on. I share the concern of the business sector and of mortgage holders on this score. The reality, however, is that we are paying, through higher interest rates, a risk premium for our past failures to manage our economic affairs well. The longer we continue on the prudent management of the economy achieved in recent years in co-operation with the social partners the greater the increase in credibility achieved and the lower the need for a risk premium in interest rates.

This trend will be further strengthened by the enactment of the Competition Bill, 1991, which represents a central instrument in the Government's programme to revitalise the economy, to encourage growth and thereby address the most pressing problem facing us all — unemployment.

The legislation will bring about a fundamental change in the basic structure of the market place by introducing into it a statutorily protected requirement for competition. Competition is fundamental to a growing economy. It is the life blood of an efficient market — a dynamic regulator without which everyone suffers. When competition is present, resources are allocated efficiently, innovation and enterprise prosper, and consumer welfare is safeguarded. Without competition firms may become dominant and bleed the economy. Without competition cosy cartels can emerge and share markets to the detriment of consumers and suppliers alike.

Without competition a dominant market player can abuse his position to prevent new players entering the market place or to undermine successful companies. Without competition stagnation can infect a firm, an industry and the economy as a whole.

The impact of all Government policies on the creation of employment must be central to all our deliberations. This does not mean that the Government must adopt a crude, simplistic approach by increasing expenditure on "co-called" job-creation measures. If there is one lesson that everyone should have learned in recent years it is that government, per se, does not create sustainable jobs and that attempts to do so on any significant scale are more likely to undermine than support job creation over a period of years.

If I could point to an example: the Review of Industrial Performance undertaken by the Department of Industry and Commerce for the three year period to the end of 1989 and published last December showed quite clearly that over the period of 1985 to 1989 direct public expenditure on promoting industrial development fell significantly — by some 29 per cent in real terms. Over the same period, however, there was a very significant improvement in job creation in the manufacturing sector compared with the previous four year period.

Our experience over the years shows a poor correlation between direct State expenditure on industrial and promotion and net employment creation. The conclusion is clear: more State expenditure is not an adequate response to our employment creation problems. Such an approach may, in fact, be self-defeating if it contributes to an imbalance between Government revenue and expenditure which give rise to borrowing, inflation or interest rate levels which, in turn, undermine the confidence of investors in the management of our economic affairs.

The achievement of increased employment levels in the traded goods and services sector of the Irish economy depends on demand conditions in both our home and overseas markets and the ability and willingness of Irish-based firms to compete effectively in these markets and to undertake the investment which will enable them to do this. The willingness of firms to invest in employment creating projects and their ability to compete effectively depends significantly on their confidence in the management of the economy by the Government. In order to engender and sustain such confidence the Government must avoid policies involving expenditure which cannot be undertaken without recourse to levels of taxation which stultify effort and enterprise or which require Government borrowing at levels which lay claim to a high proportion of future Government revenues.

As stressed in the new programme, the development of indigenous industry is a priority. We must eliminate the barriers to growth and develop the necessary skills in existing areas of perceived weakness. The performance of the medium to large indigenous sector has been very disappointing over recent years. Falling employment, loss of domestic market share, low profitability and declining levels of investment have characterised these sectors. If we are to generate jobs and wealth in Ireland, we must build indigenous companies of sufficient quality, scale and strength to win and sustain profitable positions in international markets. This has to be of paramount concern to every individual and company in the country who has chosen to live and work in Ireland.

Basic entrepreneurial ambition is central to this. While the State cannot create ambition, it can and will underpin entrepreneurial effort through ensuring a competitive cost structure and a range of State supports designed to supplement the entrepreneurs vision.

The Government have recognised that there has to be a sharper focusing of the various industrial support measures for indigenous industry. This has happened over the past three years. Much greater emphasis has been placed on international competitiveness, strategic development and major incremental growth within companies. No support is available for marginal investments or in cases where no additional output or employment will result. The fundamental issue we are now addressing is ensuring that State supports are directed at areas of business weakness, particularly marketing, product development and management. NESC identified the development of greater scale in Irish industry as a critical need in the context of the greater competition arising from the Single European Market. The Government share this view and are currently addressing the problem in a number of ways.

As a consequence of the recent Review of Industrial Performance, it is now the case that state supports are being concentrated selectively on those indigenous companies capable of achieving and sustaining positions in international markets. We must help companies grow to the scale necessary to maintain their positions, and this is being done through marketing, product development and management development supports.

The industrial development agencies now have an operational target to increase by 100 within ten years the number of Irish manufacturing companies having an annual turnover greater than £5 million in real terms over the period. We are seeking to identify companies with significant growth potential that can benefit from a substantial programme of State supports. Regrettably, I have to say that the majority of indigenous companies may only have limited potential for significant development because of the nature of their activities or limitations in their capabilities. It must remain the case that companies cannot expect to be candidates for significant State support unless they are reoriented towards development opportunities or build-up of their capabilities.

While the Government believe that sustained industrial development requires the development of a strong indigenous sector, and this is a priority under the programme, we also continue to need overseas industry. This has been a major employer in Ireland and one which has provided modern industrial technology, capital inflows and domestic market opportunities for indigenous industries. In both cases, we must maximise all the benefits that flow from such industries while ensuring a balanced growth of direct and indirect jobs.

We cannot ignore the benefits which have come from overseas industry but we must strive to increase the role these firms can play in the context of Ireland's industrial development. It is essential that all potential benefits from overseas firms are maximised. We will continue to seek overseas industry which will make the maximum direct contribution to the Irish economy in terms of sustained high skilled jobs and net exports, including inputs of local material and services. We will achieve the maximum value for money through the targeting of resources towards sub-sectors and markets of greatest potential and the differentiation in the incentives package between different categories of project.

Our job creation needs are such that we must make Ireland attractive to overseas and indigenous industry to locate here and carry out further investment. A positive cost environment, together with highly qualified human resources, and the extension of the 10 per cent corporate tax rate for manufacturing to the end of the year 2010 represent a significant benefit to industry located here. Indeed, I would like to take this opportunity to rebut suggestions that the decision to extend the 10 per cent rate was unwise. This is one of the key elements in allocating overseas investment to Ireland, and would be regarded by many as the most important. Certainly, the Industrial Development Authority were in no doubt as to the need for the extension and their executives are at the coal face of overseas promotion and know what are the critical factors in winning projects.

A further cornerstone of the Government's commitment to job creation is the move to relate industrial incentives to the jobs created in firms rather than to capital spending, and this will be continued. As a result, there has been a reduction in capital grants, and a shift from capital grants to employment grants, marketing and other forms of support. Grants are assessed and decided on a per-job basis, and capital grants are paid only on achievement of job targets. This is the factual situation and is being ignored by people who continue to call for changes that are already in place. Accelerated capital allowances will be reduced to 25 per cent from April 1991 and eliminated in April 1992, and other tax provisions, such as the 10 per cent incentive tax rate, the BES and section 84, have been tightened up.

