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Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 24 Feb 1993

Vol. 426 No. 6

Financial Resolutions, 1993. - Financial Statement, Budget, 1993.

Before calling on the Minister for Finance to make his Budget Statement may I remind Members of the House that none of the confidential information which will be circulated in advance by the Minister to certain Members may be disclosed to anyone until the Minister has revealed it to the House. Premature disclosure of the information is considered to be a serious breach of privilege and Members should not take from the House any part of the Budget Statement before that part has been read out in the House.

I now call on the Minister for Finance, Deputy Ahern, to make his Budget Statement.

In last year's Budget Statement, I drew attention to the great challenges facing our society: the need for jobs and the need to step up our economic performance in a sustainable way. My main concern at that time was the uncertain prospect for the world economy and how this might affect us.

Unhappily, my fears of international recession proved well-founded. Since then, we have also suffered a severe buffeting from the currency turbulence in the ERM, pushing up our interest rates. Although conditions are, I hope, stabilising in the currency and money markets and German interest rates have finally begun to fall, the situation remains difficult. With only slow growth expected in most European economies this year and real domestic interest rates still at high levels, 1993 poses its own particular challenges. Yet, our creditable economic achievements over recent years give grounds for cautious optimism about the future.

This budget is framed on the principle that the overriding national priority is jobs. We have got to do whatever is required to raise the pace of sustainable employment growth, short term and long term. We have got to face hard choices. We have got to have policies that promote and underpin genuine, enduring economic progress — no populist ‘quick fixes'. Those of us who have jobs must put the need to create jobs above our personal interests.

The Government is determined to take action to bring about more employment. That is clearly stated in our Programme for a Partnership Government. The programme also affirms our commitment to achieving a fair and just society. Job creation is central to that: there is no greater inequity than joblessness. Achieving our goals will require a broad national effort, wider than Government. We, therefore, want to continue and extend the social partnership and consensus approach that has served us well over recent years in the Programme for National Recovery and the Programme for Economic and Social Progress.

Fundamental to the success of the programme is sustained economic progress. Sound budgetary and financial policies are essential, as is reduction in the burden of debt. That debt is an obstacle to social progress, soaking up resources badly needed elsewhere. Our strategy has to put priority on firm control of our public finances so that the debt-to-GNP ratio comes down.

The budgetary criteria laid down in the Maastricht Treaty represent sensible parameters from a domestic viewpoint also. We can only implement measures which can be afforded from the resources available to us. We will be able to implement many of those objectives this year, particularly the priority job-related measures, while ensuring that the less well-off in our society are protected.

Everyone is aware of the particular difficulties facing us this year: the adverse effects on revenue of the measures necessary to implement the Single Market; the full year carry-over costs of public service pay increases deferred from previous years; the weak international economy with its effects on employment and tax revenues and the direct and indirect costs of unemployment.

In framing this budget and recognising the particular constraints, the Government gave the highest priority to maintaining existing employment and creating new jobs. I will, therefore, be outlining measures which, by improving the longer-term growth potential of the economy and by promoting local enterprise and wealth creation will generate and sustain employment.

There was a careful balance to be struck in this budget. We could not jeopardise the fiscal discipline so vital to investment and long term growth. We had, nontheless, to try to maintain the underlying momentum of the economy and employment in the near term. At the same time, there was a need to continue with tax reform and to improve our tax and welfare systems from an equity viewpoint. Getting that balance right was never going to be easy but I believe that the measures I am announcing today add up to a balanced, measured, but above all, fair response.

Review of 1992 Budget Outturn

As I pointed out in the context of the end-1992 Exchequer returns, while non-capital supply service expenditure was £240 million greater than the budget estimate, about £70 million of the excess derived from the bringing forward to 1992 of arrears of special pay increases in the public sector. The current budget deficit was £110 million ahead of the budget estimate, equivalent to 1.8 per cent of GNP.

Exchequer capital borrowing was £13 million above target, giving an overall excess of £123 million and an Exchequer Borrowing of £713 million, equivalent to 2.8 per cent of GNP. The general Government deficit as defined for Maastricht purposes is estimated to have been about 2.5 per cent of GDP, while the debt-GDP ratio declined again last year. Accordingly, underlying budgetary discipline was maintained despite the difficult circumstances and we more than met the budgetary convergence criteria envisaged under Maastricht.

The Economy in 1992

Recent indicators confirm that weakness in the international economy persisted through 1992. OECD growth is estimated at 1.5 per cent, while growth in the EC economy slowed to about 1 per cent. We should all be reassured by the resilience of our economy as shown by the outturn for 1992. Although slackening late in the year, GDP growth was about 3 per cent, the highest in the EC. Overall employment for the year has held up well relative to general international performance, while of course falling short of our exceptional employment needs.

Despite the unfavourable external environment and the undoubted difficulties in the final quarter of the year as a result of the currency turbulence, the results for the year as a whole were quite encouraging. Manufacturing growth and agricultural exports showed strong gains, with a substantial increase in the trade surplus. Retail sales showed an increase of over 3 per cent, while inflation was at an annual rate of 3 per cent for 1992. The latest labour force survey indicated that overall employment was maintained between April 1991 and April 1992. Unemployment has been growing, but this reflects demographic changes, not a loss of jobs. All this was achieved despite exchange rate development which contributed to an erosion of competitiveness and inhibited investment. Our economic performance, overall, in 1992 was one of the best in Europe. It certainly did not mirror recessionary conditions elsewhere. The strong features of the Irish economy reflected in these statistics will help us to weather the difficulties now facing us.

Economic objectives and strategy

Our biggest challenge is to increase the number of sustainable jobs in the economy and to tackle the rising trend in unemployment. With a projected natural annual increase of about 25,000 in our labour force over the next few years, that is a hugely difficult task.

We should bear in mind the achievements made under the Programme for National Recovery and the Programme for Economic and Social Progress: Budgetary deficits are substantially down; the growth of the national debt as a percentage of GNP has been curbed; jobs have been created which allowed for some overall growth in employment; take-home pay has improved in real terms as a result of the substantial income tax reforms undertaken. Farm incomes increased in 1992 by 18.5 per cent, reflecting partly the headage payments made last year which are normally payable in 1993. More might have been achieved had there been, as was expected when these programmes were negotiated, continuing reasonable growth in the major economies.

More than the usual uncertainty surrounds economic prospects for 1993. Apart from the international downturn, we have undergone a currency and interest rate "shock". This will inevitably have repercussions on growth and employment for some months at least.

Our exchange rate policy will continue to focus on maintaining the existing bilateral exchange rates within the narrow band of the Exchange Rate Mechanism. This offers the best prospect for long term economic growth within a stable low inflation environment. Interest rates remain exceptionally high because of continuing tensions within the EMS. However, over the coming months I expect these tensions will ease and that interest rates will fall gradually to more acceptable levels. This budget is based on this expectation, unlike normal years when rates current at budget time are adopted as a basis for calculation. Interest rate developments over the year will impact on the economy generally and, therefore, on the budgetary aggregates, in particular on the estimate for debt service costs.

For 1993, I would expect to see GDP growth of about 2.5 per cent. This would be a creditable performance in difficult circumstances and would be well above the projected average for the EC or the OECD generally. Inflation should remain moderate by international standards. However, every effort must be made to confine cost increases to the absolute minimum if competitiveness and employment are to be sustained. The balance of payments will remain in substantial surplus likely to be of the same order as in 1992. Details are set out in the economic background to the budget being published today.

Public Finances

Despite our commitment to the Maastricht budgetary criteria and our exemplary budgetary performance of recent years — which was among the best in the Community — our currency was subjected to unremitting speculative attack in recent months. The external and other pressures that arose as a result of our commitment to the Exchange Rate Mechanism have made strict adherence to the budgetary criteria in 1993 even more difficult than normal. For different reasons, this situation is mirrored in practically every other country in the Community. In our case, the increase of over £800 million in the national debt, equivalent to about 3 per cent of GNP, resulting from the devaluation makes a temporary halt in the process of downward adjustment of the debt ratio to GNP unavoidable in 1993.

We need to maintain confidence in the management of our public finances even in the most difficult of external circumstances. Confidence in our economy and, crucially, in our currency depends on our ability to live within the prudent budgetary parameters which I will outline later.

While I am committed to maintaining downward pressure on public expenditure, it is clear that the difficulties facing us cannot be fully met by a combination of reduced expenditure and increased taxation this year. Public expenditure will be kept under firm control, and some increase in taxation is inevitable. However, there has to be some increase in borrowing. An overstringent approach would have damaging effects on investment and employment. On the other hand, an excessive borrowing requirement would be even more damaging. My strategy therefore is a balanced one of adopting a GGD/GDP ratio which will be as close to the Maastricht deficit guideline as is prudently possible in present circumstances, while not endangering the general economy or the significant headway made with the public finances in recent years. Our budget deficit will be well in line with, if not better than, most of the other member states of the EC. After the adjustments I will announce later, my target for the GGD/GDP ratio in 1993 will therefore be 3.4 per cent, the corresponding EBR being £760 million, or 2.9 per cent of GNP.

It has to be accepted that, even allowing for extra borrowing, the lack of buoyancy in the international economy and the consequent pressure on our social services are such that it will not be possible to fulfil all our aspirations. The better off in our society will have to make some sacrifices to help the unemployed and less well-off.

The medium-term budgetary outlook will entail a continuing adjustment process involving a closer adherence to the Maastricht budgetary criteria, as some of the current pressures on the Government's finances ease and as steps are taken by the Government to achieve the necessary adjustment.

Employment Related Measures

In the conditions I have outlined, it is even more necessary than usual to point public expenditure towards those sectors and activities where it will most influence growth and employment prospects. I am now going to deal with some of the employment-related measures in this year's budget.

Jobs Funds

In our programme for a Partnership Government we said that a jobs fund is needed now to promote recovery and job creation, and that an initial £250 million will be provided in 1993. I anticipate that Cohesion Fund aid will enable us to undertake projects costing £148 million in 1993. I am also providing today £25 million for the county enterprise partnership boards. The summary public capital programme, published before the budget, provided for an increase of £88 million on the 1992 outturn for Exchequer capital spending, of which £20 million will increase the number of local authority house starts in 1993 to 3,500. These three items amount to a total of the order of £260 million. We are more than meeting our objective in this regard.

Employment Policy

To maximise the employment potential of the economy, a number of aspects of employment policy will be pursued. These include: the new standards-based apprenticeship scheme; a review of training programmes in order to put a more effective national training scheme in place; the roles of the Department of Education and of Enterprise and Employment are being examined with a view to better defining their respective roles in the areas of vocational education and training, to enable a more structured approach, with appropriate certification, to be applied; programmes are being prepared for the substantial expansion of vocational training and employment schemes in preparation for the next phase of the EC Structural Funds.

County Enterprise Partnership Boards

There is a potential for enterprise, wealth and employment creation that exists at local level throughout Ireland but which cannot always be harnessed to the fullest extent under existing structures. In recognition of this, the Government is pressing ahead with the establishment throughout the country of the county enterprise partnership boards for which, as already indicated, I am providing £25 million. These boards will have a mandate to support local initiative and development through assisting the start-up of small enterprises. These will provide the seed-bed for more growth and employment generation. The boards will have responsibility for the promotion of tourism locally.

The boards will take over responsibility for promoting and assisting integrated local development plans in consultation with community organisations, the social partners and the public sector at local level. The new structure will focus on enterprise creation and development leading to increased employment. The boards will also initiate activity under a nationwide series of community development programmes. Under the programmes, the long term unemployed will be able to take up opportunities on quality projects which take account of each area's real strengths and potential. The county enterprise partnership boards will ensure that a careful assessment is made of all forms of appropriate action. This comprehensive but decentralised approach will have great advantage over programmes which were previously designed and implemented at national level.

In addition to State funds, the Government has made, and is making, arrangements for contributions from the financial institutions to the county enterprise partnership boards. I am satisfied that on the basis of commitments to date and of discussions to be completed, a total of more than £100 million will be made available by the financial institutions. Further, the institutions are committing staff resources to the enterprise initiative and have set up a liaison system with the existing and emerging area and county partnerships.

Responsibility for the new county enterprise partnership boards has been assigned to the Minister for Enterprise and Employment to ensure that a high degree of effective co-ordination is achieved with the new agency for the promotion of indigenous industry and with FÁS.

Industrial Policy Review Group

The Government will be following up vigorously the recommendations of the report of the Industrial Policy Review Group, and the task force reports on its implementation. Our aim is to improve the way the State contributes in industrial and other policy areas to the encouragement of employment and investment. We will seek to strengthen Ireland's industrial, scientific and exporting base and will ensure that the needs of indigenous industry in particular are catered for.

Structural Funds

This is the last year of the existing community support framework which runs from 1989 to 1993. By the end of this year, a total of over £3 billion in EC aid will have been spent in supporting national development measures. By its nature, the full economic benefits of this investment will accrue in the longer term. However, it has already helped to sustain economic growth and increase employment and has led to a substantial improvement in the infrastructure of the State.

Edinburgh Conclusions

Following lengthy negotiations, the European Council meeting at Edinburgh agreed a financial perspective for the EC budget to cover the period to 1999. This financial perspective includes provision for the new Cohesion Fund and for a substantial increase in Structural Fund resources for the less favoured regions of the Community, including Ireland. The provision for the Structural Funds and Cohesion Fund will allow total commitments of over £8 billion to Ireland over the years 1993 to 1999. This is a very satisfactory result for Ireland and represents a major achievement by the Government in very difficult negotiations.

Cohesion Fund 1993

The Treaty on European Union provides for the establishment of a Cohesion Fund in 1993, to which I referred earlier. Further decisions on the fund, including its total amount, were taken at the Edinburgh Summit. The fund is intended to provide aid for projects in the areas of environment associated with EC environmental objectives and trans-European transport infrastructure. While the allocation of the fund between the four Cohesion member-states including Ireland has not yet been settled, I anticipate that a commitment of aid equivalent to £126 million will be available to Ireland in respect of projects costing a total of £148 million in 1993.

Pending final decisions on national shares and other matters, I propose to allocate the expected aid between various capital investments in the environment and transport areas. These allocations of aid may be subject to subsequent adjustment. The total cost of the projects involved will be about £58 million for environmental purposes including sanitary, water supply, waste disposal services and some measures related to the energy industry; and about £90 million for transport infrastructure including roads, rail, commercial ports, and airports. Further details are contained in the "Principal Features of the Budget".

The necessary adjustments are being included in the public capital programme. As the bulk of the total expenditure on these projects will be additional to existing provisions, there will be a substantial boost this year to economic activity and employment in the area involved. In combination with the large increase in public capital spending which I will outline later, the increased investment announced under this heading will represent a very significant stepping-up of infrastructural investment in 1993.

National Development Plan

A national development plan which will be the basis for the next round of Structural Funds programmes commencing in 1994 is currently in preparation. The focus of this plan will be the creation of sustainable employment and improved economic growth, ensuring that Ireland derives the maximum permanent economic development possible from the substantial increases in the Structural and Cohesion Funds agreed at Edinburgh. There have been extensive consultations with the sub-regional review committees, the social partners at national level and other interested bodies. In addition, considerable work has been undertaken in the various Government Departments and agencies. This work will continue with a view to the Government submitting their plan to the EC Commission within the next few months.

Opening Budget Position

The opening current budget deficit based on the published 1993 estimates of receipts and expenditure is £545 million, after allowing for the deduction of £25 million for Departmental balances. The opening Exchequer Borrowing Requirement is £907 million.

As already mentioned, I also have to have regard this year to the opening general Government deficit as defined for Maastricht purposes. This is different from the Exchequer Borrowing Requirement in that what it measures is not actual Exchequer borrowing but the deficit incurred by the State, including such areas as local authority borrowing; on the other hand, capital transactions involving the commercial State-sponsored bodies are excluded. The opening deficit on this basis is £1,055 million.

Public expenditure comprises services which are met from the Central Fund and the ordinary day-to-day expenditures voted by the Dáil for public services.

Central Fund Services and Debt Management

The 1993 estimate for Central Fund Services is £2,903 million, an increase of 6.5 per cent over the 1992 outturn. This estimate included £2,490 million for debt service costs and £388 million for Ireland's EC budget contribution.

A sum of £50 million of debt service savings was set aside last year to fund the enterprise partnership boards. As already indicated, I have today provided £25 million for the boards through the Vote for the Department of Enterprise and Employment. The £50 million savings will serve to meet debt service payments in 1993. After allowing for the effect of this £50 million, the underlying increase in debt service costs in 1993 is £231 million or 10 per cent. This is significantly higher than in recent years and is mainly accounted for by: the increase in domestic interest rates; the effects of the devaluation of the Irish pound; and the servicing cost of the Exchequer's net addition to debt required to fund the borrowing requirements in both 1992 and 1993.

The debt service estimate takes account of £100 million debt management savings to be achieved by the National Treasury Management Agency in 1993. In the light of their record over the last two years I am confident the agency will meet this target.

Public Service Pay

A provision of £4,035 million is being made for public service pay and pensions in 1993. This represents an increase of £279 million or 7.4 per cent over the 1992 outturn. The 1992 figure in turn represents an increase of £364 million or 10.7 per cent over 1991. The scale of this expenditure and its increase continue to be matters of major concern for the Government.

The increased provision being made arises mainly from the Government's decision to honour commitments entered into in respect of deferred general and special increases. Having provided in full for these commitments to maintain the Programme for Economic and Social Progress consensus, there is absolutely no way the Government could ask taxpayers to carry any further additional pay costs for the public service in 1993. Neither can we live with a situation in which liabilities to further expenditure on this front would continue to build up for 1994, pre-empting decisions on resources next year.

