Vol. 415 No. 1
3 Mr. J. Bruton asked the Taoiseach if the Western European Union is an integral part of the new European Union created under the Treaty of Maastricht; and if so, if he will outline Ireland's future relationship with the Western European Union.
4 Mr. J. Bruton asked the Taoiseach if he will make a statement on Irish security and defence policy, in the context of the reference in paragraph 4 of Article D of the provisions of the Treaty of Maastricht governing a common foreign and security policy to show respect for the specific character of the security and defence policy of certain member states.
A Cheann Comhairle, I propose to take Questions Nos. 3 and 4 together.
I refer the Deputy to my statement in the House on 12 December when I reported on the principal issues arising from the Maastricht Treaty, which include, of course, the new provisions on a common foreign and security policy.
Article J.4 of the Treaty document provides that the common foreign and security policy shall include all questions related to the security of the European Union, including the eventual framing of a common defence policy, which might lead to a common defence.
The passage on which the Deputy bases his questions refers to Western European Union as being an integral part of the development of the European Union, the defence policy of which he will note from the passage from Article J.4 from which I have quoted is yet to be framed. That policy will, on present perspectives, be the subject of an Intergovernmental Conference in 1996.
Under the Maastricht Treaty, the Western European Union is not part of the European Union. It is a separaate international organisation established and operating under a separate treaty.
The requirement of that Article that the policy of the Union will not prejudice the specific character of this country's security and defence policy is a most important provision. It was agreed to at my request to accommodate our national position. It is specific in its terms and reflects recognition of our traditional position which I was successful in securing in the first instance at the second EC Summit in Rome in December 1990. This was one of our major objectives in the negotiations and the satisfactory outcome fully protects our position in this area.
The specific character of our security and defence policy has, of course, a number of elements but in the present context, two are particularly relevant: first, our non-membership of organisations whose raison d'etre is that they are military alliances and secondly, that if the Community, or the European Union now to be established, were to develop its own defence arrangements for its security we would consider participating in those arrangements.
The whole issue will be dealt with in a White Paper, to be issued as soon as possible, in which the Government will set out in detail the implications for this country of the Treaty on European Union.
Does the Taoiseach envisage any circumstances in which Ireland might join the Western European Union?
That is a question for future and further consideration. An invitation will be extended to Ireland to become a member but that is a matter for further consideration. We would have the option of not becoming a member, becoming a member, or accepting observer status. It is a decision for the future.
Glory be to God, how times have changed.
As the Taoiseach has acknowledged that the Western European Union is in future to be an integral part of the development of the European Union, will Ireland's non-membership of the Western European Union not place us at something of a disadvantage in so far as we will not be part of something that is integral to the development of the union of which Ireland is a member?
No, I do not think so, but if there were any argument to that effect then it would always be possible for us to accept observer status. I shall outline the exact position in regard to the relationship between the European Union, as it will be, and the Western European Union. The Articles in the draft Maastricht Treaty are fairly specific. The final outcome is to the effect that the European Council, the European Union, will decide which aspects of its foreign or security policy have defence implications and then it will further decide whether or not the Western European Union should be asked to undertake specific assignments at the request of the European Union. The important issue is that the decision of the European Council in considering that aspect will be unanimous. It is a matter that will be fully discussed at the European Council, at which Ireland will be present and be participating fully, and the decision as to whether or not to refer the matter or to seek the assistance of the Western European Union will be a unanimous vote of the European Council. To that effect, Ireland will be fully informed and in agreeing to the unanimous decision, are in a position to fully protect our national position.
Will the Taoiseach indicate the Government's attitude to the oft-declared neutral position of Ireland? How will he define that position in view of the reply he has given with regard to the Western European Union? Does the Taoiseach not accept that what is under way is that the European Community are adopting the Western European Union as their defence arm and that the current stance of the Irish Government in relation to that is essentially neutralising Ireland in relation to any input on the future development of a defence of the European Community? We are, essentially, subcontracting our responsibilities in that regard to a group which has as I said previously, as its first priority nuclear deterrence as the basis of its approach to the defence of Europe?
This situation is complex and we should take some time to tease it out. The first point I wish to make is that the decision of the European Council at Maastricht did not in any way commit us to a common European defence. That is something that can only be brought forward for discussion and decision at another intergovernmental conference in 1996. I should like to draw the attention of the Deputy to the wording of Article J.4, which is very significant.
The first paragraph of Article J.4 states:
The common foreign and security policy shall include all questions related to the security of the European Union, including the eventual framing of a common defence policy, which might in time lead to a common defence.
Those words place anything in the nature of either a common defence policy or a common defence very far down the line. The general agreement is that anything in the nature of a common defence policy or a common defence would be a matter for a further intergovernmental conference. What I have said from time to time is that we have not made any commitment under the Maastricht Treaty to a common defence of the European Union. Here it is necessary to make a distinction between a common foreign security policy and security policy, defence policy and common defence. I have always maintained and it is a fact that security is a much wider matter than defence. The European Union can pursue its security in a variety of different ways by diplomatic effort, by participation in international organisations by promoting disarmament, by the control of sales of weapons and in many different ways. It is a much broader concept than defence.
We fully support the idea of a security policy as such not just for the European Union but for the whole of Europe through the CSCE process. Common defence policy is a separate concept whereby the Community would evolve for itself some sort of common defence policy. That might not necessarily involve the Community, or the Union as it will be, bringing forward any specific military defence of its own. What would ultimately be regarded as a military arm of the European Community would be a common defence. That is why these three different phrases are used from time to time in a nomenclature.