The shift in industrial aids to meet the needs of indigenous industry will also continue. Exchequer expenditure on the marketing programmes supported by the EC Structural Funds will more than double by 1993 from £14.7 million in 1989. Similar expenditure on science and technology programmes will total over £100 million in the same period compared to £15.8 million in 1989.

My responsibilities for science and technology have a direct bearing on creating advanced factor conditions and infrastructure resources. Such factors and resources facilitate and sustain the creation of high productivity jobs in advanced sectors and segments of industry. There is a need for our industry and entrepreneurs to constantly upgrade their skills, processes, products, marketing focus and competitive advantages. There is no standing still. It is those high productivity branches of activity that give high incomes. High incomes for individuals translate into high national income and to general prosperity, but that can only happen if Irish companies upgrade and aim to be advanced, sophisticated and thoroughly professional providers of goods and services.

I am very keen to use every opportunity, including this debate, to impress on Irish business the need for standards. ISO 9000, in particular, is a basis, a resource for industry. It will become a basic qualification without which one will find it difficult to supply the rising standards and expectations of a growing number of European buyers. Allow me to use this forum, as I have used many another, to call on industry to install quality standards and, in particular, to install ISO 9000.

Irish firms, generally smaller than their counterparts in any industry elsewhere in Europe, must improve their process technology, product technology and service to customers. Through programmes for advanced technology in, for example, software or through building a more supportive infrastructure for our Irish electronics firms we can help them to upgrade and innovate to stay ahead. There are programmes for biotechnology, power electronics, optoelectronics also.

We in Ireland must never become complacent about our competitive advantages in European or global markets. Low order advantages, like labour costs or natural resources, are a sine qua non. If we did not have them we simply could not compete. However, they are not enough.

Competitiveness, and the capacity to expand and grow, is won at the level of individual firms and industries. Policy is assisting them to build their competitiveness by upgrading their technology. They must adapt and enhance their position by gaining high order competitive advantages that superior knowhow confers. Then their position becomes more secure and provides a sounder basis for growth.

As I stated, the new job targets for manufacturing and international services in the period of the Programme for Economic and Social Progress will be 20,000 a year. The achievement of these targets will require: continuing stability in the economic environment and cost competitiveness throughout the industrial and services sectors; a positive external environment for our exports; and a co-operative response from firms, employees and the various State agencies involved in supporting developments.

The overall jobs target in manufacturing and international services for the period of the programme remains at 60,000. We must recognise that recession in the UK and US may retard developments and attention was drawn to this factor in the programme itself. Because of this there may be fluctuations around the planned annual job target of 20,000. This does not in any way diminish our determination to achieve the 60,000 job target. We will achieve this and hopefully more.

The achievement of this target will be facilitated by the introduction of a number of new measures such as: a wider use of employment grants as the means of channelling State aid into developing firms; the exploration of new segments in the internationally-traded services sector, examples of which are audio visual sevices, entertainment services and education and training; addressing specific manpower needs in the provision of additional third-level places; the development of land suitable for industrial development; and maintaining pressure on the EC Commission to carry out a rigorous examination of State aid schemes throughout the Community, particularly those in central regions which have the effect of negativing the regional aids operated in Ireland at significant cost to the Exchequer.

Furthermore, as stated in the programme, an Industrial Policy Forum involving the social partners and relevant Government Departments has been established to examine industrial policy issues such as those adverted to by the social partners in NESC, including implementation of measures for indigenous industry and the achievement of the maximum return from the industry budget.

It is more than apparent from these actions that the Government remain firmly committed to developing a vibrant industrial sector within Ireland which can contribute to the growth in national wealth and employment opportunities. Since 1986, the economy has expanded rapidly, growing by about 5 per cent in both 1989 and 1990. Such strong growth, back-to-back, over the two year period has not been achieved for more than a decade. Much more importantly, this achievement was not accompanied by spiralling inflation, a burgeoning balance of payments deficit, a sliding exchange rate, and a soaring debt/GNP ratio. Quite the contrary; in this period of expansion, those financial fundamentals all improved.

Ireland's inflation rate has now become firmly established as one of the lowest in the world. Our exchange rate remains steady within the EMS. Our balance of payments position has been transformed from one of deficit to healthy surplus. Most significantly, the upward drift in the debt/GNP ratio was first halted, and then set firmly on a downward path.

We must constantly bear in mind the four key elements of this strategy and recall their essential purposes. The fundamental outcome must be that the strategy results in an improvement in the competitiveness of the economy. The four key elements are: restoring stability to the public finances; committing ourselves to a stable exchange rate; devising sensible arrangements in relation to incomes and other domestic costs; and structural reform of the economy, particularly in relation to taxation. These will remain central to Government economic policy and will be pursued relentlessly.

I subscribe fully to the need to make competition policy an important instrument of our industrial development policies. If Irish indigenous firms are protected from the cold wind of competition on the domestic market it is most unlikely that they will be able to secure new markets or maintain existing ones in an international trading environment where the barriers to trade and to competition are being removed. As I highlighted earlier, the proposed new Competition Act will make a significant contribution to the creation of a more innovative successful and competitive sector in Ireland.

With the ending of the Gulf War, the outlook for the manufacturing sector appears to be improving. The IDA expects the level of new first-time job creation to be broadly in line with expectations. Implementation of projects approved in recent years is progressing well. While, the after-effects of the Gulf War, coupled with the continuing recession in the UK and US means that the net employment growth of recent years is unlikely to be repeated this year, the volume of manufacturing output is projected to maintain the growth level of 5 per cent achieved in 1990. Manufacturing export volume growth is predicted to be 5 per cent compared with a level of 7.5 per cent in 1990.

Prospects in key sectors are now recovering. There is renewed interest in electronics, with a high level of site visits from the US. Electronics exports are expected to grow by 6 per cent in 1991. The software sector continues to perform well and exports are projected to continue to grow, though not as rapidly as in 1990. Growth in output and exports of pharmaceuticals are expected to be broadly in line with 1990 levels of 2 per cent and 6.5 per cent respectively. The prospects for a small and medium sized indigenous sector are still dominated by the impact of the recession in the UK and the low level of domestic demand conditions. In the agribusiness sector the continuing rationalisation will inevitably mean further job losses during 1991.

ESRI forecasts the growth in real GNP at 2 per cent in 1991. The OECD forecasts a higher rate of 2.2 per cent. Both forecasts are broadly in line with the Government's own estimate of 2.25 per cent real GNP growth. A growth rate of 2 per cent in 1991 would place Ireland slightly above the EC and OECD average for the year. However, this growth rate may not be sufficient to generate a significant increase in employment.