I am not making any provision in this budget for more improvements in pay or conditions for public servants this year, apart from those already fully committed. I appreciate this situation has implications for the operations of industrial relations across the public service and I have already today invited the Irish Congress of Trade Unions to discussions on this issue.

True consensus requires that problems of the significance now faced by the Government should be discussed frankly with the parties concerned. In these discussions, the Government will try to find solutions which will be fair and equitable and which, I hope, will not prejudice the negotiations of a further Programme for Economic and Social Progress.

There is an air of unreality in the expectations being voiced by some public service unions. It is totally unrealistic that further claims should be pressed in a year in which the general increase being paid to public servants under the Programme for Economic and Social Progress pay agreement is subject to a ceiling of £6.50 a week, and many private sector employers are having to refuse pay increases provided for in the pay agreement. To take further demands on board would require offsetting action by the Government to prevent the budgetary strategy going off course.

Related to the question of pay increases in the public service in the issue of the public service pay determination systems. The Government is totally committed to change in this area. It is its intention, through discussions with the public service unions, to press forward in 1993 with the introduction of a new system which would be more transparent. It should operate on assessment criteria which, while being fair to staff, would be responsible to the interests of the Government and the community as taxpayers.

The Government has also given consideration in the context of public service pay to the question of the PRSI status of public servants. The Government is committed to work towards putting public servants on the same footing as other employees. It acknowledges this is a complicated issue and intends to include it on the agenda for the proposed discussions with ICTU.

Administrative Budgets

The introduction in recent years of a system of delegated administrative budgets in Government Departments and offices has provided an opportunity for more effective and innovative management within the limits of available resources. This change has yielded worthwhile improvements in the efficiency of Government Services.

Within the budgetary constraints, the systems of administrative budgets will continue to operate. My Department and, where appropriate, the efficiency audit group will, as heretofore, provide expert advice and assistance to enable Departments to improve their organisation, systems and procedures so as to secure optimum value for money and better service to the public within the parameters of the Government decision. As part of the incentive for better management of the administrative budget system, I am providing almost £7 million in respect of the carryover of savings on administrative expenditure.

Contributions towards State Security Service

In last year's budget, I announced that the Government was requesting the associated banks to make a contribution of £2 million towards the cost of security services, such as cash escorts, provided to the banks by the Garda Síochána and the Defence Forces.

I am making similar provision in today's budget for a contribution of £2 million by the banks in 1993 to offset some of these costs. The contribution will, as in 1992, be accounted for as Appropriations-in-Aid of the Defence and Garda Síochána Votes.

Non-Capital Supply Services

1993 Supply Services Expenditure

There is normally a considerable gap between the publication of the abridged Estimates Volume and the White Paper on receipts and expenditure. However, as this year's Abridged Estimates Volume was published within four days of the White Paper, the Estimates figures in both publications are consistent with one another.

I will, of course, be making adjustments to the White Paper provisions in respect of the spending initiatives which I will be announcing today. I will also be making minor adjustments to the published expenditure figures arising in the main from re-assessment of the 1992 end-year figures completed after the Estimates had gone to press. All of these adjustments are set out in the Principal Features.

I will mention some of the main features of the changes in the Government's expenditure provisions for 1993.

Social Welfare

Despite the difficult budgetary position for this year, the Government has decided to adhere as closely as possible to the commitments in the Programme for Government to support those dependent on social welfare and to make further progress in the implementation of the Commission on Social Welfare's proposals. Within the limited resources available, the Government is giving priority to the support of families with dependent children, in accordance with the provisions in relation to child income support in the Programme for Economic and Social Progress.

I am providing for increases in weekly social welfare payments broadly in line with the expected rate of inflation. I am also providing for additional increases for those on short term payments so as to bring those payments closer into line with the priority rates recommended by the Commission on Social Welfare. All long term payments are, of course, already in excess of the priority rates and the increases I am providing today will ensure that they remain so.

Weekly Welfare Payments

I am providing for a 3.5 per cent increase, with effect from late July, in all weekly personal and adult dependant allowance payments, including health allowances. In broad terms, this should maintain the purchasing power of these payments. While I am providing for a somewhat lower increase for child dependant allowances, I am making significant improvements in child benefit which I will deal with shortly. The 3.5 per cent increase will cost about £50 million this year and as much as £113 million in a full year.

Child Benefit

In recognition of the cost of rearing children and in line with the objective in the Programme for a Partnership Government and Programme for Economic and Social Progress regarding child income support, I am providing, with effect from September, for an increase of £4.20 per month in the rate of child benefit for the first, second and third child in all families. This means that the monthly rate will go up from £15.80 to £20, an increase of nearly 27 per cent. The rate for the fourth child and subsequent children is being rounded up to £23 per month. The cost of the child benefit improvements this year will be just over £16 million. The full year cost will be nearly £50 million.

Special Increases in Short Term Rates

The Government's room for manoeurve regarding the Commission on Social Welfare's recommended priority rate in respect of short term payments is severely constrained by the overall financial position and the priority being afforded this year to child benefit. In the circumstances, it is not possible to bridge the remaining gap fully this year. A further step is, however, being made and, as from late July, all those on short term payments will receive an increase of nearly 5 per cent. Also, as a special measure, I am increasing the carer's allowance from £53 per week to £59.20 per week, an increase of 11.7 per cent. This valuable increase will be of benefit to those people who, on a full-time basis, look after elderly and incapacitated people in our community.

Four thousand out of 60,000.

(Interruptions.)
PRSI Ceilings and Rates

PRSI rates for employers, employees and self-employed will remain at current levels in 1993-94. The PRSI ceiling will increase from £20,300 to £21,300 for employers and from £19,000 to £20,000 for employees and the self-employed.

Family Income Supplement

The family income supplement is an important scheme which supplements the incomes of those in low paid employment and in that way safeguards their incentive to take up available employment.

I am again making further improvements this year in this scheme which are designed to secure its effectiveness in maintaining the incentive to work. Details of the improvements will be announced by the Minister for Social Welfare. The cost of the FIS will be £2.5 million this year and more than £5 million in a full year.

Grants to Voluntary Bodies

In recognition of the valuable work carried out by voluntary and community groups the Government has decided to allocate an additional £1.37 million for the support of these groups in 1993. This is on top of the £3.36 million provided for in the published Estimates bringing the total for 1993 to £4.73 million. This provision includes a special allocation of £500,000 for the Respite Care Trust Fund. The fund will be used to finance occasional breaks for carers who look after disabled people in the home. I am providing also £25,000 to the national office of the Catholic Marriage Advisory Council, £25,000 to Marriage Counselling Services Ltd., and £30,000 to the Fountain Resource Group. The balance of the moneys will be used to finance various other organisations working with the elderly, the disadvantaged, the disabled, the homeless and other deserving groups. Further details of the organisations being assisted will be announced by the Minister for Social Welfare.

Year of the Elderly

This year has been designated as European Year of the Elderly. In recognition of this, I have decided to grant free colour rather than black and white TV licences to certain pensioners mainly those on limited means.

People might not get into hospital, but they will get their television licences.

The Minister for Social Welfare will announce details shortly. I will be referring to other measures affecting the elderly in the health and social housing areas.

Social Welfare Improvements

A number of important initiatives has been decided by the Government which will be of significant benefit to particular groups. These will cost more than £1.5 million this year and more than £3 million in a full year. Details of the initiatives will be provided by the Minister for Social Welfare.

Total Cost of Social Welfare Package

The total cost of the package of improvements for social welfare is £75.5 million in 1993 and about £180 million in a full year. At a time of exceptional budgetary constraint, this year's budget provision is a significant addition to the 1993 Estimates allocation for social welfare benefits and allowances. It means that the total spending on social welfare in 1993 will be approximately £3.7 billion. This is a substantial sum and it shows the high priority which the Government continues to attach to the less well-off in our society.

In accordance with our objective of improving the public health services. I have provided £20 million in this budget for the reduction of hospital waiting lists. The priority areas are orthopaedics, especially hip replacements, eye defects, particularly cataracts, ear, nose and throat, heart by-pass, varicose veins and plastic surgery. The aim is to reduce substantially all hospital waiting lists.

In the health community care area, I am continuing the process of implementing the social aspects of the Programme for Economic and Social Progress, begun two years ago. I am providing an additional £8 million for services mainly for people with a mental handicap. This will provide additional residential and day care places, emergency and respite care, support for up to 1,000 extra people caring at home for sons and daughters with mental handicap, as well as developing education and training facilities. It will also enable residential facilities to be provided so that more people with mental handicap will be housed in local communities. These initiatives will help to meet the growing needs of people with mental handicap and those caring for them.

Further, an additional sum of £4 million has been provided in the Estimates for the elderly in respect of subsidising the cost of private nursing home care for those who need nursing but who cannot afford to meet the full cost themselves. A provision of an extra £2 million has also been made in the Estimates for the development of the public dental services.

Education

I am providing an additional £3.3 million for improvements in the Education area. This will provide particularly for measures to relieve disadvantage, allow for the establishment of a fund for guidance and counselling at second-level and, together with co-financing from the EC and the European Social Fund in particular will allow for an increase of 900 places in the vocational training opportunities scheme from September next.

Agriculture

Last year, I provided £1 million to Teagasc towards an advisory service in connection with the small farm development programme. I am providing an additional £1 million for this purpose in 1993. I am also providing £400,000 for a pig evaluation programme, £250,000 for research in the food area and I am restoring the grant to farm and rural development organisations. I am conscious that the recent bad weather has caused considerable problems for the seed potato growers particularly in the Donegal area and I am providing £1 million to assist the affected growers to survive the disaster. The Minister for Agriculture, Food and Forestry will be making an announcement on the matter shortly.

CAP Reform Schemes

The reform of the common agricultural policy involves considerable administrative work in connection with the implementation of schemes introduced as a result of the reform. I am providing approximately £4 million for additional staff and consequential costs in the Department of Agriculture, Food and Forestry for the above mentioned schemes and also for additional controls required for intervention, export refunds and milk quotas. Allowing for savings, I expect the net cost of this agriculture package to be about £3 million. I will be referring to further measures affecting the agriculture sector when I come to taxation.

An Ghaeltacht

Tá milliún punt go leith á chur ar fáil agam don Roinn Ealaíon, Cultúir agus na Gaeltachta ionas go bhféadfar tosnú ar réiteach suíomh, ar an n-áirítear diúscairt carraigeacha agus obair thógala, in ndáil le feabshú na saoráidí calaíochta ar Inis Meáin agus Inis Oírr, Contae na Gaillimhe.

RTE

The House will be aware that it is intended to introduce legislation to repeal section 3 of the Broadcasting Act, 1990 which put in place certain restrictions, known as the "cap", on RTE's advertising revenue. The Government has considered how RTE's accumulated income in excess of the cap, approximately £17.5 million, should be disposed of. Faoi mar a ghealladh i gClár an Rialtais, tá ceithre mhilliún punt go leith a sholáthar ionas go bhfeadfar tús a chur le bunú Telefís na Gaeilge. The Government has decided that the balance of £13 million should be paid into the Exchequer.

Social Housing

Housing is a basic need. I have therefore provided increased resources for social housing in the 1993 Estimates and the Public Capital Programme. These extra resources should ensure that the total output of social housing units will increase significantly. In 1992, 6,000 households were provided with social housing and this will increase to almost 7,000 in 1993 and 9,000 in 1994 — an increase of 50 per cent over a two-year period. In relation to the remedial works programme, provision has already been made for expenditure of £16 million, and I am providing a further £1 million for the renovation of flats, mainly for the elderly in the Dublin inner city area. This demonstrates clearly this Government's determination to make housing available to those who cannot afford to provide it from their own resources.

Official Development Assistance

The objective set out in the Programme for a Partnership Government of providing Official Development Assistance of 0.2 per cent of GNP was met by the provision in the 1993 Estimates published last week. This represents a very considerable improvement on the 1992 figure of about 0.16 per cent of GNP and will give a substantial boost to the scale and impact of our assistance to the Third World.

Co-operation Agreement with European Bank for Reconstruction and Development

I am making £80,000 available to enable Ireland to participate in the funding of technical assistance to Central and Eastern European and former Soviet Union countries under the arrangements currently operated by the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development. Irish consultancy firms may as a result be facilitated to avail of the opportunities for consultancy assignments in these countries.

Public Capital Programme

The summary Public Capital Programme published last week provided for expenditure of £2,216 million. This represented an increase of more than £370 million or 20 per cent on the 1992 outturn and allowed for Exchequer-financed spending to rise by £88 million or 11 per cent, and non-Exchequer financed spending by £285 million or 28 per cent. All available EC funds under the Community Support Framework will be fully drawn down by the end of this year in line with the present Structural Funds programme.

As already outlined, I am also providing an additional £148 million in respect of projects aided under the Cohesion Fund. Part of this expenditure is non-Exchequer, and the net cost to the Exchequer, taking account of Cohesion Fund receipts expected this year, will be of the order of £27 million. Including the Cohesion Fund addition, and miscellaneous other provisions to the Public Capital Programme, the year-on-year increase in capital spending will total almost £500 million, or 27 per cent.

Expenditure affecting the construction industry in the Public Capital Programme is estimated at £1,367 million or about 22 per cent more than last year. This increase is expected to contribute more than 6 per cent to construction industry output in 1993 and should generate up to 3,500 direct and indirect jobs in the construction industry. Indeed, it is estimated that the building and construction component of the programme already directly supports more than 29,000 jobs, with many more jobs indirectly supported by this expenditure.

The combination of the Public Capital Programme, the Cohesion Fund expenditure and the additional expenditure for the enterprise partnership boards is by any standards a very substantial investment stimulus to the economy and a considerable boost to employment.

Non Programme Outlays

The provision in the White Paper on Receipts and Expenditure for non-programme outlays is £67 million. This provision allows the Government to meet financial restructuring costs, such as increased State equity in State-sponsored bodies, together with miscellaneous capital payments.

Aer Lingus

The Programme for Government contains a commitment that the Government will ensure a commercial future for the national airline. Like virtually every airline in the world, Aer Lingus is experiencing difficult trading conditions but it is a large and diverse group with a wide spread of interests and very substantial assets. While not minimising the group's present problems, one should not exaggerate them.

The board of Aer Lingus has put forward its recovery proposals and these are being considered by the Minister for Transport, Energy and Communications. Subject to the constraints on the national finances, which rule out very large injections of equity in the group by the Exchequer, the Government will be prepared to support a viable and convincing recovery plan.

So much for 14,000 first preferences in Dublin North.

Asset Sales

Receipts of £150 million in respect of asset disposals are included in the budgetary arithmetic. In carrying through these sales, the Government will be guided by the principles set out in the Programme for a Partnership Government.

TAXATION

I come now to the subject of taxation.

Review of Tax Policy

The Government is committed, through the Programme for a Partnership Government, to continuing the process of tax reform. Our guiding principle in that regard will be to shape the tax system so that it best supports our employment objectives. We have defined a number of priorities with this, and the broad equity of the system, in mind. Taxation reform, however, must be consistent with overall bugetary requirements. It is possible, though many would prefer not to see it this way, to have reform without overall relief.

The past few years have, of course, seen wide-ranging reforms, aided by the revenue buoyancy associated with growth. Significant base-broadening and rationalisation measures were implemented across the tax code. Tax collection and enforcement were considerably improved. These factors, with a significantly increased contribution from the corporate sector, helped make possible notable improvements in personal income tax, particularly lower marginal rates on a broad front. At the same time, we made substantial progress in restructuring VAT and excise duties in preparation for the Single Market, indeed to the extent that this event passed almost without notice last month. Those reforms were pursued on a basis fully consistent with sound budgetary policy; indeed, they went hand-in-hand with a considerable improvement in the Exchequer finances and the debt to GNP ratio.

Though the budgetary circumstances of 1993 require the raising of additional revenue, we have been concerned to raise these extra revenues in the fairest possible way. A key concern was that the position of the low-paid should, if possible, be improved. In striking a balance between the various tax-headings, we were conscious that a tax system supportive of employment is one which seeks to minimise its impact on incentives to work, effort, enterprise and productive investment. For that reason, we have decided to rely on taxes on spending and assets for the greater part of the needed revenues. We have also made a provision for a number of measures which should encourage business investment, in parallel with the emphasis on this aspect of public spending.

Personal Income Tax

Significant progress was achieved in income tax reform during the period of the Programme for National Recovery and the Programme for Economic and Social Progress. Over that period, rates were reduced substantially on a broad front, the standard rate being cut from 35 per cent to 27 per cent and the higher rates consolidated into a single 48 per cent top rate. Substantial improvement was also made in the exemption limits and the standard band was widened. An integral part of that strategy was a broadening of the tax base generally so as to make the system more equitable and more consistent with the economy's needs and, of course, to provide funding for the tax improvements.

The new Government programme defines our priority objectives. I must emphasise, however, that this is a five-year programme; the objectives set must be seen both in that context and in relation to the programme's overriding commitment to budgetary discipline. In this year's circumstances there is no choice but to seek a revenue contribution from the income tax area. However, I have sought to keep it to a minimum, and to find room for some desirable improvements.

Income Levy

Despite the budgetary constraints facing them, the Government has decided not to increase income tax rates which would involve reversing some of the major progress made in the income tax area in the last few years. However, it has decided to introduce a temporary income levy as a means of seeking an equitable contribution from all income earners in a position to bear such a burden. The levy will apply to all income on a similar basis to the existing health and employment levies and not just to employment income. The new levy will be at a rate of 1 per cent but with an income exemption in order to protect the lower paid. In the case of the self-employed, exemption will apply where income for the year is not greater than £9,000. In the case of employees, the levy will not be payable in any week where income is not greater than £173. In setting the income threshold at this level rather than at the general income tax exemption limits, the potential full-year yield from the levy is diminished by some £20 million. However, by doing so, I have ensured that a further 217,000 taxpayers will not be affected by the levy — over and above the 290,000 who are exempted from income tax. The resulting shortfall must be found elsewhere. I believe that the higher exemption threshold is fully justified from the view point of work-incentives and general equity.