Our only commitment at the moment is to a common foreign and security policy. As yet that does not embrace either of the concepts — a common defence policy as such or ultimately a common defence. These are seen as issues to be discussed at another intergovernmental conference which will have to make decisions by unanimous agreement.
So far as the Western European Union is concerned, it is a separate military alliance. The Union may from time to time ask the Western European Union to accept particular responsibilities on its behalf. These might actually be peacekeeping operations such as those contemplated in Yugoslavia. They do not necessarily encompass military or defence hardware type operations. The Western European Union in its statements has clearly indicated that it is a separate organisation. We are not part of it nor are other Community member states, such as Denmark or Greece, as yet. It is a grouping of nine European member states who have their separate treaty and separate existence as distinct from the European Community. They will not be assuming any defence role from the European Union except what the European Community decides to ask them to undertake at any particular time.
Given that the Taoiseach seems to be in a mood for giving information to the House today, arising from his initial reply to Deputy Bruton's question, will he look further into the crystal ball? Is he saying that the whole question of Irish neutrality is perhaps not feasible in the context of the discussions that have taken place in Maastricht? With the inevitability of the invitation to join the Western European Union perhaps the Taoiseach will state, if the invitation was on the table today, what the Government attitude would be? If we were determined to pursue the traditional neutrality of this country, would it not be in our interests to ensure that the applications by Sweden and Austria are dealt with before any decisions are made?
We are now having a widening of the subject matter.
The Deputy's first question was?
In relation to Irish neutrality.
That is worthy of a separate question.
Our position on that is multi-faceted, but it has two central planks.
It is incommunicable.
Deputies should realise that common foreign and security policy and defence policy are very complex matters. They are multi-faceted issues so that it is only right that a sophisticated country like ourselves should have a multi-faceted policy with regard to them.
Nobody can understand them.
The Taoiseach is bringing this down to a farce and it is a serious matter.
Our policy has two central planks, one is that we have not participated in any military alliances which exist solely for the purpose of being military alliances. What we have said from day one, and this is a common position in all parties in this House, is that if, in the fullness of time, the Community bring forward its own common defence policy, as fully committed members of the Community, we would feel obliged to favourably consider participating. That is still the position.
The step of the Union bringing forward its own defence policy is not yet on the table and we did not give any commitment to it in Maastricht. The position is quite clear. The European Union in the area of common security policy in regard to any aspects of that common foreign and security policy which has military implications, will ask the Western European Union to consider carrying out certain tasks on their behalf by a unanimous decision. We will be part of that unanimous decision. It would be our decision whether the Community should ask Western European Union to take on any particular task. The tasks it might undertake on behalf of the union would be many. They could be simple peacekeeping tasks, settling trouble spots in Europe or anything of that nature. They would not necessarily be anything in the nature of warlike actions. It is in that context that we will take our decision in the European Council on any particular issue.
Having taken the unanimous decision to allow the Western European Union to undertake tasks on our behalf, we then wash our hands of anything that happens subsequently. We would be far better taking an active part in the day to day decisions. The Taoiseach said he expected an invitation from the Western European Union to join them. Would he confirm that and, if so, will he say if this House will be consulted before a decision is taken by the Government?
There is an invitation for us to join the Western European Union; that is only recent. Of course, it would be a matter for debate in this House before any such positive step is taken.
On a point of clarification, is the Taoiseach saying that the House would be consulted before any decision is taken or just with regard to an affirmative decision?
There are three separate decisions which we might take: we might decide not to respond; we might decide to respond and apply for membership; or we might decide to apply for an observer status.
(Intrerruptions.)
I would not anticipate that it would be necessary to have a formal decision from this House to accept an observer status. As the Deputy knows, we have, when it seemed expedient and necessary to do so, taken our position as observers. It would be entirely appropriate that this House should have an opportunity to discuss the question before we decide to become members of the Western European Union.
We are delaying over long on this question to the detriment of other questions tabled to the Taoiseach.
The answers are somewhat ambiguous.
I have to remind the House that, in accordance with our Standing Orders, 15 minutes must be set aside for dealing with Priority Questions. I shall be dealing with them promptly at 3 p.m.
A yes or no answer will do me. Has a Government decision already been made at a minimum to attend the Western European Union as an observer?
We took decisions on a case-by-case basis. On some occasions we attended as observers when it seemed to us necessary in our national interest or from a policy point of view. On other occasions we did not. Up to now we have dealt with the matter on a case-by-case basis.
Will the Taoiseach arrange for the charter of the Western European Union to be placed in the Library so that Deputies will know what it is we are to observe and the basis on which we are to be observers? It is not there.
It is a treaty and I would have thought that the Deputy, who has been a Member of the European Parliament and——
He has not resigned yet.
——a Deputy who takes such interest in all these matters and questions us here from time to time about them, would have been familiar with the terms of the Western European Union Treaty.
Question No. 5 in the name of Deputy Spring.
I am quite familiar with the terms of the charter. The Taoiseach in his usual way has dodged the question. Will he or will he not place a copy in the Library?
Why not?
Deputy Spring is not offering, I observe.
I do not have any more to say just yet.
There is slight confusion, generated mainly by the prolixity of the Taoiseach's answers.