The essential point I must get across is that there never was a magic wand which could be waved to generate economic developments, wealth and employment. These must come from the efforts of all in the economy working together to maximise mutual benefit. The Government and the Social Partners fully subscribed to this philosophy in the most tangible way possible by agreeing the Programme for Economic and Social Progress.

I would like to give the balance of my time to Deputy Michael Martin.

I welcome the opportunity to take part in this debate. While there may be some degree of consensus in this House that unemployment should be the primary issue on the political and economic agenda, I sometimes wonder whether that consensus exists in society at large.

We must instill in people that the creation of jobs should be our number one priority. I make that point in the context of the growing phenomenon in Irish society to polarise those who are totally against new projects and those who are for the new projects whether they relate to tourism, agriculture or industry. If it was indelibly imprinted in people's minds that unemployment was the primary issue then people at local government level, political level and throughout the community would ask themselves how to make a project a reality when it comes before them. They would ask themselves how they can minimise potential damage to the environment resulting from the project. That should be the philosophy, and not the one whereby people are instinctively against a project for various reasons some of which are selfish and where many of the objectors have secure jobs themselves.

I am not advocating jobs for the sake of jobs. We need a change of attitude, a change of mentality so that when projects come before us that can take people off the dole queues, add to productivity in the community and lead to economic growth we will be asking ourselves how we can come together and come to a harmonious agreement on how to make these projects a reality.

The whole unemployment problem cannot be satisfactorily addressed on a long term basis unless we are committed to sustained investment in education, training and re-training. There will not be sustained economic growth or employment creation without continued investment in education at primary, secondary and third levels. The critical area in unemployment is the number of young people who leave school far too early without proper skills and training. The great number of people who have difficulty in gaining employment throughout their lives are those who have left the school system too early.

I would be grateful if the Deputy would now bring his speech to a close.

We must accept the fundamental tenet that education and retraining are prerequisites before we can talk about reducing unemployment significantly.

The last speaker raised a number of interesting points which I might have time to address later in my contribution. To reduce the problem of unemployment in Ireland by way of better education and a change of attitude to projects is narrowing the focus far too much. There are occasions when projects are opposed for reasons which perhaps are selfish on the part of those whose amenities may be infringed, but there is always a need for all of us to be vigilant about industrial projects in particular which can have a devastating effect on not just the immediate environment where people live but on the general environment. We have been far too cavalier in the past in allowing the pollution of our atmosphere and our soil by careless entrepreneurs.

There are thousands of well educated people in Ireland without jobs. I accept entirely the need to maintain our education system in the best possible shape and to ensure that all our children reach the highest possible educational achievements they are capable of. I realise the Deputy's time was short but in addressing those two points I think the focus was to narrow.

The Fine Gael proposal has too narrow a focus also. It is interesting to see the extent to which the Fine Gael prescription is almost a mirror image of the Fianna Fáil-Progressive Democrat prescription.

The motion seeks that Dáil Éireann calls for the establishment of an all party committee on job creation with responsibility among other things "to recommend such steps as it considers appropriate to improve the climate for the creation and maintenance of jobs; "I thought we had long since left behind this climatology of industrial policy, particularly since in the past three years it has been shown that the so-called climate which has been created has not resulted in a decline in unemployment. It certainly has not stemmed the increase in unemployment nor has it stemmed the increase in emigration. The figures the Minister referred to for inflation and profitability, the figures the Minister for Labour can produce about the absence of strikes over the last number of years, the very careful way in which the trade union movement have argued for wage increases and accepted wage increases way below what many would believe were the entitlement, have all brought about what had been argued was the correct climate for job creation. As we have seen, the reality is that unemployment continues to rise dramatically and emigration is still a factor of life despite the fact that speakers on the Government side claim it will be down to around 15,000 this year. That is 15,000 families who are losing people to Britain and the US mainly. That is a failure of Government policy and can be put down to nothing else.

I and my party colleagues have put down an amendment to the Fine Gael motion which deletes reference to climate and seeks to establish a situation where a Dáil committee would carry out an assessment of the second triennial report on industrial performance, propose changes where necessary in industrial policy, including measures to develop indigenous industry, develop a strategic plan with clear objectives and relevant structures, and direct limited resources at key target areas in a disciplined and scientific manner.

It is important that the Dáil committee proposed by the Fine Gael Party be established. Again I do not think it is the beginning and end of the story. Dáil committees of themselves produce very little but reports and even those rarely manage to get on the floor of this House for debate. However, it is important that the House on a joint basis address the question of unemployment in a serious way. There is no more critical social and economic problem facing this country than unemployment, yet it is hard to think of a problem that has received less attention from this Government. This is the administration who told us job creation would be the major priority of the new Government. They said it was the major priority, not a major priority, not one of a series of major priorities but the major priority; so they declared in their Programme for Government. This then is the administration who have allowed unemployment to increase by almost 30,000 in the past year alone. The latest figure of 247,991 represents 19 per cent of the labour force; almost one in every five of those officially registered as available for work is on the dole. We know these figures are deliberately understated by the exclusion of the 9,000 unemployed people on the pre-retirement allowance scheme and the pre-retirement credits scheme.

If the live register was compiled in the same way as it was two years ago the official unemployment figure would be more than 257,000. If the tens of thousands who are on what are often phoney training courses were included in the unemployment figure it would be closer to 300,000. If the tens of thousands of women who work in the home and would willingly work outside the home if there was an opportunity for them to do so were included the unemployment figure would be closer to half a million rather than the official 247,000. This is all without quoting or considering the 200,000 people who have emigrated during the past decade.

When we discuss this question of unemployment figures we find that the way in which the figures are doctored are interesting. In a recent newspaper report David Nally, who claimed the Government were covering up the increase in the unemployment figures, pointed out that in a survey of unemployment exchanges he found the reasons being given by Government for the rise in unemployment were spurious. The Government listed various things such as the Gulf crisis, part-time working in Waterford Glass, school staff signing on for Easter holidays, the ESB strike and special temporary layoffs. None of the explanations attributed any part of the rise to an underlying slowing down in the economy. This reporter pointed out that an economist with NCB Stockbrokers, Dermot O'Brien, said that there is solid evidence of such slow-down. The reporter also pointed out that the manager of a labour exchange in Leinster pointed out to him that the new unemployed in that exchange are made up as follows: those who have finished a social employment scheme, approximately 30 per cent; returned emigrants, approximately 10 per cent; and redundancies, mainly in the computer business, combined with random factors, around 60 per cent. None of the factors which the Government have adduced as being those which account for the rise in unemployment is borne out by the managers of the labour exchanges who deal with the people who come to them seeking their unemployment assistance. The record on unemployment has been the greatest possible indictment of all those Governments which held power over the past decade. Unemployment has not been below 100,000 since 1980 and has never been less than 200,000 since 1984. The long term unemployed, many of whom have been without work for four or five years and the hundreds of thousands who have been forced to emigrate during the past decade because of unemployment will be forgiven if they are less than fully convinced by the conversion of Deputy Bruton and Fine Gael to the cause of the unemployed.