In addition all medical card-holders, including those whose income is above £9,000 per annum, will be exempt from the levy. Welfare payments will also be exempt from the new levy and such payments will not be taken into account in determining whether an individual qualifies for an income exemption from the levy. Unlike the existing levies which applied in the early eighties, employers will not be required to bear the cost of the new income levy in respect of employees holding medical cards. This will ensure that the new levy does not impose additional costs on employers. The levy should yield £78 million in 1993 and £130 million in a full year.

The introduction of the new levy has to be seen against the background of the income increases and tax improvements of recent years, which have produced a significant increase in real take-home pay and incomes generally. I would again emphasise that the new levy is temporary and the Government is satisfied that all taxpayers, having benefited in recent years, would be prepared to make a small sacrifice now to help the maintenance both of a sound budgetary policy as an essential element in employment strategy and of adequate social services and programmes. The cost of the changes in the social welfare area alone this year amounts to about £75 million.

Allowances and other aspects

The income tax priorities set out in the Programme for Government are to remove the low-paid, especially families, from the tax net and to broaden the standard band. In line with these priorities, I am proposing the following measures today:

—the personal allowance is being increased by £150 for a married couple and £75 for a single person, with comparable increases in the widowed, single parent and widowed parent allowances;

—the standard rate tax band is being extended from £14,950 to £15,350 for a married couple and £7,475 to £7,675 for a single person;

—the general exemption limits are being increased from £7,000 to £7,200 for a married couple and from £3,500 to £3,600 for a single person. The exemption limits for elderly taxpayers are being increased by a similar amount. The child addition is being increased by £50 per child for all children. This means that, in future, the child addition will be £350 per child for the first and second child and £550 per child for the third child and subsequent children.

It is estimated that these changes will remove 13,500 taxpayers from the tax net and will cost an estimated £37.6 million in 1993. I am also renewing the PRSI allowance for a further year, at a 1993 cost of £36 million.

Unavoidably, the new income levy will offset the benefits of these changes for middle and higher income taxpayers but the net outcome will be positive for taxpayers earning up to £9,000 per annum; in the case of those with larger families, there will be a net benefit up to higher income levels.

Details of the mainstream income tax changes, showing their effect on different income categories, are contained in the Principal Features of the Budget. As usual, the Revenue Commissioners will be sending an information leaflet about the exemption limit changes to low paid taxpayers over the coming weeks; the leaflet will also contain details of the improvements in the family income supplement scheme operated by the Department of Social Welfare.

Mortgage Interest Relief

The Programme for Government states that mortgage interest relief will be maintained and that the Government will consider measures in the 1993 Budget to relieve the position faced by mortgage holders while the present high interest rates last.

Mortgage interest relief is one of the most expensive tax reliefs and its cost to the Exchequer increases as mortgage rates increase. The full-year cost to the Exchequer of a 3 per cent rise in mortgage rates, which is broadly what has happened since last September, is about £40 million. The counterpart of the increased cost of the relief is that those with interest below the current ceilings are entitled, as matters stand, to the available relief on the increase in their outgoings. By approaching the Revenue Commissioners, they can ensure that this higher relief is reflected in their 1993-94 tax free allowance certificates and also get relief in respect of 1992-93.

At the same time, the Government recognises that people with larger borrowings, many of whom are heavily burdened, have got no such respite. Accordingly, it has been decided to increase the interest ceilings from £2,000 (single) and £4,000 (married) to £2,500 and £5,000, respectively. The new ceiling for widowed people will be £3,600 compared with £2,900 at present.

We have also decided on a further measure directed at first-time purchasers with effect from the 1993-94 tax year. The percentage allowable of such persons for the first three tax years in which they claim mortgage interest relief will be increased to 100 per cent, subject, of course, to the new ceilings, after which they will revert to the normal percentage rate. In the case of people who start to claim mortgage interest relief on or after 6 April next, the 100 per cent rate will apply for the next three tax years. People who started to claim mortgage interest relief in the tax year 1991-92 or later will also benefit as follows:

(1) people whose first claim was in 1992-93 will get the extra relief in 1993-94 and the following tax year;

(2) people whose first claim was in the 1991-92 tax year will get the extra relief in the 1993-94 tax year.

The Government has decided that, because of the very high level of mortgage rates in recent months, some more general but temporary measure is also warranted. Thus, for the coming tax year, the percentage of interest qualifying for relief will be increased exceptionally from 80 per cent to 90 per cent. This will benefit those below the current ceilings as well as those assisted by the general increase in the ceilings; on that account, it adds substantially to the overall cost.

The Exchequer could not support the full cost of this package, and it would be unreasonable to ask the general body of taxpayers, many of whom are not so fortunate as to own their own homes, to carry it. Accordingly, it has been decided that a part should be met by a limited curtailment of the relief, affecting mainly those home-owners who, while benefiting from the new provisions, are not greatly burdened by higher mortgage rates. To this end it has been decided to introduce a de minimis exclusion for mortgage interest relief of £100 for single and widowed persons and £200 for married couples. The effect of this measure will be to disallow for the purpose of relief the first £100/£200 of interest currently allowable. The cost of this measure for a married couple with an income under £20,000 or so would be confined to £54 per annum, at most.

In fact, any married couple with more than £15,000 outstanding on their mortgage will gain overall from the new arrangements. Obviously the greater the mortgage burden the more will be the benefit, subject of course to the new ceiling. The estimated net cost of the combined measures is about £17.5 million in 1993, and £29 million in a full year. I am asking the Revenue Commissioners to publicise the arrangements for these changes as soon as possible, including the availability of additional relief which may arise for 1992-93 in certain cases.

Business Expansion Scheme

The business expansion scheme, which was restructured in the 1991 Finance Act with a view to focusing the support it gives to equity investments on smaller, riskier companies in sectors with the capacity to generate sustainable output and jobs, remains in effect until 5 April 1993.

The Programme for a Partnership Government stated that, to encourage productive investment resulting in job creation, the business expansion scheme would be extended. In fulfilment of that commitment and in view of the employment potential of the scheme, I propose to renew the BES for a further three years, that is up to 5 April 1996. I believe that this renewal is justified on the basis of maintaining the scheme's current focus on economic sectors and firms that are both high-risk and offer a prospect of extra sustainable output and jobs. From the standpoint of ensuring that essential focus, I propose to maintain the company limit at its current level of £500,000.

I am also abolishing the £75,000 lifetime cap for individual investors in respect of subscriptions made on or after today though I would point out that the lifetime cap is not being removed in respect of subscriptions made prior to today. This will mean that BES projects can immediately begin to raise money from investors who were previously excluded by the cap. The cost of extending the BES is estimated at £5 million in 1993 and £13.5 million in a full year. The extension of the BES and removal of the lifetime cap will provide a significant boost to business.

Special Investment Accounts

The BES scheme is designed to encourage direct personal investment in smaller companies. To provide a further incentive aimed at generating employment, the Government introduced special investment accounts from 1 February. These accounts are designed to encourage collective investment in Irish companies and direct personal investment in publicly quoted companies and they can be offered by life assurance companies, unit trusts and stockbrokers. They are taxed at a special low tax rate of 10 per cent which applies to all income and capital gains. To ensure that the investments are in line with the needs of the economy, these accounts are required to have a minimum percentage of their total investments in Irish equities. This minimum is 40 per cent in year one rising to 55 per cent over four years. There is a further provision requiring that 6 per cent of the investment is made in smaller Irish companies in the first year, rising to 15 per cent over four years. In addition, there is an extra tax incentive for investments in ‘venture capital' companies whereby both the income and capital gains on such investments will be ignored for tax purposes.

Pension Fund Investment

The largest group of investors in Ireland are pension funds. The total value of Irish pension funds is now over £9,000 million and their total annual cash flow and investment income is of the order of £750 million. Occupational pension schemes obtain very favourable treatment in the taxation system. While it has been suggested that these concessions warrant some form of taxation of the pension funds' income, I am not proposing to alter the present situation in that regard.

The Government considers that Irish pension funds have a national responsibility to take the needs of the Irish economy, particularly the need for more jobs, into account when making their investment decisions, and that they should make a greater contribution to the development of employment. These funds should, therefore, invest as much as possible of their assets in Ireland and should reverse the trend of recent years which have seen the Irish share of their total assets dropping from 79 per cent at the end of 1988 to 68 per cent at the end of 1991. Given that employer contributions account for the bulk of the annual cash flows of the funds, there should be an obvious self-interest on the part of the pension funds to help Irish business. This will be to the long term mutual advantage of both Irish companies and employees. In order to assist this process of increased Irish investment, I propose to enter into immediate discussions with the representatives of Irish pension funds. The aim will be to set up a suitable mechanism for getting the pension funds to invest more in Irish job-creation projects, particularly in the manufacturing sector. It is my intention that this new initiative will come into operation within the next few months and thereby give an early boost to job-creation in the areas selected.

Small Business Start-up and Development

I am very conscious of the vital role played by small firms, especially those in the exposed sectors, in our economy and in the provision of self-sustaining employment. If we are to make headway on employment, we need more people of enterprise. One of the crucial elements in getting such business on their feet is ‘seed capital'. Understandably, getting capital for business start-ups in high risk sectors is not easy, although the State agencies play an important role in that context. In renewing the business expansion scheme, now focused firmly on the high-risk sectors, and opening it up to a wider pool of investors, my aim has been to improve the flow of equity capital to such business. As I have indicated, I have also included in the special investment account arrangements and inducement, to the savings institutions to take more interest in this area.

I am aware, however, that the crucial factor in many business start-ups is the owner's own capital injection. This is an area at which I will be looking in the Finance Bill together with the question of incentives for employee investment. It will be understood that, given the capacity for many well-intentioned tax incentives to be transformed into ‘tax shelters', resulting in a loss of revenue for little real economic benefit, any action in this area needs very careful consideration.

Disability Benefit

The 1992 Finance Act included a provision to enable specified social welfare benefits to be made reckonable for tax purposes. To bring this into effect, a commencement order must get the approval of the House. I propose that from 6 April next all disability benefit will be reckonable for tax purposes. A draft commencement order is being laid before the House today and a motion on the order will be taken as soon as possible. For those in employment, the system of taxation will involve their tax free allowances being reduced by the amount of DB paid. It will also mean that no tax refunds will be paid while such people are claiming DB. For those not in employment, arrangements are being put in place between the Department of Social Welfare and the Revenue Commissioners to allow taxation, where appropriate. Whether taxation liability will actually arise in a particular case will of course, depend largely on whether the recipient has any other income and the amount of that income. The estimated yield from this change is £10 million in 1993.

Stock Relief for Farmers

The present system of stock relief for farmers is due to expire on 5 April 1993. I will examine over the next month the question of the possible continuation of this relief in the light of all relevant factors, including changes in the Common Agricultural Policy. An announcement will be made on the matter prior to the commencement of the next year.

Tax Clearance for licences

In last year's budget I announced my intention to extend the tax clearance arrangements to applications for licences. The measures in the Finance Act, 1992, which concentrated on liquor retailers' licences issued by the Revenue Commissioners, have proved very successful. I now propose to further extend the tax clearance requirements to other excise licences issued by Revenue. The extension will apply in 1993 to bookmakers and certain gaming licences. In the case of licences for auctioneers, hydrocarbon oil and LPG vendors and dealers in spirits, beer and wine and other gaming licences, it will not apply until 1994 as the legislation in the 1993 Finance Bill will not be passed in time to allow a smooth introduction in relation to the 1993 issue of licences. This measure is expected to yield £2 million in 1993.

The extension of tax clearance to other public licences is being considered in my Department.

Overall effect of Income Tax measures

In line with the commitment in the Programme for a Partnership in Government, I have made every effort in the income tax area to protect the low-paid, particularly families. The personal allowance is being increased. The standard rate band is being extended for the sixth budget in succession and is now 63 per cent wider than it was in 1987. The increase in exemption limits will be of further benefit to the lower-paid taxpayer whose position has been substantially improved over the past few years. Some 13,500 taxpayers with 12,000 children will be exempted by the changes, and a further 14,200 taxpayers with 14,700 children will be brought into marginal relief. We have thus gone some way towards meeting the income tax objectives set out in the Programme for Government. The overall income taxation package I have mentioned will, notwithstanding the new temporary levy, cost £8 million in 1993.

I turn now to the area of capital taxation.

Capital Taxes

Farm Transfers

The Government wants to encourage the early transfer of farms to young farmers. To help meet this objective, I am allocating £1 million to finance the cost of the EC early retirement scheme this year. The rate of European Community part funding of the scheme will be 75 per cent. The details of this scheme are currently being finalised and will be announced by my colleague, the Minister for Agriculture, Food and Forestry, as soon as he has received the necessary EC approval for the scheme.

In line with the commitment contained in the Programme for Government, I propose to increase agricultural relief in respect of capital acquisitions tax on gifts from 55 per cent of eligible assets with a ceiling of £200,000——

Now we know where the Minister's heart is.

——to 75 per cent of eligible assets with a ceiling of £250,000. All farmers with potential liabilities to capital acquisitions tax will be able to benefit from this change which should have a positive impact on the land transfer environment for the family farm. The enhanced relief, which will be provided for in the Finance Bill, is estimated to cost £0.3 million in 1993 rising to an annual cost of £1 million after a number of years. I am confident that these two measures will make a significant contribution to the structural reform of farm holdings and assist the early transfer of farms to the younger generation.

Taxation of Inheritance

The Programme for Economic and Social Progress contains a commitment to increase the tax yield from capital taxes. A number of changes have been made over the last few years to rationalise capital taxes and ensure a fairer distribution of the tax burden. However, it remains the position that many inheritances pass from one generation to the next without incurring any tax liability. While full taxation of these inheritances might not be warranted, it is certainly true that in current economic circumstances a small charge can easily be justified. It is therefore proposed to introduce a 2 per cent probate tax to be payable on all estates valued at more than £10,000. The tax will apply to all assets passing on inheritance, except the family home where that is inherited by the spouse of the deceased. Hardship provisions, similar to those which already exist for capital acquisitions tax, will apply to this tax. The tax will come into effect in respect of deaths occurring after the date of passing of the 1993 Finance Act and is estimated to yield about £6 million in 1993 and about £12 million in a full year.

(Interruptions.)

A tax on the dead.

We cannot afford to die now.

Anti-avoidance measures

It has come to my attention that two significant avoidance schemes have been devised by certain wealthy taxpayers to reduce or eliminate the capital acquisitions tax charge which would otherwise arise on the transfer of their assets. I intend to ensure that there is no possibility that such schemes will have the intended effect. I am proposing therefore to make certain changes to counter these schemes which will take effect on and from today. The detailed legislation will be included in the Finance Bill. Firstly, the valuation method for shares in private non-trading companies for capital acquisition tax purposes is being changed from a "winding-up" value to a "market value" basis. Secondly, the existing provisions which seek to ensure that capital acquisition tax on a gift cannot be avoided by incorporating a gift within a sale are being extended. More details of the changes are contained in the Principal Features of the Budget.

Tax clearance for Residential Property Tax

The Finance Bill will provide for a system of tax clearance relating to residential property tax. This is in order to ensure that persons selling a residential property which may be liable to Residential Property Tax have met their obligations in that regard. From now on, anybody selling a residential property valued above the residential property tax threshold will have to provide the purchaser with a certificate from the Revenue Commissioners stating that the seller's residential property tax liabilities relating to the property have been paid. If such a certificate is not forthcoming, the purchaser will be required to deduct an amount from the purchase price and remit it to the Revenue, where it would be held on account against the eventual settlement of the vendor's residential property tax liabilities. The amount to be deducted will be the full residential property tax calculated on the purchase price multiplied by the number of years that the vendor has owned the property, up to a maximum of five years. I wish to emphasise that this measure is directed at improved compliance, not at increasing any householder's Residential Property Tax liability. It is expected that this measure will yield about £500,000 in 1993 rising to about £1 million a year subsequently.

Stamp Duty

I propose to make three changes relating to stamp duty. The stamp duty levied on non-life insurance policies is being increased from 1 per cent to 2 per cent with immediate effect. This change will yield an estimated £9 million in 1993 and £11 million in a full year. This increase in the charge, however, will not mean a cost increase for policy-holders relative to the position in 1992, as the special 1 per cent levy on these policies in respect of the Insurance Compensation Fund terminated on 31 December 1992.

The Minister is grabbing it himself.

In the case of the stamp duty on new houses, there is an anomaly at the upper end of the new house market whereby estate houses with a floor area over 125 square metres attract a stamp duty charge on the full house price, whereas for individually constructed houses, stamp duty is usually payable only on the site value of the property. In order to rectify this situation, I am proposing to base the stamp duty charge for all new houses over 125 square metres on the site value only but subject to a minimum site value of one quarter of the total house value. The stamp duty exemption for new houses up to 125 square metres will remain. This change, which will take effect from tomorrow, will mean a considerable reduction in the duty payable on new estate houses in excess of 125 square metres. This will be of benefit to families needing more spacious accommodation and should also give a boost to this segment of house building, thereby helping employment. The cost is estimated to be £1 million in 1993 and £1.3 million in a full year.

I am also proposing a technical amendment to the stamp duty provisions in relation to ATM cards to ensure that the duty is payable by all banks in 1993.

Company Taxation

As this House will be aware, one of the factors contributing to the budgetary difficulty in 1993 is the impact on Exchequer cash-flow of adjustments to certain features of our tax system necessitated by the single European market. A measure taken to avert a possible outflow of funds from the economy on the abolition of exchange controls was the making available to companies of DIRT-free deposit facilities in Ireland. This took effect from 1 January last. While the liability to tax on deposit interest is not affected, the Exchequer is at a cash-flow loss arising from the fact that companies will not now be required to pay the tax until well after the end of the accounting period in which the income arose. For the calendar year 1993, the tax revenue from the corporate sector as a result of this change will be down by some £35 million.