During the term of office of the Fine Gael/Labour Coalition, in which Deputy Bruton was a very influential figure, unemployment leaped by almost 50,000. There was no one more dismissive of the unemployed or of anyone who criticised the Government's neglect of them than Deputy Bruton. It is interesting to note the comments of the Irish National Organisation on the Unemployed who produced a bulletin in May 1991. They conducted a study of the six point plan which the Fine Gael Party put forward to deal with unemployment and who built the six point plan as six solid proposals. The comment of the Irish National Organisation of the Unemployed, an organisation supported by the Irish Congress of Trade Unions, was: "unemployment top priority, say, Fine Gael; the six solid proposals turn out to be quite shaky." They proceeded to take each point, one by one, and effectively undermine them and point out that they would mean nothing in the long run in dealing with the question of unemployment. I do not propose to go into the document in detail, but the record is there. I received the document in the post and I am sure every Member of the Fine Gael Party also received it.

It is important to bear in mind that there is a very serious credibilty gap with regard to the Fine Gael Party and their attitude to the unemployed. The level of unemployment over the first four months averaged at almost 245,000; this is about 17,000 per month more than had been allowed for in the January budget. If the figures continue at this level the budgetary arithmetic will just collapse. The cost to the State of this level of unemployment is phenomenal — £553 million for unemployment assistance, a further £26 million for those on the pre-retirement scheme and £100 million for pay related unemployment benefit. But this is only part of the cost. The average amount of tax paid by the PAYE workers last year was just over £3,100. On the basis of this figure, if the 245,000 unemployed were put to work, it would bring in an additional £735 million. This means that the direct cost to the Exchequer, in terms of social welfare payments and income tax foregone, is around £1,400 million per year.

To this must be added the indirect costs — the loss of indirect tax revenue through reduced purchasing power, the loss of local authority rents through the differential rents system, the cost to the State through extra health charges arising from the effects of unemployment etc. The total cost of unemployment to State is almost certainly more than £2,000 million per annum.

The financial element is only part of the cost. Of even more significance is the human and social cost, the broken families, the lives destroyed and talents wasted by the scourge of unemployment. The abandonment by successive Governments of the unemployed is reaping a bitter harvest of poverty, crime, vandalism and social alienation. This is especially so in urban areas where unemployment is demoralising and destroying entire communities.

Despite the extent of the problem, there is little evidence of any new thinking in the Fine Gael motion or, indeed, in the Government motion before us which seeks to put the long term unemployed back to work as the apparent solution to the problem. In the Fine Gael motion we are back to the "climatology" school of economics. They talk again about improving the climate for job creation. The economic climate has been as near as it could be to perfect over the past few years with relatively low inflation, plenty of highly skilled workers and generous grants and tax reliefs, yet we got little or nothing in return in terms of job creation. There is more chance of a rain dance producing rain than "the right climate" producing private sector jobs in Ireland.

The report on urban poverty in Ireland, presented to a Combat Poverty Conference on Monday last, showed that a rising tide does not raise all boats. One of the authors of the report, Professor David Donnison of Glasgow University, said that part of the problem was that Ireland's economic growth was due to the activities of the multinationals, which were not labour intensive, had few local links and tended to send profits abroad. "Little of what they do filters through to the rest of the economy," he said. Unless we begin to address this problem, all the all party committees in the world will make no difference to the problem of unemployment.

Before we can make progress, we must accept that existing policies have failed and that changes are necessary. We must accept that an industrial policy capable of realising full employment must be based on a core of exporting industries whose revenues will be spent within the Irish economy, thereby supporting a comprehensive range of sub-supply industries and support services, in addition to general consumer-oriented industries and services.

In a document which The Workers' Party produced in the past six months or so, entitled "A Framework for Industrial Development" we made that point specifically. The document went on to cover a whole range of other areas which I hope to have time to deal with at least briefly. I would not hope to cover the whole document because it runs to 50 pages in all. However, there are a number of key points which should be read into the record. It was pointed out by Professor Donnison at the Combat Poverty Conference that foreign firms have very limited material or service linkages with the Irish economy, locate very few high level technological or management functions here and export most of their profits from Ireland. The potential for improving this situation is very limited.

Native firms for the most part lack the organisational scale and technological base to successfully penetrate export markets on a sustained basis. Government policies which emphasise cost reductions fail to address these fundamental deficiencies. A much more interventionist policy is required which would focus on industrial sectors with export growth potential and concentrate on developing strong Irish based firms in these sectors along with essential support firms producing material and service inputs.

A concentrated and co-ordinated national effort is required to create the necessary industrial structures and accordingly one of our proposals is to establish a national industrial development council comprising representatives of the Oireachtas and the social interests — the employers, the trade unions and the farmers — in order to identify key sectoral objectives and obtain cross-community support for the achievement of those objectives. These objectives would constitute a national industrial development plan, a rolling plan incorporating both long and medium-term objectives, updated on a continuing basis. This is an extension of the Fine Gael idea, which is primarily a committee of the House. Following the deliberations of such a committee we would like to see the establishment of the forum I have mentioned which would incorporate Members of the Oireachtas but would also incorporate other interests concerned with the elimination of unemployment in Ireland. There is a whole range of other proposals in the document which I do not propose to deal with in detail now. However, there is another aspect I wish to refer to before I conclude, that is no matter how well intentioned the Programme for Economic and Social Progress is or the Programme for National Recovery was, a strategy solely based on consideration of national concern is too narrow a focus. We are members of the European Community. Geographically at least, we are on the periphery of that Community and we have a small population. We have received considerable amounts of Structural Funds which have gone to develop infrastructure in one way or another, some would argue effectively and others would argue that it has not been effective. Against that, we have a European industrial policy which is non-interventionist, which by and large takes the same approach as the Irish Government and to a large extent the Fine Gael Party agree with. They believe that the market on its own must be allowed to generate jobs or not, depending on the opportunities available for investment.

The theory is that if we provide the infrastructure in Ireland through the Structural Funds, the market will provide the jobs because the climate or the infrastructure has been provided which attracts the investment. Studies at European level have shown that that is not happening. It is certainly not happening here. Studies have shown in relation to regional and CAP funding that the gap between the rich and poor in Europe has not been narrowed. They have also shown that after 1992 the position will get worse.

What I seek to impress on the Government tonight is that there is an urgent need for the Irish Government to argue strongly in Europe for a radical change in European industrial policy to ensure that there is active intervention to encourage investment in places like Ireland. Ireland is not the only place in Europe which needs it. Otherwise all of the Structural Funds one likes can be pumped into Ireland and it will not create jobs because the nature of the market is that investment will be attracted to the centre, to where the most lucrative returns are available. Clearly capital in Europe and outside Europe indicates that the centre is not in Ireland at present.

There is an urgent need for us to address that issue in the context of 1992 and in the context of economic and monetary union. It is pointless crying afterwards that we did not realise that this would be the effect of what we are doing. The evidence is there that economically peripheral areas like Ireland, unless there is an active interventionist policy will not benefit from the open market which we are being told will solve all the problems. It is significant that the Cecchini report which examined this question of the benefits of the Single Market did not look at Ireland. That was a significant omission. To my knowledge specific study has not been made in relation to how the Single Market will affect Ireland. That is an area where there is need for urgent attention.

I do not accept this theory of a climate being the solution to unemployment in Ireland. I welcome the idea of an all-party Dáil committee to look at the problem of job creation but there is need for a wider body, which would include Members of the Oireachtas and various people involved in industry, to look specifically at the various issues to which I have referred. There is an urgent need to address the European dimension to the problems that face this country with regard to unemployment.

The motion, as originally moved by Fine Gael, proposes as a response to the serious unemployment problem the establishment of an all-party committee on job creation. That proposition, weak as it is, has been supported by other parties. I have no doubt that the idea of reviewing or auditing the operations of various employment creation schemes, incentives and policy is a good one. Such a review procedure is in effect built into the operation of industrial policy here. If such a review procedure is not part of our ongoing industrial policy, then the IDA, SFADCo, CTT, the Department of Industry and Commerce and the Department of Finance are not doing their jobs. That has not been suggested, so I suggest that that is not the case. The reality is that while an ongoing audit of policy effectiveness is undoubtedly a good idea, nothing that has been said by the proposers of the motion, or by the supporters of the motion, comes anywhere close to providing a persuasive argument that a Dáil committee is even remotely appropriate to the task of addressing the unemployment problem or addressing the task of the audit of those policies that is needed.

At present and for the last ten to 15 years we have had a variety of Oireachtas committees. Some of those committees are charged with review tasks. The Oireachtas Joint Committee on State-sponsored Bodies review the operations of the commercial State-sponsored bodies in the context of their published reports. In recent times, particularly in the last two years, we have pushed the parameters in which that committee operate out considerably. In spite of the fact that we have had legal opinions that we may be exceeding our remit we have looked into areas where committee members believed we should look. The Committee of Public Accounts is another Committee who review public expenditure. They are a hard working committee with an active chairman and active members. The Oireachtas Joint Committee on the Secondary Legislation of the European Communities review a mountain of draft regulations, directives and so on that flow from Brussels.

Members of Oireachtas committees put in long hours and dedicate a great amount of energy to their task yet it cannot be said with any degree of truth that committees achieve any major impact in this House. Indeed, the House shows something approaching disdain for the committees, judging by the impact the reports of the committees have had on our deliberations, not just in the last four or five years, but over the last ten or 15 years. The time we failed to devote to consideration of the reports of the committees that sat over the last ten to 15 years approaches a scandal and these committees have grossly inadequate resources to get on with their task. To suggest against this background that something meaningful or positive can be achieved by an ongoing review or audit of the myriad policies for job creation and industrial development is to expect rather too much.

The promoters of the original motion are as aware as I that the task which their motion proposes to fulfil is widely inappropriate for any committee of this House. They are as aware as I of the poor record of this House in handling committees and they are equally aware that all the talk in the world in the committee rooms of this House will not produce a single job.

The amendment to the motion in the name of the Minister for Labour is positive. It focuses on the positive part played by the Programme for Economic and Social Progress. The PESP and its predecessor, the Programme for National Recovery in spite of the criticisms levelled by the Opposition parties, particularly, in the case of the PESP, by Fine Gael, are examples of meaningful initiatives to combat the scourge of unemployment. These initiatives also go a long way towards involving everyone in the employment area — workers, unions, farmers, industrialists, various social interests and the Government — in the process of employment creation and review. In spite of all that Deputy De Rossa has said, and I do not doubt his sincerity for a moment, the only basis on which to create long-term, viable jobs is to create an economy in which investment can flourish. It has become somewhat fashionable in recent times to refer to that as climatology.

The alternative approach, the naked State interventionist approach — an approach to which Deputy De Rossa was very close at one time but one from which he has drawn apart in more recent years — has failed manifestly. It has failed more obviously than has the approach that is generally speaking, supported by the major parties in the House.

Fianna Fáil have for many years been attempting to create an economy in which investment can flourish and jobs can be created. More specifically, we have been attempting to do that since returning to office in 1987. Throughout the past four years economic growth in Ireland has exceeded the EC average. While the external indicators are not good this year, with a major war in the Gulf, with wide scale economic slumps in trading partner countries and with a general lack of confidence, all the signs indicate that Ireland will reach its economic target growth while keeping the public finances broadly in check.

I was mystified by Deputy De Rossa's suggestion that the recent events in the Gulf could be simply ignored. He suggested that those events were not contributory factors to the difficulties in bringing jobs on stream. I admit that one of the great frustrations in Ireland's economic policies, not just this year but in the past four years, has been that while we have achieved quite remarkable results in a number of economic indicators — Deputy De Rossa acknowledged that, and I welcome his acknowledgement — that has not transferred into jobs. However, to suggest, as Deputy De Rossa has done and this is the basis of his analysis that events such as the Gulf War are minor issues and have nothing to do with the creation of jobs shows a certain paucity of focus in the development of ideas for creating jobs.

Reports published in the past 24 hours by the OECD and the ESRI confound some of the Jeremiahs of the Dublin financial circles who have of late been vying with each other to prove that economics is, indeed, a gloomy science and that Ireland Incorporated is heading once again for the rocks, if it is not already there.

The improvements have already been put before the House but, at the risk of raising a few hackles, I will mention one or two of them again. The GNP ratio has been reduced significantly in the past four years, from 131 per cent in 1987 to 110 per cent or less, and we are approaching a ratio of 1:1. Interest rates, a related factor, are also much more healthy now than they were four years ago. When my party came back to power in 1987 interest rates were very substantially higher than those in the United Kingdom — no doubt I shall be corrected if I am wrong, but I think they were 4 per cent higher than the United Kingdom rates. In the past two years interest rates here have been substantially lower than in the United Kingdom.