The abolition of the VAT charge at point-of-entry on goods sourced in other Community member-states means a shortfall in Exchequer receipts in 1993 of some £200 million. I have made it quite clear that a fall in revenues of this magnitude could simply not be countenanced and that I would have to look to other aspects of the VAT payment system to cover that cost. However, even taking into account the intended replacement measures, there will be a net shortfall of some £25 million in VAT receipts at the end of 1993. This figure, in fact, understates the repercussions in that it ignores the adverse effect on intra-year VAT cash-flow.

Since the Exchequer loss is the business sector's gain, I feel that it is reasonable to look to the tax payment arrangements for the corporate sector as a means of securing a partial offset to these cash-flow losses. Accordingly, it is now proposed to align the payment date for mainstream corporation tax, currently payable seven months after the end of the accounting period, with that for advance corporation tax which is payable six months after the end of the accounting period.

The change will take place in respect of all accounting periods on or after 1 May 1993. The once-off Exchequer yield from this new arrangement is estimated at £37 million for this year.

While I appreciate that this measure, viewed in isolation, will add to the financing requirements of the corporate sector, I would emphasise that it must be seen in the context of the benefits flowing to that sector as a whole from the other changes I mentioned. I would stress also that it does not entail any increase in the overall tax burden on business, merely an acceleration of payments; indeed, the great majority of companies will not be affected in 1993. Moreover by aligning the payment dates for corporation tax and advance corporation tax, compliance costs will be reduced overall for the corporate sector as, balancing payments apart, all corporate tax liabilities will be accounted for on a single date.

I should say, at this point, that I am not asking the corporate sector for any contribution, other than in respect of cash-flow, to budgetary correction this year. I am sure that those affected will recognise that this course is clearly preferable to the alternative, namely a definitive increase in taxation on companies or otherwise, or an addition to the level of Exchequer borrowing. Neither of these alternatives would be in the wider interests of the economy.

Urban Renewal Incentives

In regard to the urban renewal incentives, it has come to my attention that difficulties are being experienced in a number of cases in meeting the foundation-laying deadline of end-May 1993 in respect of new construction projects. In the interest of assisting the construction sector and promoting urban renewal and employment in the areas affected, I have decided to extend the deadline for the laying of foundations by six months to end-November 1993. To allow for the orderly completion of late-starting projects, I am extending the final deadline for the urban renewal incentives to 31 July next year. I must emphasise, however, that there is no question of extending these deadlines further.

General Background to Indirect Tax Policy

I turn now to indirect taxation. As well as responding to domestic requirements, recent budgetary policy in this area has had to have particular regard to the Community dimension. To the extent possible, efforts were made to ensure that, in order to maximise the wide economic benefits which full and immediate participation in the internal market would convey, domestic action was broadly consistent with the emerging agreements at Community level.

The combination of these past initiatives and the comprehensive programme of legislative and administrative measures put in place during 1992 meant that the changeover to the new internal market arrangements from 1 January last went smoothly and with a minimum of disruption. Trade with our Community partners is now moving freely without reference to tax-related border checks. New systems are in place for charging and collecting the taxes involved. Private citizens have virtually unrestricted entitlements when purchasing goods for their own use in other member states. At this point, I wish to place on record the Government's appreciation of the co-operation and assistance received from the business community and their representatives throughout the economy. This greatly facilitated the entire process. A special word of thanks is in order for the officials of the Office of the Revenue Commissioners for the part they have played in managing these fundamental changes. The contribution of the motor industry in the introduction of the vehicle registration tax is also appreciated.

I will now outline my indirect tax proposals for this budget.

In regard to VAT, the measures I am announcing, in addition to fulfilling their primary purpose in raising extra revenue for budgetary consolidation, will be consistent with the provisions of the Community Directive on VAT rates adopted last October, will effect a considerable simplification and consolidation of the rating structure, and will take particular account of our employment needs.

Reduced Rates

To alter the VAT system in a way consistent with these considerations primarily requires changes to the existing 10 to 16 per cent rate categories. My intention is also to draw on the flexibility inherent in EC law to maintain reduced rating for the great majority of those activities currently at the 10 and 12.5 per cent rates. However, it is necessary to look at this area for a contribution towards budgetary balance. Accordingly, from 1 March, these two rates will be consolidated into a single 12.5 per cent rate. Among the areas affected will be hotel and holiday accommodation, newspapers, building services and short-term car-hire. I will have more to say about the latter two in a moment but, before I turn to them, I want to assure tourism interests that the increase in respect of accommodation and short-term car-hire will not affect contracts already entered into at the existing VAT rate.

EC law requires a fundamental change to the VAT treatment of building services. A division has ultimately to be made between house building, which may continue at a reduced rate, and other building, which must become subject to the standard rate. I do not, however, propose to introduce this distinction at this point. Nevertheless, as part of the move to a single reduced rate, building will become liable at the 12.5 per cent rate from 1 March. I will ensure that the local authority new house-building programme and the voluntary housing programme are not adversely affected by the rate increase. Because of the effect that this increase will have on the cost of new homes, I am also increasing the first-time buyer's grant from £2,000 to £3,000. In addition, provision will be made to cater for situations where contracts have already been signed by new house-purchasers.

Finally, in this area, I am proposing that poured concrete and concrete blocks will be standard-rated, also from 1 March. This measure will be of assistance to building enterprises which meet their tax obligations and face unfair competition from black economy activity within the sector.

The 16 per cent rate

The Community agreements permit the application of only one rate in excess of an agreed standard rate minimum level of 15 per cent. Accordingly, our current 16 and 21 per cent rates cannot continue to co-exist legally. Since budgetary circumstances dictate that, this year, the national standard rate must remain at 21 per cent, a range of 16 per cent rated activities will be increased to that level from 1 March. These include telecommunication services, adult clothing and footwear, auto-LPG and certain professional services related to farming.

(Interruptions.)

At present, a wide range of services of a labour-intensive nature are liable at the 16 per cent rate. I regard it as inappropriate in the present difficult employment situation to increase these to the standard VAT rate, even though that is what Community law eventually envisages. Accordingly with effect from 1 March, this group — which includes activities such as garage services, repair and maintenance services and various personal services, including hairdressing — will revert to the 12.5 per cent rate.

He did well today.

With a haircut like that and a hairshirt budget.

I would strongly urge all those interest groups involved who made numerous representations to me for such a reduction to ensure that the VAT cut is passed directly to their customers. To do otherwise would undermine totally the purpose of my initiative.

The rate reduction I have just announced demonstrates my commitment to the overriding employment need. I now wish to propose another measure in that regard. From 1 March next, the rate on flour confectionery and other bakery products, as well as non-chocolate biscuits, will be reduced from the standard rate of 21 per cent to 12.5 per cent.

(Interruptions.)

St. Valentine's Day is over.

There is a box of chocolates for everyone in the audience.

We debated this issue recently. I do not think it takes 10,000 people to make Marietta biscuits but it affects a huge number of jobs. I need hardly say that I expect to see this substantial tax reduction translated into an early price cut for the consumer. In taking this measure, I must also emphasise to the remainder of the business community whose food products are standard-rated that this is an entirely exceptional concession for the areas involved and does not represent a precedent in regard to their goods.

Car Hire Sector

The importance the Government attaches to the development of tourism, as a sector that can make a significant contribution to employment growth, is clear from our programme. The role of the car hire sector in facilitating this expansion is also recognised. Last year, I took an initiative which boosted the supply of cars available for hire to tourists in the peak season and I also ensured that this sector was not adversely affected by the introduction of vehicle registration tax. On this occasion, I propose to address, in a more fundamental way, both the peak season shortage issue and the wider viability problems within the sector, while also respecting the EC requirement that the standard rate of VAT must be applied to short-term car hire.

I propose to introduce a scheme of partial repayment of vehicle registration tax or excise in respect of cars being disposed of from the short-term hire fleet from 1 September next. This initiative will ensure that so long as vehicles remain within the hire fleet, they will effectively no longer bear any VAT or vehicle registration tax. Full details of the scheme will be included in the Bill. In association with this relief, I propose to increase the VAT rate on short-term car hire on a phased basis. The consolidated 12.5 per cent rate will apply over the period from 1 March to 31 August 1993, thus covering the peak tourism season; the definitive move to standard rating will take place on 1 September next. Pre-existing contracts for short-term hire will be exempted from these increases.

This package, while it should eventually be broadly revenue neutral, will improve the fiscal environment for car hire operators significantly on an ongoing basis. It means that the crucial business input for the sector will enjoy effective freedom from taxation, apart from normal road tax. In terms of the economics of peak season supply, a situation where taxation is levied on revenue from hiring, while being effectively removed from the cost end of the equation, is the optimum. Indeed, since the VAT treatment is governed by EC law, this represents the limit of what can be done in the fiscal area to underpin the viability of car hire.

As far as 1993 is concerned, the arrangements I am proposing will involve an Exchequer cost of £3 million. Of course, the counterpart of this cost is a similar cash injection for the sector. Given these additional resources and the fundamental improvement in their fiscal position, I expect the industry to respond by ensuring that capacity for the coming tourism season is sufficient.

I want to make it absolutely clear that the Government is not prepared to entertain any suggestion regarding the temporary importation of motor vehicles for this sector. Whatever apparent attractions this may have as a means of ensuring peak season supply, I am convinced that this approach is not in the interests of the car hire sector itself and is certainly contrary to those of the wider domestic motor trade as well as of the Exchequer.

Farmers' Flat Rate Refund

The level of farmer's flat rate refund is reviewed annually on the basis of macro-economic statistics for the farming sector for the previous three years, as is provided for in EC law. On this occasion, taking account of favourable VAT adjustments in recent years and movements in agricultural outputs and inputs, the refund falls to be revalued to 2.5 per cent with effect from 1 March. This revised rate will continue to compensate farmers fully for the VAT borne on their purchases.

VPE

Finally, we have to face the fact that one consequence of the elimination of border checks on intra-Community trade is a £200 million cash flow loss to the Exchequer from the abolition of VAT at point of entry. Measures with the aim of ensuring that this loss did not impact fully on the annual Exchequer accounts were announced by the Government last November but not proceeded with in the No. 2 Finance Act enacted in December. The main element in this regard was the introduction of an advance VAT payment for large remitters towards the end of this year. I shall be including these measures in this year's Finance Bill as, more than ever, overall budgetary circumstances preclude the option of the Exchequer absorbing the shortfall.

Excise Duties

I now come to excise duties. As with VAT, the principal legislative provisions of the Internal Market were put in place in 1992 and are in operation since 1 January last. However, a number of rate related issues remain to be settled and I am taking this opportunity to do so.

Heavy Fuel Oil

Excise duty rates on oil, tobacco and alcohol products must now respect EC-wide minimum rates of duty. In the main, Irish duty rates are already compatible with these minima; an exception concerns heavy fuel oil. In order to comply with the EC rules, I am replacing the current dual duty structure applying to this fuel when used by industry and in the generation of electricity with a single rate of duty set at the minimum EC rate. In consequence, the duty on heavy fuel oil when used by industry will be increased by 1p per gallon, but will fall by 2.5p per gallon when used in electricity generation; this latter reduction will facilitate cost containment within the ESB.

Pipe Tobacco

Internal Market rules dictate that a single rate of duty must apply to all pipe tobaccos. This will require the amalgamation of our current three duty categories. The new rate will be based on the weighted average of the three current rates.

Low Alcohol Products

In the area of alcohol taxation, one side effect of Internal Market changes has impacted adversely on wine based coolers, spritzers and the like. These products must now be taxed by reference to volume, as is the case for wine. As things stand, they are charged with the same rate of duty as ordinary wine, even though they may contain only one-third the amount of alcohol for a given volume. In order to rectify this inequity, I propose to avail of an optional provision in the EC rules which allows member states to reduce rates of duty for certain low alcohol products. Accordingly, I am introducing a reduced rate equivalent to one-third the standard wine rate for relevant products.

Liquified Petroleum Gas

In order to maintain the competitiveness of auto LPG with other road fuels in the context of the VAT increase I announced earlier, I am reducing the excise duty on the product by 5.5 pence per gallon from 1 March.

Gaming-Amusement Machines

The House will recall that a new excise licence for amusement machines was introduced last year. In response to representations which I have received from trade interests, I propose to make two changes in order to reflect more accurately the needs of operators particularly in seaside resorts. First, the commencement date for the three months' high season licence will be brought forward to 1 June. Second, a new category of licence will be introduced combining coverage of a six month period from 1 March and weekends and public holidays outside this period; the charge for this licence will be £60 per annum. Finally, in the context of the Finance Bill, I will be looking at a number of technical issues in this general area.

Mainstream Excises

I cannot leave excise duties without looking to this tax head for some additional revenue contribution in the very difficult budgetary circumstances prevailing. The increases which I will announce will take effect from midnight tonight.

Tobacco Products

I propose to increase the tax on cigarettes by 10p per packet of 20; pro rata increases will also apply to other tobacco products, apart from the new rate of duty on pipe tobacco to which I have already referred. I am very aware that, within the changed conditions of the Internal Market, the differences in taxation levied on cigarettes can give rise to cross Border trade diversion. In order to protect this source of revenue and minimise the scope for commercial smuggling, it is proposed to introduce tax stamps on cigarettes. This method of controlling and collecting duty is permissible under Community law and is already in use in various forms in the vast majority of EC member states. The timing of the introduction of the stamps will depend on the completion of the necessary arrangements between the trade and the Revenue authorities.

Cider and Perry

I am also increasing the duty payable on cider and perry. The tax on ordinary cider will be increased by 4p per pint. This will still leave those drinks taxed very favourably compared with beer and coolers.

The excise duty rates for alcohol products generally have not been increased since 1989 in recognition of the heightened risk of cross-Border trade diversion within an open border environment. Regrettably, the restraint shown in taxation has not been matched on the retail price front, at least in so far as the off-licence sector is concerned. I find it perverse in the extreme that the very group who appeal regularly to the Minister for Finance for leniency in taxing the products they sell should, by their own actions, consistently prejudice their own positions by their pricing behaviour over the counter. Despite this, I will continue the restrained approach on this occasion by not imposing any duty increase on drinks other than cider and perry. However, if the industry continues to take advantage of this approach, the Government will feel fully justified in reversing the significant real decline which has occurred in the tax element of drink in recent times.

Budgetary Impact

It is estimated that the indirect taxation changes I have announced, combining VAT and excises, will yield some £81 million this year and will add 0.4 percentage points to the Consumer Price Index.

International Financial Services Centre

I am anxious to ensure that the development and success of the International Financial Services Centre continues. Already there are about 1,300 jobs in place, with many more committed. In addition, IFSC companies have also contributed to substantial employment in the accounting, legal and general services sectors in the Dublin area.

New entrants to the centre can be approved up to the EC deadline of 31 December 1994. In recognition of the short time that is available to attract new entrants, a major marketing effort is under way by the IDA but also involving many IFSC companies themselves. I would be very confident that this will lead to many more projects being approved in the two years left and that the centre will continue to grow thereafter as approved companies expand and develop.

It is a measure of the success of the project that a very substantial proportion of the space in the existing buildings is now occupied. We can look forward this year and beyond to a significant increase in the level of building and construction activity in the area, with a consequent increase in employment. Further improvement in the take-up of potential and actual office space in the area can be expected as the building programme gets underway.

Post Budget Current Revenue Position

The net yield to the Exchequer in 1993 of the taxation measures I have outlined is £127 million. When this, and the effects on revenue buoyancy of the totality of the measures announced today are taken into account, the post budget tax revenue estimate comes to £9,485 million. When non-tax revenue of £473 million is added, total revenue comes to £9,958 million.

Budget Targets

On the basis of the various provisions which I have announced, the targets for borrowing for the coming year are as follows: current budget deficit: £522 million or 2 per cent of GNP; Exchequer borrowing requirement: £760 million or 2.9 per cent of GNP; and general Government deficit: £1,033 million or 3.4 per cent of GDP.

Conclusion

As I said at the outset, the Government in preparing this budget had to take account of many competing considerations and to confront many difficult choices. It had to be a pro-jobs budget, a pro-business budget, a budget that cares for all our people, a budget that continues the discipline we have shown in recent years.

It was a budget that had to be framed against an international backdrop that was generally unhelpful — in terms both of the fall-out from recent currency turbulence and of the many uncertainties on the external economic front. As a trading nation, and especially one with a heavy debt burden, we are very exposed to the prevailing winds, which are very changeable at present. At the same time, a strong trading performance is the ultimate source of our prosperity. That is why, to achieve growth and the jobs that it brings with it, we must strive above all else to improve our productivity and maintain our competitiveness.

The other crucial requirement is a set of domestic policies that are sound, consistent and clear. We must, at the end of the day, take the world as it is and adapt our policies to suit world market conditions. To stay competitive and create a basis for future jobs we must, as a society, forego current consumption in order to finance investment. That is the idea at the core of this budget. The rewards from such foresight on the part of all players in the economy will be substantial indeed.

This budget had, above all, to get the right balance between ensuring that economic growth is maintained at the highest level possible in the short-term and not putting at risk the conditions that are vital to long-term prosperity. Investment is the common thread. If the business investment that is crucial to sustained long-term growth is to come about, there must be financial stability and confidence in the way our affairs are managed. At the same time, investment represents an effective way of supporting activity in the economy. The Government is showing a lead by the massive injection of additional capital resources this year aimed at improving many aspects of the infrastructure of the State. These projects, as well as giving many new jobs in the implementation phase, will also serve to underpin the longer term growth potential of the economy.