As the Minister for Labour pointed out last night, the differential between German and Irish interest rates has been cut even more spectacularly by 8 per cent. In spite of the improvements, I would be the first to say that there is still room for improvement in interest rates. I believe such improvement to be critical if Ireland is to have the confidence that will produce the investment that will lead to jobs. I for one firmly believe that real interest rate levels in this country, interest rates relative to the inflation rate, are still much too high and that our financial institutions, and in particular our Central Bank, could afford to lower them.

Is eagal liom go bhfuil an t-am istigh. I am sorry, the Deputy's time is up. I must call the next speaker.

If you would allow me to conclude, a Leas-Cheann Comhairle, I was about to analyse some problems with specific policies but that will have to wait for another day. It is regrettable that the Minister for Industry and Commerce is not here, because one of the points I wanted to make is that a more active role should be played by the Minister, by the IDA and by the new Environmental Protection Agency, when it comes on stream in the promotion and creation of an environment in which the people can trust industrial policies and proposals. However, in deference to your ruling, a Leas-Cheann Comhairle, I shall conclude, although I believe I had rather less time than I should have had.

It is not my ruling. It is the order of the House I have to carry out, with a consequential lack of popularity, no doubt. I must call Deputy Shatter now.

I listened with some sadness to the speeches delivered on the motion by the Minister for Labour yesterday evening and by the Minister for Science and Technology this evening. I did not listen with any great surprise or sadness to the contribution made by Deputy Roche, but I noticed that it was a little more mellow than is usually the case. I suspect that, despite the external facade of comfort with the current level of unemployment and the current jobs crisis, Deputy Roche in a more secret and less public moment might admit that he himself has some reservations about Government policy in this area.

The Government appear incapable of considering new initiatives to tackle our growing unemployment crisis and is incapable of recognising that the strategy adopted by them to date has failed. Unemployment currently stands at 256,000 if one includes within the figures those artificially removed from the job list statistics who are currently on pre-retirement benefits. If one added to that number those who have emigrated during the lifetime of the Government the figure would be more than 350,000. At the commencement of this year, the Government's own budgetary projections anticipated the unemployment figure to be 228,000 maximum. Four months later there are 28,000 more people jobless than the Government expected.

The touchstone to determine the success of the Government's economic policy is based not on simply mathematical calculations of growth, balance of payments surpluses or on maintaining low inflation, but on whether the policies being implemented are creating the jobs that will allow our people go back to work. Sadly, they are not.

The Government's entire policy approach to job creation is contained in the strategy outlined in the Programme for Economic and Social Progress as it itself acknowledges in its own motion. The sad fact is that, despite all of the ballyhoo and hype, the programme has lost its fizz. In job creation it has fallen flat.

The Programme for Economic and Social Progress is a little like a sponge-cake with icing on top. Its main content is a wage agreement. Its references to unemployment and job creation are like the coloured hundreds and thousands that are sprinkled over the icing to encourage children to interest themselves in the cake — decorative but of no consequence; all glitter but no substance.

The Programme for Economic and Social Progress strategy is based on an assumption — and the two Ministers who have spoken in the debate have reiterated the assumption — that if wage certainty and industrial harmony are achieved, employment will increase automatically. There is no doubt that economic stability is essential to industrial success, but economic stability of itself — and in this context I agree with Deputy De Rossa — will not create jobs or provide the level of job growth that is so badly required. While I agree with Deputy de Rossa in that particular comment, I do not agree with his analysis of the resolution of the problems.

The Programme for Economic and Social Progress recites like a mantra “that the creation of employment and the consequent reduction of unemployment and involuntary emigration is a primary policy objective of Government”. Yet when it comes to addressing that objective the plan tragically and sadly lacks innovation and imagination. When it comes to addressing our job needs the Government, in the plan, effectively throw in the towel.

We are told that the Programme for Economic and Social Progress will create 20,000 new jobs a year. Even if this target is met, which is extremely doubtful on current Government policies, it ensures a net increase in jobless throughout the lifetime of the plan — not a decrease. A decrease can only be achieved by continuing large scale emigration. During each of the three years the plan covers, the demographic trends establish that there will be more young people coming on the jobs market than the new jobs it is hoped to create. Indeed, recently a Government spokesperson acknowledged that instead of 20,000 new net jobs being created this year there will be fewer than 8,000.

The latest figures published by NESC establish that in each of the years ending June 1991 and 1992 there will be over 25,000 young people leaving education and looking for jobs; for the year ending June 1993 the number will be over 24,000.

As I already said, unemployment currently stands at 256,000. At the plan's most optimistic forecast of job creation the numbers unemployed in two years' time will stand at 300,000. The plan does not address, or even consider in its assumptions job losses that will occur through company failures, rationalisation programmes such as the controversial ones currently proposed by Telecom Éireann and An Post through company mechanisation and rationalisation; nor does it take into account increases in the labour force which will result from Irish emigrants returning home due to the slow-down in neighbouring economies.

Emigration during the Government's lifetime — and indeed during the previous Fianna Fáil minority Government's lifetime — drew a curtain across their failure to tackle the jobs crisis and covered up our true level of unemployment.

For example, there was a net migration out of Ireland of 31,000 people in 1989, 46,000 in 1988 and 32,000 in 1987. The Government spokesperson who rather sourly explained away the upward surge in our unemployment figures recently as being due to the unexpected return during the first quarter of this year of some of our emigrants, was happy to proclaim success for the Government on the jobs front when the forced departure of thousands of our young people seeking jobs abroad reduced the numbers signing on the dole at home.

Fine Gael welcomed the Programme for Economic and Social Progress in so far as it provided for industrial harmony. We criticised it, however — and were the only party to vote against it in the Dáil — because, despite all the high flowing phrases, it failed abysmally to tackle our jobs crisis. It merely paid lip service to the unemployed. It failed to address employment blockages that derive from legislation and Government policy or from stances taken by some of the social partners. We looked at its most optimistic promises and noted it fell far short of what had to be achieved. We recognised that the jobs needed would not be created. We recognised the Programme for Economic and Social Progress to be a programme for continued unemployment and involuntary emigration and, sadly, we were right. Sadly, no other political party saw the writing on the wall and realised the implications of the plan.

Since the Programme for Economic and Social Progress came into being, the numbers of jobless have relentlessly risen month after month. Each month we have been offered a new explanation. The Government have blamed continuing rises in unemployment on the bad weather, returned emigrants, the Gulf crisis, the ESB strike, part-time working in Waterford Glass, even school staff signing on over the Easter break. Each time the monthly figures are announced such glib and superficial explanations for them are repeated on RTE news bulletins as if they were true and profound insights. They are then followed by cries of anguish from the parties of the Left, the Labour Party and The Workers' Party, condemning the Government and calling on them to do this, that and the other. Neither of these parties remembers that the rise in the jobless is a consequence of a plan they supported in this House. The monthly rise in the jobless is not only the natural consequence of the Government's economic strategy, it is part of the strategy of the Labour Party or Deputy Dick Spring's Tralee strategy and The Workers' Party or Proinsias De Rossa's Brussels follies.

What about the Tallaght strategy?

This evening we had to listen to Deputy De Rossa talking about unemployment and prescribing for this economy the type of centralised economic planning which is now so discredited in Eastern Europe. He bemoaned the fact that the Fine Gael Party had not adopted the type of policies which Deputy De Rossa, unsuccessfully, attempted to jettison at his recent Árd Fheis.

The Government entered into the Programme for Economic and Social Progress hoping that continued emigration would continue to conceal the absence of a coherent approach to job creation. The safety valve of emigration had saved them for four years but the consequences of the British recession and the reduction of job opportunities abroad have now come home to roost.

To create jobs we need to tackle the major structural problems in our economy and to take a series of new initiatives as a matter of urgency. It is not enough to merely recite an intention to take initiatives; what is required is a recognition of the fact that we have a national jobs crisis and that urgent action, not parliamentary rhetoric, must be taken to resolve it. There is at present an eerie complacency and lethargy in the Government's approach. If the action required necessitates changes in the Programme for Economic and Social Progress then it is incumbent on the Government, with the social partners, to undertake a review and a revision of that programme.

If further budgetary initiatives are required, then let the Government take the necessary action before this House goes into recess for the summer months. Among the initiatives required are the following: major tax reform to reduce average and marginal tax rates on earned income; tax and social security systems should be integrated to remove poverty traps and employment disincentives; there is a need for a graduated single means test for all allowances that are currently means tested; there should be a shift in the allocation of resources from the attraction of mobile foreign investment and towards the development of the indigenous sector; and selectivity should be the primary characteristic of industrial policy.

NESC propose that resources should be allocated to addressing the specific competitive disadvantages which indigenous companies confront in competing internationally and I agree with that. Where foreign investment is sought it should be targeted on companies with high skill requirements and investment should relate to job creation instead of capital spending. New major initiatives must be taken for the long term unemployed and to tackle youth unemployment.

At the end of December 1990, 61,588 people under 25 years of age were jobless, over 26 per cent of the total unemployed; 30 per cent of those leaving school without qualifications during the 1988-89 academic year were still seeking their first job one year later.

In tackling youth unemployment, education is the key. There is a need to radically alter our education system to encourage or require all young people to remain at school until they complete the full school cycle to leaving certificate level. For those who are not academically minded, there is a need to provide within our post-primary education system an increased vocational element so that no one leaves school without minimal education standards which equip them for obtaining employment within a reasonable time. Far too many people leave school at 15 or 16 and are destined to become a statistic within the numbers of the long term unemployed or an emigrant lacking the basic skills to obtain even reasonable employment when they go abroad. A radical rethink of our education policy is urgently required. It should become an assumption of Irish society that all young people remain in education until their 18th year and the necessary fiscal adjustments should be made to provide for this.

Forty-five per cent of the total registered unemployed are long term unemployed. At the start of this year over 100,000 fell into this category. As a matter of urgency, special employment measures must be devised for the long term unemployed and NESC's most recent report advocates such a strategy. Such a programme should consist of labour subsidies, direct employment schemes and enterprise schemes. There is no sign that the Government are prepared to implement this recommendation. Moreover, blockages in existing schemes must be removed.

There are currently approximately 11,000 employed through FÁS under the social employment scheme, largely through local authorities. It is a national scandal that the social employment scheme has never been allowed by the local authority unions to function properly in Dublin. Dublin Corporation have never been allowed to employ a single person under the scheme and currently Dublin County Council are only allowed 140 employees under the scheme.

At the end of April 1991 there were 78,700 Dubliners registered as unemployed compared to 71,657 in April 1990. In a 12 month period unemployment in Dublin has increased by 10 per cent.

Over one-third of the total numbers of those unemployed in the State are based in Dublin. It would have been expected that between 3,500 to 4,000 Dubliners would currently be employed through the social employment scheme. Instead, only 140 are so employed because the Dublin local authorities and the local authority unions cannot reach agreement for the expanded use of the social employment scheme in Dublin. It is extraordinary that this problem, which has been ongoing for some years, was not addressed in the PESP. It is just one more example of the tragic inadequacy of the Government's approach and its failure to address the jobs crisis.

The Deputy must now bring his remarks to a conclusion.

I ask you to bear with me, Sir; I am on my second last paragraph.

The Order of the House——

We allowed Deputy Roche an extra minute.

I did not. The Order states that the question must be put at 8.30 p.m.

In parts of Dublin there are housing estates where there is 70 per cent adult unemployment. The future of these people and their families is being sacrificed by an uncaring Government oblivious of their difficulties. The Government, though the Central Review Committee, should call an urgent meeting of the committee to take immediate action and to agree arrangements to remove the blockage on the use of the social employment scheme in Dublin.

The motion tabled by Fine Gael which is before the House this evening notes that the unemployment rate now stands at 19.7 per cent of the workforce, which is by far the highest in the European Community and more than double the EC average. The Government's record shows that they cannot be trusted or relied upon to take the radical action necessary. The establishment of an all-party committee on job creation would provide the necessary political focus and dynamic which is unfortunately lacking in Government. I ask the House to support the motion and to reject the complacent and back-slapping amendment tabled to it by the Government.

Amendment put.
The Dáil divided: Tá, 68; Níl, 60.

  • Ahern, Bertie.
  • Ahern, Dermot.
  • Ahern, Michael.
  • Aylward, Liam.
  • Barrett, Michael.
  • Brady, Gerard.
  • Brennan, Mattie.
  • Brennan, Séamus.
  • Browne, John (Wexford).
  • Calleary, Séan.
  • Callely, Ivor.
  • Clohessy, Peadar.
  • Connolly, Ger.
  • Coughlan, Mary Theresa.
  • Cowen, Brian.
  • Cullimore, Séamus.
  • Daly, Brendan.
  • Davern, Noel.
  • Dempsey, Noel.
  • Dennehy, John.
  • de Valera, Síle.
  • Ellis, John.
  • Fahey, Frank.
  • Fahey, Jackie.
  • Fitzgerald, Liam Joseph.
  • Fitzpatrick, Dermot.
  • Flynn, Pádraig.
  • Harney, Mary.
  • Hillery, Brian.
  • Smith, Michael.
  • Stafford, John.
  • Treacy, Noel.
  • Tunney, Jim.
  • Wallace, Dan.
  • Hilliard, Colm.
  • Hyland, Liam.
  • Jacob, Joe.
  • Kelly, Laurence.
  • Kenneally, Brendan.
  • Kirk, Séamus.
  • Kitt, Michael P.
  • Kitt, Tom.
  • Lawlor, Liam.
  • Lenihan, Brian.
  • Leonard, Jimmy.
  • Martin, Micheál.
  • McCreevy, Charlie.
  • McDaid, Jim.
  • McEllistrim, Tom.
  • Morley, P.J.
  • Nolan, M.J.
  • Noonan, Michael J.
  • (Limerick West).
  • O'Connell, John.
  • O'Dea, Willie.
  • O'Donoghue, John.
  • O'Keeffe, Ned.
  • O'Leary, John.
  • O'Rourke, Mary.
  • O'Toole, Martin Joe.
  • Power, Seán.
  • Quill, Máirín.
  • Reynolds, Albert.
  • Roche, Dick.
  • Wallace, Mary.
  • Walsh, Joe.
  • Wilson, John P.
  • Woods, Michael.
  • Wyse, Pearse.