The economic focus of this budget is firmly on what is needed to bring about a better employment performance. This is reflected not only in its emphasis on investment but also in the methods of raising additional revenues. By relying mainly on expenditure taxes, the need for recourse to income taxation, which is more relevant to incentive, was minimised. Indeed, within that area, I have found it possible to improve the position of the lower paid.

We must never lose sight of the fact that it is only by generating economic growth that real sustainable employment can be created for our people and that the resources needed to care for the less well off in our society will be available. Nevertheless the budget has a definite and significant social dimension. The position of the weaker members of our society is addressed in several respects, on both the expenditure and taxation sides. Moreover, despite the constraints, I have been able to give significant relief to those families most affected by high mortgage interest rates.

I am satisfied that this budget gives the highest priority to the creation and preservation of jobs, both short run and longer term; strikes an appropriate balance between fiscal prudence and maintaining investment and growth in the economy; gives the business community what it most needs to plan and undertake job creating investment, namely, a stable economic environment; looks to the long-term needs of the economy, in devoting very substantial resources to public sector investment; and is fair and equitable, in placing the burden of necessary adjustments on those who can bear it best, while protecting the less well of.

Accordingly, I commend it to this House.

TABLE EXPLANATORY OF CURRENT BUDGET, 1993

Revenue

Expenditure

£m

£m

1. Tax Revenue (including renewal of PRSI allowance).

9,289.0

1. Central Fund Services

2,902.8

2. Non-Tax Revenue (including extra £1.0 million National Lottery receipts)

472.9

2. Non-Capital Supply Services

7,463.8

Adjusted for:

Net revisions to Estimates

8.9

7,472.7

3. Deduct:

3. Social Welfare improvements

75.5

Income Tax reliefs:

Rate reductions, extension of standard band, and increased exemption limits

4. Other

– 37.6

—Enterprise Partnership Boards

25.0

Mortgage Interest relief

– 17.4

—Health:

Business Expansion Scheme

– 5.0

Waiting Lists

20.0

Mentally Handicapped, etc.

5.0

—Education

3.3

– 60.0

4. Add:

53.3

Other Income Tax measures:

11.0

Income Levy:

78.0

Corporation Tax measures:

37.0

5. Deduct:

VAT measures:

71.9

Estimated Departmental Balances

– 25.0

Excise Duty measures:

10.6

Stamp Duty Measures:

14.0

Capital Tax measures:

0.2

222.7

5. Net effect on tax revenue of tax and spending (Current and Capital) changes

33.0

7. Current Budget Deficit

521.7

10,479.3

10,479.3

DEPARTMENT OF FINANCE,

24 February, 1993

TABLE 1

1992 BUDGET OUTTURN

1992

Budget Estimate

Provisional Outturn

£m.

£m.

Current Budget

1. Expenditure

(i) Central Fund Services

2,808

2,726

(ii) Supply Services

6,840

7,080

9,648

9,806

2. Revenue

(i) Tax

8,866

8,910

(ii) Non-Tax

446

450

9,312

9,360

3. Current Budget Deficit

336

446

Capital Budget

4. Expenditure

(i) Public Capital Programme

1,907

1,846

(ii) Other (non-programme)

45

39

1,952

1,885

5. Resources

(i) Exchequer

636

610

(ii) Non-Exchequer

1,062

1,008

1,698

1,618

6. Exchequer Borrowing Requirement for Capital Purposes

254

267

7. Total Exchequer Borrowing Requirement (3+6)

590

713

8. Total Exchequer Borrowing Requirement as % of GNP (estimated)

(2.3)

(2.8)

TABLE 2

CURRENT GOVERNMENT EXPENDITURE AND REVENUE IN 1992

Current Expenditure

Current Revenue

Item

£m

% of gross expenditure

Item

£m

% of total

Service of Public Debt

Budget Deficit (financed by borrowing)

446

4.5

Central Fund Services

(part):

Interest

2,142

17.6

Sinking Funds, etc.

213

1.7

Total

2,355

19.3

Tax Revenue

Economic Services

Customs

125

1.3

Industry and Labour

280

2.3

Excise Duties

1,734

17.7

Agriculture

550

4.5

Stamp Duties

256

2.6

Fisheries, Forestry

34

0.3

Income Tax

3,413

34.8

Tourism

27

0.2

Corporation Tax

739

7.5

Value-Added Tax

2,177

22.2

Total

891

7.3

Motor Vehicle Duties

216

2.2

Capital Taxes

98

1.0

Employment and Training

143

1.5

Levy

Infrastructure

75

0.6

Agricultural Levies (EC)

9

0.1

Total

8,910

90.9

Social Services

Health

1,722

14.1

Education

1,569

12.9

Non-Tax Revenue

Social Welfare

3,534

29.0

Fee Stamps

27

0.3

Housing

5

0.1

Interest and Dividends on Exchequer Advances

Subsidies

167

1.4

139

1.4

Central Bank — Surplus Income

Total

6,997

57.5

131

1.3

Proceeds of National Lottery Surplus

89

0.9

Security

898

7.4

Miscellaneous

64

0.7

Other

961

7.9

Total

450

4.6

Gross Expenditure

12,177

100.0

Supply Service Receipts

2,371

Net Expenditure

9,806

Total Revenue

9,806

100.0

TABLE 3

CURRENT GOVERNMENT EXPENDITURE 1989-1993

1989

1990

1991

1992 Provisional Outturn

1993(¹) Estimate

% change 1993 over 1992

£m

£m

£m

£m

£m

%

Service of Public Debt

Central Fund (part):

Interest

1,956

2,107

2,149

2,142

2,260

+6

Sinking Fund etc.

185

193

204

213

230

+8

Sub-Total

2,141

2,300

2,353

2,355

2,490

+6

Economic Services

Industry and Labour

209

220

246

280

297

+6

Agriculture

377

409

492

550

495

–10

Fisheries

20

21

25

29

31

+7

Forestry

13

8

5

5

5

0

Tourism

24

24

26

27

25

–7

Sub-Total

643

682

794

891

853

–4

Infrastructure

Roads

30

32

34

34

34

0

Sanitary Services

3

2

2

1

1

0

Transport

27

33

35

40

43

+8

Sub-Total

60

67

71

75

78

+4

Social Services

Health

1,240

1,377

1,535

1,722

1,812

+5

Education

1,235

1,302

1,415

1,569

1,698

+8

Social Welfare

2,744

2,892

3,186

3,534

3,731

+6

Housing

24

13

8

5

4

–20

Subsidies

167

168

167

167

170

+2

Sub-Total

5,410

5,752

6,311

6,997

7,415

+6

Security

Defence

312

359

389

395

405

+3

Garda

283

304

333

362

385

+6

Prisons

56

65

79

85

89

+5

Legal, etc.

46

56

50

56

61

+9

Sub-Total

697

784

851

898

940

+5

Other

Central Fund (part):

EEC Budget

290

284

348

354

388

+10

Miscellaneous

22

20

22

17

25

+47

Supply Services(²)

512

517

551

590

617

+5

Sub-Total

824

821

921

961

1,030

+7

Gross Total

9,775

10,406

11,301

12,177

12,806

+5

Less: Supply Services Appropriations in aid, P.R.S.I. receipts

1,717

1,970

2,241

2,371

2,439

+3

Net Current Expenditure

8,058

8,436

9,060

9,806

10,367

+6

Exchequer Pay and Pensions included in above(²)

2,914

3,160

3,406

3,756

4,015

+7

Notes:

(¹)The 1993 Estimate corresponds to figures published in the White Paper on Receipts and Expenditure 1993.

(²)Includes provision for payments under the Public Service early retirement/voluntary redundancy schemes: £17,886 million in 1989 and £4,943 million in 1990.

(³)The figures for 1989, 1990 and 1991 reflect actual audited expenditure.

TABLE 4

RECEIPTS AND EXPENDITURE OF THE EXCHEQUER AND OF LOCAL AUTHORITIES 1970-1993

Exchequer

Local Authorities (a)

Current Revenue

Non-capital Expenditure

Expenditure

Revenue (b)

State grants received

Rates collected

£m

£m

£m

£m

£m

1970-71

482

490

174

94

50

1971-72

569

572

196

115

60

1972-73

659

665

240

138

70

1973-74

793

803

298

183

71

1974(April-Dec.)

651

744

292

190

61

1975

1,091

1,350

481

332

84

1976

1,470

1,672

567

404

109

1977

1,757

1,958

684

504

111

1978

2,023

2,420

831

670

82

1979

2,384

2,906

1,007

820

91

1980

3,155

3,702

1,313

1,062

103

1981

3,973

4,775

1,565

1,284

102

1982

4,908

5,896

1,878

1,560

95

1983

5,711

6,671

2,093

1,749

105

1984

5,952

6,991

2,302

1,888

122

1985

6,331

7,615

2,493

2,066

141

1986

6,710

8,105

2,633

2,160

153

1987

7,151

8,331

2,699

2,223

170

1988

7,690

8,007

2,388

1,862

194

1989

7,756

8,019

2,550

1,929

231

1990

8,269

8,421

2,758

2,112

239

1991

8,776

9,076

2,987

2,342

252

1992(c)

9,360

9,806

3,247

2,574

270

1993(d)

9,797

10,367

3,406

2,690

282

NOTES:—(a) Local Authorities comprise County Councils, County Borough Corporations, Borough Corporations, Urban District Councils, Town Commissioners, Regional Health Boards, Vocational Education Committees and County Committees of Agriculture.

(b) The revenue of Local Authorities comprises rates, State grants (including payments on behalf of Health Boards to voluntary hospitals and homes in respect of general medical services) and other receipts e.g. rents and fees. Only State grants and rates are shown herein.

(c) Provisional.

(d) These estimates are consistent with those in the 1993 White Paper on Receipts and Expenditure.

(Limerick East): A Cheann Comhairle, I know it is customary for Deputies to leave their seats after the Minister's speech. Today may I suggest, without any presumption, that this is one of those rare occasions when they might make an exception?

I say this not on the basis of what I may say in this speech, but on what the Minister's speech reveals about the Government to which each of the parties has lent its name. I suggest Deputies might make an exception not just in the interest of the democratic process, not just from the standpoint of the politics of perception, but because the Minister has by this speech drawn a number of historic dividing lines in Irish politics which may affect your and our future as Deputies, as members of our parties and as people who play a part in setting the direction which our country will take.

Need I go so far as to suggest that in the future, Deputies will be adjudged as to where they choose to stand on the dividing lines, which wittingly or unwittingly, the Minister has drawn in this speech? I know that this will not be true in the votes tonight because votes of this Government were pre-ordained in the negotiations which took place between the Taoiseach and the Tánaiste, but in the minds of the Deputies on the opposite side, both Fianna Fáil and Labour, this budget will plant the seeds of doubt as to the validity of the political contract which was drawn up by their respective party leaders.

Let me make it clear that I am not so naive to suggest that this is the budget that will break the new Government. However, for Deputies in both parties this, the first budget is the one which confirms and reaffirms their doubts, doubts which were based on the ultimate demarcation point of politics, i.e., whether to hold office as an objective in itself or whether to be in Government for some well defined purpose because there is no well defined purpose in this first statement of economic and social policy announced by the Minister today on behalf of the Government.

These dividing lines do not stop there for, in addition, the Minister's Budget Statement clearly draws a line between those on the far side of the House and on this side. It draws a line between those who supposedly sought to break the mould of civil war politics and now find that those boundary lines define not only a question of party allegiance at the time of the Treaty, but most of all continue on the basis of a commitment shared between my party and others, to the concept of the ideal of a just society. I do not mean, so early in this term of Government, to criticise the Tánaiste and his party, nor, indeed, certain elements of Fianna Fáil. I merely suggest to the Tánaiste, to his Ministers and backbenchers that, for reasons which might have appeared appropriate before Christmas, they have done the wrong thing for the wrong reasons.

They have gone into coalition with a party to which they owe no instinctive allegiance, a party who has operated on the basis of a corporatism based on the political thinking of the 1960s, who favour the haves, the possessors, those who are permitted to be involved in our society rather than on the totality of our citizens, which cannot be defined by class, sector, interest or involvement in institutions. In short, the Labour Party has joined the party of the big battalions while professing to be the party of the small man and woman. Not only did the Labour Party do the wrong thing, but, as I said, they did it for the wrong reasons.

The Minister's Budget Statement clearly demonstrates again that we are living in a society which has been suffocated by a false consensus, where creativity and initiative are covered by a thin veneer of political platitudes which mask fundamental disagreement, where the reality of debate takes place outside the Oireachtas in bodies and institutions which are a product of the past.

Most fundamentally of all, the philosophy behind this budget is one which treats ordinary people as subjects rather than as citizens, who must receive the policy rather than participate in its formulation. Ultimately the fact must be faced that more than any other party or movement in this country Fianna Fáil is the party of democratic centralism.

Perhaps most critical of all this budget makes no real concessions to poverty. It is one that effects no real reform of the social welfare system. Its provisions are mainly for those who are in the lifeboat rather than those who cling to the wreckage of our social welfare system. It is a budget which caters for those who are sheltered, rather than those exposed to the storm.

The Government in itself means well. By and large its principal personalities are nice people. They mean well. The Programme for a Partnership Government means well. It is one of the longest catalogues of good intentions ever produced by a Government entering office. Yet this well intentioned group, with their well intentioned document, gives no impression whatsover that they will address in any way the mounting and frightening problems facing our people, which will have to be addressed over the next four years. This is because the Administration lacks a sense of direction. Above all else, it lacks a coherent economic and social programme which will restore the country and its people to a proper sense of pride, which would provide the resources to begin to restore social justice and provide equal opportunities for all.

The Labour Party in Opposition concentrated on style and on public relations, rather than on substance. This led to electoral success, but left them at the negotiation table with Fianna Fáil without an economic policy. As a consequence, the well meaning aspirations of the Labour Party were attached to the Fianna Fáil so-called policy — to maintain a strong currency; to refuse to devalue; to keep down borrowing; to introduce progressively lower Exchequer borrowing requirements; to reduce the debt/GNP ratio; to keep interest rates down; and to reduce tax rates. Whatever were the merits of that policy in the past, it has now been jettisoned by the Government. The pound has been devalued. Unfortunately, on this question the Minister has added a veneer of a public relations débacle to the substance of a political and economic catastrophe.

We are no longer regarded as having a hard currency, but one which is subject to the vagaries of sterling. This budget doubles the implicit borrowing requirement to over £1 billion. The debt/GNP ratio will rise by five or six points over last year. The principal message of this budget is that, while well meaning, the Labour Party have no economic policy. They have joined a party that has abandoned their policy. Just six weeks into the life of this Government, the country is already adrift.

I should now like to look briefly at the fundamental targets underpinning this budget.

On 1 January 1992 — just over 12 months ago — the national debt was IR£25,391 billion. By 1 January 1993 this had grown to IR£26,345 billion. After devaluation on the first day of this month, the national debt was IR£27.400 billion. Today's budget will add another £1 billion to that. Having increased the national debt by IR£2 billion in 12 months, the Government now proposes to increase it by a further IR£1 billion. The Minister will argue that his total borrowing is less than the figure I am quoting.

I do not trust the fundamental arithmetic of this budget. Significant items of expenditure to which the Government will be committed in the course of the year are omitted. Despite the promises made by the Government and the Labour Party, despite the fact that the Labour Party gained seats by the promises they made, there is no provision for extra equity for Aer Lingus either in the Book of Estimates or in this budget. If the Government is to support Aer Lingus — whatever the total equity injection may be — at least IR£100 million will have to be provided in 1993, and, if the Government keep their word, this will be provided by way of a Supplementary Estimate, which will be added to the borrowing requirement.

There is no provision for the Christmas bonus in these figures. I presume the Government will pay it, another £35 million omitted from the arithmetic.

The Minister for Finance has informed me in reply to a parliamentary question yesterday and I quote:

there is no agreement between the social partners not to make payments under the local bargaining clause of the pay agreement which forms part of the Programme for Economic and Social Progress. If a 3 per cent payment was made across the public service it would cost the Exchequer £120 million annually.

There is no provision in the Estimates or in the budget for any payment whatsoever under the local bargaining clause or for extra payments which will arise in 1993 from the decision of the European Court on equality. A figure of IR£150 million is included in the budget, in a throw-away sentence, for the sale of State assets, as yet unspecified. A figure of IR£100 million is inserted in the Minister's Budget Statement attributed to savings on the part of the National Treasury Management Agency, another throwaway sentence, means unspecified.

I also suspect some of the provisions for capital expenditure in this budget. It seems to me that the matching amounts of Government expenditure required to draw down the Structural Funds in 1993 have been artificially reduced by substituting the criteria for drawing down Cohesion Funds and applying this to the remainder of the Structural Funds. I doubt very much if this is in accordance with what we have agreed with the European Commission. Be that as it may, it is clear that the actual Exchequer borrowing requirement announced by the Minister in his Budget Statement today has been artificially reduced and does not cover the level of expenditure to which the Government is committed in 1993. This is a regression to the worst practices of the Fianna Fáil Government of 1981 when the Book of Estimates was rigged for political purposes. It will not inspire confidence or encourage the markets to reduce interest rates.

What else is included in this budget to reduce interest rates? I welcome the provisions announced by the Minister to relieve mortgage holders. I point out that the total cost is £17 million and the commitment of the Minister for Finance today is about one-third of what was promised during the election campaign. It is a quite restrictive provision, but it is welcome. What provision is here for the business sector and the extraordinary interest rates they are currently suffering, which are having a detrimental effect on the economy? What we need are not palliatives to relieve people under pressure but a strategy which will reduce interest rates so that the economy can thrive again. There is no indication in the Minister's speech that the 3 per cent increase in interest rates imposed upon us last autumn will be out of the system in the near future. We are still suffering in relation to the differential of over 6 per cent between the rates in the United Kingdom and the rates here. All around us there are examples of business closing down, putting workers on short-time and on week on, week off basis mainly because the situation in relation to the exchange rate was mishandled by the Minister and the Taoiseach. This has led to astronomical interest rates.