Tellers: Tá, Deputies Calleary and Clohessy; Níl, Deputies Flanagan and Boylan.

  • Ahern, Bertie.
  • Ahern, Dermot.
  • Ahern, Michael.
  • Aylward, Liam.
  • Barrett, Michael.
  • Brady, Gerard.
  • Brennan, Mattie.
  • Brennan, Séamus.
  • Browne, John (Wexford).
  • Calleary, Seán.
  • Callely, Ivor.
  • Clohessy, Peadar.
  • Connolly, Ger.
  • Coughlan, Mary Theresa.
  • Cowen, Brian.
  • Cullimore, Séamus.
  • Kelly, Laurence.
  • Kenneally, Brendan.
  • Kirk, Séamus.
  • Kitt, Michael P.
  • Kitt, Tom.
  • Lawlor, Liam.
  • Lenihan, Brian.
  • Leonard, Jimmy.
  • Martin, Micheál.
  • McCreevy, Charlie.
  • McDaid, Jim.
  • McEllistrim, Tom.
  • Morley, P.J.
  • Nolan, M.J.
  • Noonan, Michael J.
  • (Limerick West).
  • O'Connell, John.
  • O'Dea, Willie.
  • Daly, Brendan.
  • Davern, Noel.
  • Dempsey, Noel.
  • Dennehy, John.
  • de Valera, Síle.
  • Ellis, John.
  • Fahey, Frank.
  • Fahey, Jackie.
  • Fitzgerald, Liam Joseph.
  • Fitzpatrick, Dermot.
  • Flynn, Pádraig.
  • Harney, Mary.
  • Hillery, Brian.
  • Hilliard, Colm.
  • Hyland, Liam.
  • Jacob, Joe.
  • O'Donoghue, John.
  • O'Keeffe, Ned.
  • O'Leary, John.
  • O'Rourke, Mary.
  • O'Toole, Martin Joe.
  • Power, Seán.
  • Quill, Máirín.
  • Reynolds, Albert.
  • Roche, Dick.
  • Smith, Michael.
  • Stafford, John.
  • Treacy, Noel.
  • Tunney, Jim.
  • Wallace, Dan.
  • Wallace, Mary.
  • Walsh, Joe.
  • Wilson, John P.
  • Woods, Michael.
  • Wyse, Pearse.
Tellers: Tá, Deputies Calleary and Clohessy; Níl, Deputies Flanagan and Boylan.
Amendment declared carried.

Ahern, Bertie.Ahern, Dermot.Ahern, Michael.Aylward, Liam.Barrett, Michael.Brady, Gerard.Brennan, Mattie.Brennan, Séamus.Browne, John (Wexford).Calleary, Séan.Callely, Ivor.Clohessy, Peadar.Connolly, Ger.Coughlan, Mary Theresa.Cowen, Brian.Cullimore, Séamus.Daly, Brendan.Davern, Noel.Dempsey, Noel.Dennehy, John.de Valera, Síle.Ellis, John.Fahey, Frank.Fahey, Jackie.Fitzgerald, Liam Joseph.Fitzpatrick, Dermot.Flynn, Pádraig.Harney, Mary.Hillery, Brian.

Hilliard, Colm.Hyland, Liam.Jacob, Joe.Kelly, Laurence.Kenneally, Brendan.Kirk, Séamus.Kitt, Michael P.Kitt, Tom.Lawlor, Liam.Lenihan, Brian.Leonard, Jimmy.Martin, Micheál.McCreevy, Charlie.McDaid, Jim.McEllistrim, Tom.Morley, P.J.Nolan, M.J.Noonan, Michael J.(Limerick West).O'Connell, John.O'Dea, Willie.O'Donoghue, John.O'Keeffe, Ned.O'Leary, John.O'Rourke, Mary.O'Toole, Martin Joe.Power, Seán.Quill, Máirín.Reynolds, Albert.Roche, Dick.

Amendments Nos. 1 and 2 not moved.
Question put: "That the motion as amended be agreed to."
The Committee divided: Ta, 68; Níl, 60.

  • Barnes, Monica.
  • Barrett, Seán.
  • Barry, Peter.
  • Boylan, Andrew.
  • Bradford, Paul.
  • Browne, John (Carlow-Kilkenny).
  • Bruton, John.
  • Bruton, Richard.
  • Byrne, Eric.
  • Connaughton, Paul.
  • Connor, John.
  • Cosgrave, Michael Joe.
  • Cotter, Bill.
  • Creed, Michael.
  • Crowley, Frank.
  • Currie, Austin.
  • D'Arcy, Michael.
  • Deasy, Austin.
  • Deenihan, Jimmy.
  • De Rossa, Proinsias.
  • Doyle, Joe.
  • Dukes, Alan.
  • Durkan, Bernard.
  • Farrelly, John V.
  • Ferris, Michael.
  • Finucane, Michael.
  • Flaherty, Mary.
  • Flanagan, Charles.
  • Foxe, Tom.
  • Gilmore, Eamon.
  • Gregory, Tony.
  • Harte, Paddy.
  • Higgins, Jim.
  • Hogan, Philip.
  • Howlin, Brendan.
  • Kavanagh, Liam.
  • Kemmy, Jim.
  • Kenny, Enda.
  • Lee, Pat.
  • Lowry, Michael.
  • McCartan, Pat.
  • McGahon, Brendan.
  • Mac Giolla, Tomás.
  • McGrath, Paul.
  • Nealon, Ted.
  • Noonan, Michael
  • (Limerick East).
  • O'Sullivan, Gerry.
  • O'Sullivan, Toddy.
  • Pattison, Séamus.
  • Quinn, Ruairí.
  • Rabbitte, Pat.
  • Reynolds, Gerry.
  • Shatter, Alan.
  • Sherlock, Joe.
  • Spring, Dick.
  • Stagg, Emmet.
  • Taylor, Mervyn.
  • Taylor-Quinn, Madeleine.
  • Timmins, Godfrey.
  • Yates, Ivan.

Níl

    Question declared carried.
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