It will become clear in due course whether the Minister is being economical with the truth; in the meantime, the good intentions remain. The Don Quixotes of the Labour Party still ride forth every morning to combat evil and rescue maidens in distress, while the Sancho Panzas of Fianna Fáil still plod along behind, all tilting at windmills.

The Minister's speech is a sad document, a manifesto of despair, an open admission by the Government that it no longer has the faintest notion of how to restore confidence, to recommence growth and, most important, how to put 350,000 people who are now unemployed back to work. In the business section of The Sunday Tribune last week Paul Tansey went into some detail in projecting unemployment figures for the remainder of the decade. I have no reason to doubt the accuracy of his figures. He showed inter alia, that the numbers registered as out of work had risen by more than 68,000 in the past three years. He also referred to a recent study by the economic consultants, DKM, which showed that additions to the domestic labour force would number 15,000 annually up to the year 2001 based on the assumption that the level of emigration would be 15,000 annually also. They went on to say that if the rate of emigration is reduced to 10,000 a year annually, they calculate that the labour force would increase by 20,000 a year over that span. Mr. Tansey concludes that Ireland will reach the millennium encumbered with an unemployed register of more than 400,000 people and I defy anyone to challenge these figures. It is a frightening prospect and this problem is not addressed in the budget.

(Limerick East): I have a note which states that I should not proceed to analyse the Government's job creation programme.

Forget about the note.

That will not take long.

(Limerick East): I can skip that section of my speech.

Will the Deputy say something unrehearsed?

(Limerick East): I hope the Tánaiste is not getting rattled.

Tell us about the county enterprise boards.

Mr. Dunphy should stop the employment of his cousins and their sons.

(Limerick East): Against that background of a projected colossal increase in unemployment figures, what has the Government done? It has not shown any initiative. The Government has reannounced the expenditure of Structural Funds, put it through the public capital programme announced last week and today by way of the jobs fund, but what has it done to encourage business? It has once again put taxes on jobs; a levy of 1 per cent will be payable on all income over £9,000. This represents a payroll tax. It has also raised the ceilings in respect of the employee and employer elements of PRSI from £19,000 to £20,000. It has increased VAT rates and abolished the lower rate — the 10 per cent rate has been increased to 12.5 per cent — and abolished the 16 per cent rate while the standard rate of 21 per cent still remains. Most of the goods and services which were subject to the 16 per cent rate will now be subject to the standard rate of 21 per cent. Can the Government not see that if we put a tax on jobs, there would be fewer jobs and that if we increase VAT rates there would be a reduction in business activity? The retail trade is already on its knees but what has the Minister done? He put extra taxation on it.

It was our hope that we would have a vibrant tourism industry but what has the Minister done? Having regard to the fact that the brochures already have been published and circulated throughout the world, he increased the VAT rate on the fundamental tourist products from 10 per cent to 12.5 per cent and said that if one has signed a contract, it will not apply. Who would have signed a contract at this time of year? When similar changes were made in previous budgets they did not take effect until the autumn. Certainly, there are identifiable measures in this budget which will lead to jobs being destroyed but there are no identifiable measures in this budget which will lead to job creation.

The Government has rewarded the sheltered sector of the economy and punished the exposed sector in its Programme for Government, the Book of Estimates and again today. I have great respect for the public sector but even it knows that government of the public sector, for the public sector and by the public sector is not possible, as it is self-evident that the resources on which the public sector relies can only be produced by a strong, energetic enterprising sector.

An overvalued currency, extraordinary high interest rates, uncompetitive input costs, an inflexible labour market and a Government for all its good intentions, which has done more to destroy confidence in the first six weeks of its administration than any of its predecessors do not provide the environment for economic growth which is a prerequisite to the creation of jobs.

We will prosper, as a nation, if we can produce more goods and services and sell them competitively abroad. We will create more jobs if we put our people to work in producing more goods and services and selling them more competitively. A proper jobs policy would include everything that encourages this and exclude everything that runs counter to this objective. Therefore, is it not self-evident that competitiveness must be restored to the export sector and that the competitiveness of all sectors must be improved? Recent events, ranging from the relocation of a Hoover manufacturing plant from Scotland to France and the competition between Galway and Ayr for the main European Digital facility, which the Government handled abysmally, show that, despite the theory of the Single Market, economic nationalism is rampant again in Europe. We can only improve our position by improving our competitiveness.

There is no mystery about the way it should be done. Like many of my colleagues, including Members on the other side of the House, I have set out the agenda on numerous occasions and it is to be found, in its most succinct form, in the Culliton report. If the provisions of the Culliton report were implemented, with the Fine Gael proposal that the employer and the employee elements of PRSI would be reduced to 6 per cent, there would be an immediate cut in company costs over the next four years and at least 20,000 jobs would be created.

It is no longer a question of the Government not knowing what to do; it is a question of the Government knowing well what it should be doing and what the problems are, but being too wimpish to take the necessary decisions at the Cabinet table to restore competitiveness. In truth, this Government is devoid of any concept as to how to shape a society in which every person counts and in which the fundamental principles of social justice and equality of opportunity are the compass points by which to steer the ship of State.

It is this lack of a basic philosophy, of coherence in policy objectives, a lack of objectives and the total admission by the Government that it has already, after six weeks in power, lost its way rather than the bric-à-brac of individual proposals which make up the bulk of the Minister's speech on this occasion which is most disturbing.

The Government's admission that it is making provision for a further 30,000 persons on the dole sounds the death knell for the budget. The unemployment figure is now heading, as I said, towards 400,000 and there is scarcely a proposal in the Minister's speech that will lead to an extra job being created. How long do members of the Government think that this state of affairs can last? At what level of unemployment does the coherence of society become undermined? What level of unemployment must we reach before we say this is no longer acceptable, that this is a sin against justice and that fundamental radical change is necessary?

Members of this House know the problems of unemployment better than most in our community. We come across these problems every day in our constituency work. How many of us have knocked on doors in the early afternoon to be answered by a man or woman, once a wage earner, who is now consigned to home — where the expectation of employment has faded to hope and where that very hope has been reduced to a vague aspiration? No one in this House believes that society can be based on a foundation stone of defeat. Yet, that is all that is being offered today, on this significant occasion, when the first budget of a Government which has the numbers to last a full-term is being presented to the House.

While our Constitution guarantees each citizen the fundamental right to life and liberty and the ability to pursue the normal requirements of life we, as a society, have deprived many of our citizens of the most fundamental right of all: the right to a job and the right to hope they can attain a job. Each of us in this House has had the experience during our normal constituency work, both in urban and rural constituencies, and at election time of moving from one house to the next — where poverty is a repeating pattern — an infectious disease which deprives our people of one of the pre-requisites of citizenship in a participating society, a sense of identity, dignity and self-esteem. We are sometimes criticised for being a country which is comfortable with aspirations towards social justice which increase as they go further from our shores. The Labour Party is particularly adept at adopting causes in far away places. How will we justify our own apartheid society where a national jobless figure of 23 per cent is magnified to 70 per cent or 80 per cent in the urban wastelands we have created?

And no Labour Party Minister to hear it.

(Limerick East): I have already mentioned the problems which the increase in VAT will present for the business community and I will deal with that matter again later in my speech. Against this background of poverty and unemployment the Minister, who spoke for two hours, did not address any of the fundamental issues facing our society in this fundamental statement today. As in the Bible, the people ask for bread and the Government gives them a stone; they ask for a job and it gives them a scheme and when the scheme runs out it gives them the dole.

Let us examine the social welfare provisions in the budget. I notice that some new Members of the House are asking why I am not dealing with the items of the budget seriatim— one by one. The answer is that there is nothing to deal with in this budget because it lacks fundamental philosophy and represents a bric-à-brac of disconnected policy initiatives, most of which are simply indexing measures already in the codes. From the middle of this year social welfare payments will be increased by 3.5 per cent. I welcome the other social welfare measures, the increase in child benefit, from next September. The Minister has disguised his intention by making a change in the child dependant allowance regulations to claw back some of the increase, yet he has not specified what this clawback will be. That is the totality of the proposals on social welfare.

Both the Minister and the Taoiseach made a great play of the fact that we will receive £8 billion in Structural Funds over the next seven years. However, over the next seven years, according to the Minister's figures, the Department of Social Welfare will spend approximately £30 billion. Surely there is a better way to do business and to address the needs of our society? Will the Government introduce a programme to put people back to work?

Let me give some examples to show what the Minister could have done. It has been estimated that if a proper single market was created on this island 40,000 extra jobs could be created. It is inconceivable in circumstances where boundaries are breaking down all over Europe and where we have reputedly had a single market from 1 January that we still do not have a proper single market on this island.

I would like to make a number of concrete suggestions to the Minister. Why, for example, can we not have a clear commitment to construct a dual carriageway between Dublin and Belfast to reduce travelling time to an hour and a quarter between the two main cities on the island? Does he not appreciate the effect this would have on the economy as a whole? Why can there not be an agreement with the people of Northern Ireland to provide access to the natural gas which is to be brought ashore at Skerries? Why can there not be an agreement with the Northern Ireland authorities to supply electricity for the Border counties, particularly Donegal, from Northern Ireland? Why did the Minister not address the discrepancies in PAYE and PRSI allowances on both sides of the Border? For example, why is a person who lives in Dundalk and works in Newry, not given either a personal or a PRSI allowance? Why has this partition mentality continued? The studies which have been carried out show that if a proper single market was created on the island, an extra 40,000 jobs could be created. The Minister has no idea of how to create jobs, yet that option is there.

I make no apologies for raising these questions because we are frequently criticised in this House for not being constructive. I am making these constructive suggestions to show that the Minister could create jobs if he had the imagination to do so. In particular, at a time when political boundaries are crashing down throughout Europe why is he not able to take the first steps towards economic pluralism on this island?

One of the worst aspects of this Fianna Fáil led Government has been to deprive people in regional areas of any sense of being participating citizens. Rather than being citizens they have been subject to decisions made in Dublin, Brussels or at the GATT talks. This is a budget of division, not only in this House but also between urban and rural communities. There are great expectations that the Structural and Cohesion Funds will give this country the stimulus it needs. Certainly large amounts of money will be provided and there will be an opportunity to make significant progress, but I hope when the funds are drawn down and the Structural Funds distributed, they will not be distributed totally in accordance with the diktat from Merrion Street and that we will allow those who hope to benefit from the disbursement of Structural and Cohesion Funds to participate in the decision-making process. We had hoped that the Government, which places such great store by the county enterprise boards, would introduce measures today to show clearly how this can be done. It is self-defeating to establish a county enterprise board structure when such boards should be regionally based.

There is now a peculiar situation where we have a multiple layer of bureaucracy in relation to the decision-making process. The Minister for Enterprise and Employment had before him a recommendation from the Culliton committee that the IDA be divided into two agencies, one to promote inward investment and the other for indigenous industry. He could have left it alone or followed the advice, but he has decided to split it into two agencies and to set up a third agency to monitor these two agencies. Where it was intended to have one board and one chief executive we will now have three boards and three chief executives.

A Deputy

More jobs for the boys.

(Limerick East): In addition, county enterprise boards are being established everywhere, including corporation areas. We have also been told that the regional committees in relation to the Structural Fund will remain in place. Furthermore, the Minister for the Environment has assured us that he will introduce a regional tier of local government. Once again, we will have three agencies in place. What concept of participation can there be when rural people are being prescribed a deontas and have no real say in the future of their own societies? This multiplicity of quangos which the Minister is introducing will not bring the decision-making process closer to the people. There is no decentralisation of decision-making, there is no returning of power to the people, structures and layers are being formed which I have no doubt will provide more opportunities of patronage and nepotism, and all this fantastic super-structure of bureaucracy will have to be paid for by the ordinary taxpayers.

When the Progressive Democrats Party was in Government there was a philosophy on tax reform. We may not have believed everything that was said and done but at least there was a coherent and consistent policy throughout that Administration's budget. This Government has departed from that policy and I do not know the Minister's intentions in respect of personal taxation.

Those who work hard in the public and private sectors are entitled to expect the fruits of their labour to be translated into higher living standards for themselves and their families. The personal income tax code is central to this objective and I am sure thousands of people listened with dismay to the Minister's speech today. The Government is tinkering with the tax code in a dangerous manner. The Minister is introducing a 1 per cent levy on all income. There should be equity in the tax code and it is fundamental that such equity is matched with an ability to pay. I object to levies because they are not focused on those with the ability to pay them. They apply to everybody regardless of circumstances. Account is not taken of mortgage, family size, families with two or three children in higher education or ill-health. Everybody earning more than £9,000 must pay the 1 per cent levy and the ceiling on PRSI will be increased for people who earn £19,000 or more.

We are talking about a significant amount of money, £78 million in the present tax year or £130 million in a full year. The Minister tinkers subsequently with the tax bands and personal allowances, but that will not compensate for the imposition of the levy. The Minister's adjustment to the tax bands and personal allowances does not meet inflation. They are not indexed and I have no doubt that when the Principal Features of the Budget is distributed we will see that the take on income tax will be at least £100 million more from the PAYE sector in 1993 than in 1992.

This budget has been extraordinarily disappointing. The Minister's economic policy was thrown into chaos three weeks ago, following a futile defence of the pound, he finally had to raise the white flag. Our currency is soft rather than strong, our interest rates are 3 per cent higher than the very high level that pertained last September and there is nothing in the Minister's speech to indicate that he has any strategy to reduce them.

Last year the Minister introduced the most anti-business budget ever in this House and he has confirmed the worst fears of the business community by abolishing the lower VAT rate and applying the two higher rates. That will affect the tourism industry, the retail trade and consumer spending power and will take demand out of the economy. Even moderate economists are talking in terms of 400,000 people unemployed, which is about 30 per cent of the population. There are no measures in this budget to address the problem of unemployment or to give any indication to those at work or the unemployed, that the Government hold a firm view on how the problem should be addressed. The Government is in the first six weeks of its period in office and, with its huge majority, could last for five years. The Budget Statement indicates clearly that the Government hopes something will turn up because it has no idea how to address the problem.

Further down the line it will see the poverty that goes with unemployment, a decline in living standards and lack of hope and confidence, as people drift into long term unemployment. It is clear from the Minister's speech today on the Book of Estimates that between 170,000 and 200,000 people will be long term unemployed by the end of this year. There has been no attempt to address the poverty which arises from long term unemployment, no coherent approach to social welfare or no new proposals to deal with the problem. The Government simply decided that social welfare payments will be indexed from July as usual and next year the figure of £2.3 billion will have increased further with nothing being done to relieve the poverty contingent on unemployment. The Government is ignoring all sections of the economy.

We heard nothing today about the farming or food industries. We heard nothing about a programme for film making or for arts and culture, where thousands of young graduates could have fulfilling economic and social lives. Why was the film board not re-established? The tourism industry was not mentioned apart from an announcement of VAT increases which will have an adverse effect on it. Not one sector of the economy was addressed in the Minister's speech today.

The budgetary blueprint is supposed to set out the principles of economic and social policy of the Government for the next five years. The Labour Party and Fianna Fáil do not have a policy and the Minister's speech today could have been delivered by an automated programme of the Civil Service. There is no indication that anything in the Minister's speech went through the political process or that there was any real decision-making involved. The Government has no general or sectoral policies, and the Minister made no attempt to address the frightening problems with which we are faced. This is the first time we have had a Coalition Government made up of the Labour and Fianna Fáil parties. What are we getting?

Taxation of workers.

(Limerick East): Nothing, in effect. It is taxing work, tricking around with the figures, hoping something will turn up and sniggering at the Opposition when its members criticise it. It seems to think that all will be well some time in the future.

(Interruptions.)

(Limerick East): It is not like that. There were no measures announced in this House today that will address the fundamental misery index of society and this country continues down the road of a deepening recession, with further unemployment, poverty and more penance imposed on our citizens.

On a point of order, it is now two and a half hours since the Minister spoke and Deputies who are not officeholders have not got a copy of the budget proposals.

Or the Principal Features of the Budget.

People can read them on the teletext at home, but we do not have them.

The Government is hiding it again.

That is the height of disrespect to Members of the House.

Where is the Principal Features of the Budget?

With so much talk about Dáil reform, surely the stupid rule which makes some people trustworthy and others untrustworthy in this House should be abolished? Those proposals should be provided now.

Today marked a significant event in the lifetime of this new Government because it is the first opportunity this Administration has had to place before the Irish people and before the House a hope for the future. It was an opportunity for the Government, with the potential of a reasonably long term in office, to spell out the direction in which it hopes to lead Irish society. Since we have not had evidence of anything but drift until now, I had hoped today the Government would come in here with a political clarion call marking a radical new direction for the economy and society. There was not the slightest hint today of an attack on dependency in society and not even a hint of an appetite to attack it in future. Overall this budget marks time. It tinkers with the system, has no radicalism, no appetite for change and is not what the electorate voted for last November when they believed they were voting for radical change.

The Government has been adrift up to now and the budget confirms that that process will continue. This Administration has found it difficult to work out who should do what in terms of basic jobs. It has spent more time indulging in differences about Mullaghmore, ethics and registers of Members' interests than on important matters such as devaluation, Digital or getting their act together from a political point of view. Sterling was in trouble on the money markets at the time of the election, the Irish pound had again risen to £1.04 sterling and the Dublin inter-bank money rate for one month had risen to 15 per cent. There is no room for doubt about public policy or the challenge facing the Government in that context. The Minister tried to square a circle and address that matter today but he left many questions unanswered.

My party welcomes the stated bottom line in regard to borrowing in this budget. It could be tighter, but I will deal with that later. Much more could have been done to control expenditure and avoid penalising further the public with higher taxation. If the targets can hold, the markets will welcome them. The Minister referred to a sum of £150 million from asset disposals. In these days of political correctness and with his new colleagues in Government, he cannot call a spade a spade or a privatisation by the name we know it. He did not specify from where this £150 million in assets would come. It may come from elements of his third banking sector idea or from selling part of the State equity in Greencore or Irish Life. This is not spelt out but if that is the case, I welcome it. It is a pragmatic view in the formation of public policy. In future budgets I hope the Government will have the ability to use the assets at its disposal and to translate them into alternatives that can be more productive.

I have reservations about the 1 per cent levy. I note that its full worth in one year would be £130 million as opposed to £78 million in this tax year. With the potential of making £130 million next year the Minister and his colleagues will find it impossible not to maintain the levy. That is part of this budget's arithmetic. Unfortunately, it looks as if the 1 per cent levy will be with us for much longer than the remainder of this year, which is disgraceful.

I have not had the benefit of seeing the budget tables today. I take the point made by my colleague, Deputy Allen, that it would be useful if Members of the House were trusted earlier with data that can be seen on public screens around the country.

It is because of an industrial dispute.

Photocopiers still work. I got a copy and I am sure others could get a copy from the same system.

This happens every year, not just this year.

There appears to be some changes in the pre-budget capital tables. I did not have a chance to examine them, but there also appears to be significant changes in the arithmetic. I welcome the bottom line stated here, but it is the kind of bottom line that may be a chimera or real. We will have to wait and see how it works.

It is interesting to compare it with one or two other points. The Programme for a Partnership Government gave a commitment to maintain firm control of public finances so that there will be a steady reduction in the national debt to GDP ratio. This is an overriding principle of both the Programme for Government and the Programme for Economic and Social Progress. The Programme for Economic and Social Progress stated that the national debt to GNP ratio should move towards 100 per cent by 1993, which happened, although it has been deflected by devaluation. This was partly to achieve a broad balance in the current budget. The Minister accepted in this House last year that the current budget deficit should not drift beyond 1 per cent of GNP. He also accepted that the Exchequer borrowing requirement should not be more than 1.5 per cent of GNP, but he has gone soft on that this year, apart from the large pieces of arithmetic to which I alluded earlier. I regard that as a regressive move. I do not see it in the overall economic interest and pump-priming a small open economy through public expenditure is not a valid way to do business. The Minister is going backwards and reneging on commitments he gave to this House on other occasions.

This budget was driven by one simple, obvious and direct engine. We have more taxes, considerable borrowing and disposal of State assets to pay for spending the Government has not controlled. There are two key areas in the Government's spending Estimates. In the pre-budget Estimates the Government provided for 30,000 more Irish people to draw the dole in 1993. That is the bottom line in regard to employment of this new partnership Government who claimed its first priority was to attack the unemployment crisis. The families of the Labour Party have been stuffed left, right and centre into positions of advisers, treasurers and party apparatchiks in the first bout of labour induced employment creation in this House. My heart goes out to the Minister and Taoiseach sitting on the Fianna Fáil benches whose own indiscretions in the same area would warrant thundering editorials and lathers of indignation from the Irish media but whose Labour colleagues can slip their relatives and their apparatchiks into high paid State jobs with consummate ease without a word from the commentators who rightly persecute yourselves.

Public sector pay constitutes a large element of the arithmetic of this budget. I was amused by the Minister's sense of humour when he said he wanted to maintain what he called downward pressure on public expenditure. He did this by letting public expenditure increase by more than twice the projected annual rate of inflation. Thank God the Minister does not have an appetite yet for increasing public expenditure if this downward pressure has the effect of increasing it by twice the projected rate of annual inflation.

The Minister also said that this year he will set aside over £4 billion for public sector pay and pensions. The increase in public pay in 1993 over 1992 will be 7.4 per cent; the increase in public sector pay in 1992 over 1991 was 10.7 per cent. The Minister continued in his understated way and assured us it was a matter of concern to his Government. It was a matter of such concern that he said: "I am not making any provision in the budget for more improvements in public service pay conditions". I looked at him when he read that line and wondered how he could keep a straight face when public sector pay increases this year will be more than double the rate of inflation. Depending on the out turn inflation figure by last years, public sector pay could be ten times the rate of inflation. Yet the Minister came here today and said with a straight face he was not making any provision for further improvements in pay.

The Minister waved the stick of possible increases in PRSI also — the case of the wolf at the door before the next round of Programme for Economic and Social Progress comes up — by telling the public service they may have to pay more. Over the past five years, the State, paid £120 million in redundancy payments to help reduce the numbers in the public service. Yet, by one means or another the numbers in the public service have remained as high.

I have met the Minister's advisers present today on more than one occasion while negotiating programmes for other Governments which proved to be less temporary than some had hoped. I have a high respect for the quality and capacity of the Irish public service which has been reinforced by such meetings. I have respect also for nurses, gardaí, teachers, local authority employees and others but we have got to make choices in this society about how much public pay can be confiscated by way of future choice.

My preference and that of my party as we look down the road this year of renegotiating public sector pay and pay in general with a possible renewal of the Programme for Economic and Social Progress is to ask whether this Government on today's evidence has the appetite and the capacity to bring in radical public service reform. Such reform could bring in a well paid but leaner public service and in that way meet both the efficiency needs of the economy and the just income needs of those in the public service. As things currently stand, without such reform, I fear we are on the threshold of the public sector pay process becoming such a millstone around our necks in terms of choice that it would block out almost entirely all of the other areas of choice which validly should be open to any Government in respect of confronting the unemployment crisis. This is an issue which must be faced up to in the coming year.

In regard to the overall state of the public finances, what will happen if we do not reach the target for privatisation or the disposal of assets, its politically correct amended title? What will happen if the current spending Estimates are breached in the course of the year? What will happen if some very large amount has to be set aside for Aer Lingus? The Minister's speech does not indicate how he will pay for such a measure. Will we let the borrowing drift? Will we tax more or will we cut spending? How will we pay for it? Are we in for a prolonged period of drift in which targets will not be met and such targets may be replaced by drift?

Examples of the hidden costs in regard to the public sector pay dimension were mentioned earlier. We have seen the hidden cost in the building of Tallaght hospital in what would be the second blunder by the Minister for Health, Deputy Howlin. He arrived in office and cancelled the Taoiseach' promised starting date on the building of Tallaght hospital and this morning he told us that he was increasing by 33 per cent the basic nightly charge for hospital beds for both public and private patients but with the key impact hitting the private patients. There are 1.3 million people subscribing to the VHI in Ireland and many of them, like others, must put their names on various hospitals lists. Being a member of the VHI does not guarantee skipping every waiting list. I wonder why the Minister for Health, Deputy Howlin, should spring this kind of ideological trap on the eve of the budget. There is a notion that people who wish to provide for themselves by joining the VHI can be forced to pay more.

This budget reflects similar narrow mindedness. Week in, week out, for the next several weeks, one Minister after another will come into this House to explore similar proposals. They will do that because the Minister for Finance in his Estimates said "pay is costing me so much, welfare payments for extra unemployment are costing me so much, I have cut the rest of the Estimates to the bone". The first piece of bone exposed was that in relation to health matters by the Minister for Health, Deputy Howlin, yesterday. In this budget we will feel the surreptitious cost of double tax and the hidden agenda cost on a weekly basis. It will creep up on us as we find charges increasing, new charges being introduced and the hidden agenda exposing itself because the Government failed to grasp the nettle of the underlying spending problem that has driven it to its present position.

In relation to capital spending, we are about to travel again down a long road which experience has shown will produce a limited return. I do not know any blanket injunction that states it is wrong if we spend on capital development no more than on current spending. It is all too easy to jump to the other extreme of that argument and agree that something called capital spending rather than current spending is right simply because if it is called investment it must be productive. We have a long experience in this economy of highly unproductive public capital programmes. It was one of the bitter harvests of the late 1970s and early 1980s where we had phenomenal rates of public capital investment which produced phenomenal rates of public indebtedness, the national debt mortgage. We are still paying off the bill for that. This year the debt repayment stands at almost £2,500 million.

In respect of capital and EC Structural Fund spending, I hope the Minister's advisers will introduce some kind of capital project appraisal for calculating the rates of return from such spending and there should be choice in regard to alternative investments. If there is no capital project appraisal, such spending will become politically driven and we will end up with productive investment that will not maintain sustainable growth or sustainable jobs. If this Government spends a further £500 million — whether it is Irish taxpayers' money or EC taxpayers' money — it should provide a rational means for assessment of such spending.

I agree that our transport facilities should be improved. I am a frequent user of the railway network and I know the social and economic pros and cons about maintaining it. When we invest in railways we create jobs in the workshops of Germany, Britain, France or Japan. That may preserve the jobs and the quality of transport service here but when considering alternatives, what return is derived from our investments? Someone must do the sums. In the future, we may not get the chance to incur this level of expenditure as easily as we did in the past. The Minister told us today that the public capital programme will increase by 22 per cent or £500 million and it will create a maximum of 3,500 jobs directly or indirectly. The figure of £500 million for 3,500 jobs should be examined but this budget does not provide a detailed analysis of costs in this regard.

Regarding taxation, apart from the explanation in regard to expenditure in the Minister's speech, there was a suggestion that the real reason we have a problem and must introduce levies, more taxes and higher VAT is the completion of the Single Market and devaluation, and if we did not have these problems we might be in a better position. We have been told that once we accept the Single Market and devalue only once we will be over the hump, and, in that sense if one buys the Minister's logic, the Single Market is justified.

Much is being made about the removal of VAT at the point of entry. This is a once off adjustment and it is neither a reason nor an excuse for increased taxation. The Minister told this House on 15 December last that the inauguration of the Single European Market will involve the elimination of VAT at the point of entry but that the cash flow loss in 1993 from the VAT change should be partially mitigated by alternative measures in the VAT areas. The bottom line cost is £25 million and that does not warrant the introduction of substantial extra taxation even if it is an element in the completion of the European Single Market.

Does devaluation offer an excuse? The Minister reminded us again today that the National Treasury Management Agency will save £100 million, and I believe that because I doubt if he would give that figure if the NTMA could not deliver. There is a notion that the devaluation costs, which after adjusting our foreign reserves and borrowings came to about £800 million, are to blame for increased taxation. On 11 February I asked a Parliamentary Question about the net budget cost arising from the 10 per cent devaluation. The Minister replied that as regards the main Exchequer effects of the devaluation, his Department has estimated the net cost at about £13 million in 1993. Devaluation no more than the VAT increases announced today do not explain why there should be increased taxation. The change in the rate of DIRT is a costly one — from the standard rate to 10 per cent. Its full year cost will be a heavy charge on the Exchequer. The DIRT adjustment is not a temporary arrangement, it is here to stay, and we must live with it. Unlike VAT at the point of entry, which is a once-off tax and unlike devaluation, which we hope is a once-off, DIRT is an ongoing tax and we are stuck with it. The Government's job is to reduce its expenditure, not to introduce a levy which it says is temporary because of the Single Market, DIRT, VAT and devaluation and then keep it in next year because of the underlying problem resulting from the change in the DIRT rate.

This Government is living in a fool's paradise if it considers that more spending and more taxing equals more jobs. Something significant happened in this House in relation to the Culliton report. Dealing with tax reform, the Culliton report states that by removing the demoralising effect of the current tax system and removing the waste of non-productive tax avoidance activities, reform will create a far more conducive environment for productive enterprise and for more solidly based investment decisions. In no other single area does the Government have at its disposal the tools to make as far reaching and effective a reform to support an enterprise economy as in taxation.

The Government today, by its first move buried the Culliton report, it is a dead letter. This report is not just about moving chairs between the State agencies, it never was about that. There is no point in the Minister for Enterprise and Employment moving the chairs and coming in here to reassure us that the Culliton report is alive and well in the hands of this Administration because it is not.

In an overall context this budget has not done anything in terms of job creation — and there are 302,000 unemployed. What is the Government's response? A 1 per cent levy. What is that levy being charged on? It will be charged on labour, and people at work, the asset we want to do something about, and it will challenge the unemployment statistics. It will be levied on wages and earnings — and again the unearned income escapes. It is interesting to note that if one has money in a special savings account one pays tax at the 10 per cent rate but those who earn their income by working will be hit yet again. That is the philosophy underlying this levy and that is this Government's approach to tax.

It is a disgrace that the tax hits at people earning less than the average industrial wage. How can the Government have any credibility and tell us it cares about creating employment incentives if it brings in a smash and grab tax such as this new 1 per cent levy which will dip into the pockets of people who do not even bring home the average industrial wage? This new lenten levy will not only outlast Lent this year but, because of the amount of money it can yield in a full year, is most likely to stay on our books for quite a while.

Look at history. We introduced a temporary youth levy in 1982 and we are still paying it. Deputy Dukes and his colleagues in 1983 introduced a special income 1 per cent levy which lasted until the 1988 budget. Having tried to uncomplicate the tax system for five years, at the first opportunity the new Administration decides to complicate it again.

Today we have five different taxes on labour. The ordinary worker pays PAYE tax, PRSI, a health contribution, an employment and training levy and from today, compliments of the new partnership Government, a new lenten levy of 1 per cent, even if one earns less than the average industrial wage. The Minister told us today that there was no choice but to seek revenue from the income tax area, just as he plaintively told us about how he could do very little about talking to the Bundesbank while his French colleague, Monsieur Sapin, could talk in Washington with Mr. Schlesinger of the Bundesbank and point out a few things. Of course there is a choice. The Government could choose to cut spending but they have chosen high spending and taxation as the road they wish to follow. In saying there was no choice, and in the suggestions in the media that this levy is temporary, there is a touch of the St. Thomas Aquinas formula. The Minister for Finance wants to be made holy, but not yet.

St. Augustine.

I thank my learned colleague.

I am staggered that despite the Programme for a Partnership Government, the Government have done nothing about people on low pay. PRSI ceilings have drifted upwards but there are no adjustments. What about the lower paid?

The 13,000 whose bands have been increased?

I will come to that. The Government increased the PRSI ceiling and did nothing radical. It is disgraceful that a partnership Government which said it wanted to take people out of the poverty traps just skirted around the problem as if it did not exist. This budget is an abject failure of nerve, political will and focus on the part of this Administration. On top of that, there was minor fiddling with the family income supplement.

The exemption limits are a fiddler's elbow style of economics. Due to the exemption limits, about 13,000 people were removed from the tax net from budget day, but if they work for a few months they will be sucked back into the system. If I added the thousands who are supposed to have benefited from exemption limits since I started to read Irish budgets, none of us would be paying taxes. This system of introducing an annual exemption limit is a fiasco and someone should advise the Minister to change it. When one gets one's first job and exceeds the exemption limit one goes on what is called marginal relief paying the 48 per cent rate of income tax and 7.5 per cent rate of PRSI. One also pays the new 1 per cent levy depending on one's wage. People are trapped by a system that demands, creates and lives off dependency. What do the politicians do? They fiddle with the exemption limits and do nothing at all. It is a fiddler's budget with regard to the lower paid; it is a disgrace.

I will draw my remarks to a conclusion with a few brief comments on value-added tax and one or two general perspectives on employment. On value-added tax every enterprise in the current straitened circumstances is faced with a loss of employment. This is an attack on jobs and could have been avoided if we had made the choices on spending but this Government ignored them.

I welcome the modest exclusions that have been mentioned by the Minister for Finance in some labour intensive areas. I welcome them only because they avoid creating an unemployment disaster. As distinct from creating jobs, the Minister promised that in areas like hairdressing, car repairs, confectionery etc., he would not rob us of jobs. That is useful, but it is standing still. It is not an initiative. That is simply not being vindictive. For that the Minister is looking for some kind of reassurance from this House that we will support it. Clearly, it is ridiculous.

On capital taxes —"Red Richie" must be alive and well somewhere. I do not know where the former Minister for Finance, Richie Ryan is. Perhaps he is still in Luxembourg. There are echoes of "Red Richie's" days here today. The Government could not resist the 2 per cent probate tax. God bless those with little enterprises that are not located in residences. The Government will screw them for 2 per cent only because they are out there and they have not been caught yet. This is a begrudger's budget. The budget is off the wall in terms of its incentives and its implications for small and medium sized enterprises. I hope its provisions will not be seriously considered for inclusion in the Finance Bill.

I am disappointed that young farmers have been denied a write-off of the capital acquisitions tax. The Government tinkered with it for the sake of respectability but that is all that was done. I wonder who thought up the residential property tax. It smacks of begrudgery. If one wants to sell a principal private residence one must get a certificate. If one does not get the certificate from a parent, one must get it from the Revenue Commissioners in order to sell the house and get on with business. This smacks of the begrudgers' agenda. It is petty and in terms of its revenue implications, too petty to be bothered with politically.

Today the one month bank rate rose to 15 per cent. The Minister told us his sums are predicated on interest rates coming down; we all share his desire. However, if they do not, his sums will be inaccurate in this area too. The Minister should continue his present policy rather than borrowing additional money.

The first priority was to maintain a favourable overall climate in terms of our public finances. To some extent that has been done in today's budget. Tax reform is not a luxury, it is of vital necessity in the light of our unemployment crisis, not least in the way it interacts with welfare payments at the lower end of the scale. This Government ran away from that today. There is no hint of radicalism in this budget. It is a budget without imagination and is a gross failure in terms of creating employment and helping the lower paid. There is an onus on this Government to cut costs for Irish enterprise if we are to have the enterprise culture to which it says it is committed. Perhaps Ministers will make statements on this throughout the year. It is not even mentioned as a priority in this budget.

Our marginal and average tax rates remain penally high. This is the first occasion that a Minister for Finance has reversed a trend which was for the good of the economy and society. It is a disgrace that so little should have been done by way of radical reform for those who earn below the average industrial wage. It is a disgrace that people on low pay are being left on the margin as a result of the fiddling with limits that I mentioned earlier. There is a need to focus on economic growth and job creation in the enterprise and trade sector. That is where we can develop sustainable jobs. Greater development of small and medium sized enterprise is required. There must be training in real workplaces rather than training schemes. These aspects are there for the appraisal of anyone in Government or in Opposition.

In its first budget, this Government has adopted a human set aside policy. We all know about the anger of the farmers concerning tillage set aside. The Government's talk of radicalism, attacking poverty traps, changing the standard band of taxation, which is a joke in the light of its action today, does not amount to a row of beans. It puts to one side 300,000 or more people and tells them they are part of a human set aside policy. The Government will offer them welfare payments and hope they will not get too upset at the end of the day.

This budget lacks vision, focus and does not set out targets for so many issues, including fiscal policy. The signals on public sector pay set out in this budget are so weak that the Minister, without a smile on his face, assured us that he would not allow for additional pay increases this year. The Government, like a rabbit caught in the headlights of an oncoming car, is frightened of having to take a tough line in the forthcoming negotiations on pay, but it must adopt a strong approach if it is not to return to this House with its hands tied behind its back. This Government has devalued itself. We waited in hope for vision, for a radical agenda by a Government that has shown an enormous appetite for change. Instead of the roar of a lion, we got the squeak of a mouse.

This budget is based on the assumption of an additional 26,000 people being added to the number on the live register. They are the Minister's figures and they represent the first major failure of this budget. If the public had a priority it was that this budget would have addressed the problem of unemployment. A budget that admits there will be 26,000 extra people on the dole queue is a failure by any yardstick.

This budget sums up the haunting memories of what happened in the early eighties. Do we remember the early eighties? It was a period of high unemployment, high taxes and high interest rates. We are back in that spiral again now but it is worse than anything we could have imagined. Levies were a great feature of the early eighties as well. They have now returned in a guise to help the unemployed. In fact, they are no more than another smash and grab raid on the pockets of the PAYE and compliant tax paying citizens. The Minister hopes to get a further £76 million by pretending this is not income tax, that it is merely a levy, and, as it is to help the unemployed, it would not be treasonable to oppose it. We are supposed to welcome the fact that our pockets are being rifled because it is to help the unemployed.

In addition, the Minister announced as a solution, or part solution, to the scale of unemployment the setting up of the county enterprise boards. This idea emerged — not in this fashion — from the all-party Oireachtas Committee on Unemployment last summer. That committee identified that one of the greatest barriers to job creation in small enterprises in this economy was the absence of seed capital, the difficulty of getting access to equity capital and that such a fund ought to be established. The Government said it would create such a fund, allocate £50 million to it and that it would be matched by £100 million, in a way that was never specified, from the financial institutions. Of course, nothing happened. The idea was lost in the internal row between the Taoiseach's Department and the then Minister for Industry and Commerce. The Taoiseach, of course, won the battle and removed responsibility for small enterprise from the control of the Department of Industry and Commerce. He transferred it to his own Department and gave responsibility for its administration to one of his favourite Junior Ministers, Deputy Noel Treacy, who managed, during the lifetime of that Government, to set up one county enterprise board in Galway. It never got any money, it never did anything and the Minister tells us today that he is making £25 million — not £50 million — available to the county enterprise boards. He hopes to get matching finance from the financial institutions for £100 million without indicating how that will be done. This is supposed to be a great step forward. One could not contemplate a more wasteful structure for the creation of jobs than a county enterprise board system. It has nothing in common with any unit to do with planning, such as the concept of regional planning, which would be of benefit to us. This is based on the GAA unit of the county and is set up so that anybody who has the ear of a Government ID — better still the ear of a Minister — will get a grant for making widgets or concrete blocks in his back garden. The fact that somebody down the road or in the next county is already making them will not be relevant.

The people who thought this idea up are not into fancy economic concepts like displacement. The philosophy is, if the lads get a few bob out of it, what is the harm, it keeps them happy and we are pretending to bring power to the people. It is the most wasteful concept that could have been suggested. It is an excuse to give politicians a jar of lollipops to distribute to their supporters at local level. It is wasteful. When the IDA had responsibility for small enterprise they knew it would be wasteful. It was delighted to get rid of small enterprises as it considered them unsuccessful. It has to contend with the concept of displacement and is glad to have this removed from its responsibilities in the sense envisaged here.

Many people will have been expecting great things today from the social welfare aspect of the budget. It is very sad that so many people have to live on social welfare of one kind or another. It is an important budget for them because their expectation was that it would repeal the damage to the most vulnerable people in the community. I am glad that Deputy McCreevy is in the House but I have bad news for the public who believe that his infamous Circular 14/92 and the rest of his cuts — dubbed by his constituency colleague Deputy Emmet Stagg, now Minister of State at the Department of the Environment, as the "dirty dozen"— would be rolled back. Deputy McCreevy has shown who is the top dog Minister in Kildare. There is no doubt about that. He managed to pass the ball to the wing when the new Cabinet was set up. He now has a ministry to which he is far more suited than social welfare. He did not have a great deal of familiarity with the unfortunate people in a great many other constituencies, as well as mine, who, for example, are being disconnected by the ESB, as my colleague Deputy De Rossa highlighted in this House last week, because the community welfare officers do not have the authority or finance to assist them. Those at the very bottom, the most vulnerable groups in the social welfare net, looked to this budget to see the Labour Party implement its commitment to roll back the "dirty dozen" cuts. We hope the Minister for Social Welfare in his contribution will acknowledge the attempts of Deputy De Rossa and others in this House to highlight the injustice to people who are barely able to put food on the table and who suffered the ignominy of having budget meters installed in their houses which will require the purchase of tokens at £5 per time. When the token runs out, the electricity is cut off a few hours later. If they happen to have a pan on the cooker and a heater switched on they are left without food or heat. That is the reality for people caught in the poverty trap. At a minimum people expected more from this budget. In addition people generally expected that there would be progress in meeting the targets set in the mid-eighties by the Commission on Social Welfare in terms of the priority rates for short term recipients. The Minister apologised for not being able to do anything about it. He raised social welfare by what he estimates will be the rate of inflation, with effect from July which means that people are now worse off.

The minimum the Commission on Social Welfare set in 1986 means that disability and unemployment benefit should now be £65.78. Is anybody seriously saying in this House that a basic rate of £65.78 is exorbitant or excessive for a single person? The Minister has recommended a rate of £55, or £60 with effect from July. This is still more than £15 short of the recommended minimum rate. It is a heartbreaking disappointment for people on social welfare that the Minister has not managed to make even some progress towards achieving the objectives of the Commission on Social Welfare, which reported in 1986. In regard to income tax, of all the three card tricks that Ministers for Finance ever managed to perform on the basis of "now you see it now you dont", this is the worst. In the course of his budget speech he confessed he was sorry that on this occasion he had to look for a net contribution to revenue from income tax. At least that is honest, it states the situation as it is because pretending that there is some kind of minimal marginal relief to taxpayers because of a couple of pounds on the tax bands is blatantly not the case. After you take the special 1 per cent levy into account taxpayers are worse off.

The Minister has attempted to present the budget as being in the interests of the low paid. However, when you do the calculations, that is manifestly not the case. The claim that he will take 13,500 taxpayers out of the tax net is not true either. Apart from the fiscal drag, as soon as the 3 per cent increase under the Programme for Economic and Social Progress is put in place — remember we are talking about people at work — most taxpayers will be back in the tax net. This is a Houdini type attempt by the Minister to give the impression that he has done something for the low paid.

This is a sackcloth and ashes budget. The Minister was wearing the ashes and he wants to put the unemployed into sack cloth. To come in here with his ashes like some latter day North side Gandhi presenting an image of caring and compassion for the unemployed should be dubunked for the myth it is.

There is a number of benchmarks against which this budget must be measured. The main bench mark is the impact it would make on the scale of unemployment. Nobody believes that a budget will eliminate unemployent but it should impact on the scale of the problem. In addition the backdrop to this budget was the promise by the two parties now comprising the Government during the general election. Most hard-pressed mortgage holders will remember the very specific and definite commitment by the Minister for Finance on the question of introducing full mortgage interest relief if interest rates had not gone down by the time of the budget and that that full mortgage interest relief would be made retrospective to 6 October 1992. That is another broken promise. The Minister estimated that such relief would cost about £40 million in a full year. He has provided for a complex system difficult to administer, that will give relief of about £17 million. It is very simple to measure the distance between the promise and what has been done in practice.

I have mentioned the social welfare recipients and their expectations, also the result of promises made during the general election. The Labour Party made clear their position. I do not know if it is expected in this House that one should attempt to measure the promises against the practice? Do politicians' promises mean anything any more? After all, the Government is only five or six weeks old. People voted for this elusive phenomenon called "change" that swept the Labour Party into office and that had Deputy Lenihan and Deputy Bertie Ahern telling us that Fianna Fáil and Labour were really soul brothers and that, as the Tánaiste put it in his phrase, the face of Irish politics would never be the same again. Perhaps it was appropriate that those words were uttered in the Concert Hall; perhaps they should be put to music, but to people who believe the face of Irish politics has changed forever, I have to say that I see the same old faces looking at me, the same old policies in this budget, which are no different from when Fianna Fáil were in office with the Progressive Democrats.

I am sure a number of people have filed away the promises from the Labour Party concerning the injection of equity into Aer Lingus. In the Programme for a Partnership Government it is stated that they will "ensure the commercial future of our national airline as part of our overall air transport policy". I have read the Minister's paragraph on this a few times, but I do not understand what he means. The workers in Aer Lingus would be well advised to get their act together based on what has been said tonight. I do not know if the Minister proposes to raid the remaining shares of Greencore and Irish Life. That would seem to be what is at stake. Perhaps the Minister can tell us what the provision is. I think it is £135 million from selling off assets. I seem to remember a promise from the junior partner that there would be no privatisation but this, presumably, refers to the remaining shares in Greencore and Irish Life. Are they going directly into Aer Lingus? There is no commitment to that effect. There seems to be a willingness that they should be disposed of, notwithstanding the strategic influence that a company like Greencore might have in the industrial development of this country, and notwithstanding the role that a major financial company like Irish Life might have. It seems that it would have been prudent for the Government and the Minister to remain in a position to influence and direct investment by two of the major companies in this economy. However, in order to make up the budget arithmetic and help the Minister do his three card trick, we have to sell off these shares, and there does not seem to be any objection from the Labour Party about that.

It is fair to remind the House of the promises that were made during the general election because, if people did not expect that there would be major and rapid change, they did expect a better outlook for their children and for the unemployed. The did expect an improvement on the decrepit clapped out performance of the Fianna Fáil/Progressive Democrats Government and the cynicism, dejection and despair that it imposed in the manner of its unravelling. People expected that at least this new partnership Government would put some of our people back to work, would put some of our homeless into houses and would put some of the tax that is being wrongly levied on the PAYE sector back in their pockets and stimulate job creation as a result. That has not happened.

Many people are watching this debate this evening and a great many more are in the House listening to it, and they will note that even before the Minister for Finance got on his feet today, the Minister for Health Deputy Howlin, created public uproar by the introduction of swingeing increases in hospital charges. It is fair to say that these swingeing increases were unexpected. I do not think the public expected them. This is the same public that taught former Deputy Haughey a lesson about hospital charges and the decline of the health services in 1989 when he, Mr. Haughey, rushed back from Japan and mistaking his stature as equal to that of the emperor he had left behind, decided we would have a general election. Now, so quickly, six weeks after coming into office, the new Minister for Health decides that we should have swingeing increases in hospital charges. The public will recall how vigorously Deputy Howlin opposed these health charges when he was a very effective health spokesman for his party. On 28 April 1987 Deputy Howlin introduced a motion to this House to annul the hospital charges introduced by the then Fianna Fáil Government, and during the course of his introduction he said.

I would classify these charges as immoral and no amount of exemptions or exceptions will make them moral. They are a crude and vicious instrument whose only effect will be to undermine the standard of health care...

It is all too easy to envisage situations where necessary treatments will be foregone because of the fear of these charges, where children will simply not get the X-rays, where old people will try to nurse themselves at home rather than face the humiliation of going to a hospital with an empty purse. I have already met people who are in terror of the prospect of facing an illness and simply not having the means to cover the charge proposed by the Minister.

His motion was seconded by my constituency colleague, now Minister, Deputy Mervyn Taylor, who got straight to the heart of the matter and, on the same day, 28 April 1987, he said:

One has to call a spade a spade in this kind of situation. The truth of the matter is that the imposition of these charges by the Fianna Fáil Government is a disgrace and an outrage. There is no other way in which it can be described. It constitutes a vicious assault on the standards of working people who cannot afford to meet charges of that nature.

Deputy Howlin, now the Minister for Health, in summing up informed the House of what his philosophy would be towards the health services. He said that the charges amounted to:

...an outright and vicious attack on fundamental principle. That principle has underpinned the health services for a generation. It has provided a basic bottom line guarantee to those who are ill or infirm, to the parents of small children, to the aged and to those who sought the assistance and support of the State in times of great distress. It is the principle that health care should be free at the point of delivery for those in need. That principle which informed Fianna Fáil philosophy as well as the philosophies of other parties in this House will die if these regulations are allowed to take effect.

He challenged the other parties in the House that night when he said that the Labour Party felt that the issues were clear cut and straightforward and that the Members on all sides of the House would have to decide when it came to voting where exactly they stood on these issues and whether they wished to have these charges imposed.

In this budget there is a total abandonment of the commitment of the Government to the principle of tax reform. Even the minimalist approach of recent Governments in terms of tax reductions — admittedly tax reductions that disproportionately assisted the higher paid — seems to have been abandoned as well. The Minister promised in the Programme for a Partnership Government to make progress towards equity in the tax code which involves shifting some of the burden off the shoulders of the PAYE sector.

There were specific promises to remove the low paid from the tax net altogether, to broaden the standard tax band, to maintain basic tax reliefs, to improve collection and enforcement and to ensure equity as between the PAYE sectors, the self-employed and those with substantial investment income. It certainly has not improved equity as between the PAYE sector and the rest.

I want to debunk the Minister's propaganda that substantial progress on tax reform has been made in recent years because nothing could be further from the truth. Tax levels are now effectively higher than a decade ago when public anger at the injustices of the tax system brought thousands of our citizens on to the streets of our cities and towns throughout the country. What the past decade has proved is that juggling around with the tax bands or the rates does not constitute tax reform. Rates and bands have been juggled about with the speed of a three card trick operator and the result has been roughly the same. Few Governments have promised more and delivered less than the last Administration.

The Progressive Democrats, who apparently only want to listen to their own star performer, sought in particular to give the impression that they were the champions of tax reform, but their record in office is dismal. The figures show that the burden on the PAYE sector increased substantially during the period of the Fianna Fáil/Progressive Democrat Government. In 1989, when Fianna Fáil and the Progressive Democrats came into power with lavish promises of tax reform, the average PAYE worker paid £3,127 a year. By 1991 this figure had jumped by £438 to £4,565, representing an increase of 14 per cent. This was about twice the rate at which earnings increased over the same period.

However, it is only when comparisons are made between the PAYE sector and other groups that the level of the injustice becomes apparent. In the 1989/91 period, the average tax paid by the self-employed, which includes many high earning professionals, increased by just £44 or 1.6 per cent. Farmers did even better from the Fianna Fáil/Progressive Democrat tax policy. Their average tax payment declined by £231 from £786 to £537, a fall of 30 per cent.

Neither has there been sufficient progress in dealing with the scandal of unpaid taxes and tax evasion. The recent report of the Comptroller and Auditor General pointed out that just over £2.5 billion in tax payments remain unpaid at the end of May and that the Revenue Commissioners expect to collect £418 million of that amount. I do not propose to discommode the Secretary of the Department of Finance or the Chairman of the Revenue Commissioners by suggesting that I believe that that £2 billion is out there. However, I do believe that a great deal of it is out there and I do acknowledge that there have been improvements recently in enforcement and collection, but there is still uncollected tax out there. We do not need to look any further than the proceedings at Dublin Castle to be convinced of that and more progress needs to be made in that area.

I do not know what the Chairman of the Revenue Commissioners or the Secretary of the Department would say, through the Minister, about the urgings on him by some Fianna Fáil backbenchers that there is a lot of hot money out there that would, if an amnesty were introduced, be induced back into this jurisdiction and used for more productive purposes here. I do not see any reference in the Minister's script to it. We had a number of press releases from south Tipperary and elsewhere saying that it was all fixed up with the Minister for Finance and that it would be in the budget. I see no sign of it so far.

They did not say which one.

The imposition of the employment levy in this budget effectively wipes out the benefit of the minimal tax reductions. The average industrial earner is worse off and the table attached to the Principal Features of the Budget shows how somebody earning £10,000 is worse off after this budget than before.

The extension of the standard band, which the Minister boasted about as an achievement, amounts to about 2.67 per cent which is less than the rate of inflation as predicted by the Minister himself. Some workers may be moved out of the upper band for a short time but when they get the Programme for Economic and Social Progress increases they will be back in the higher band. The same applies to the Minister's claim that 13,500 taxpayers will be removed from the tax net because of the increase of 2.8 per cent in the general exemption limits. It would amount to between £7,000 and £7,200 for a couple and between £3,500 and £3,600 for a single person.

I want to refer to the Minister's reiteration that the fundamentals of this economy are sound and to the compliments he paid himself and his assistants on the management of the economy. I cannot understand how it can be said of any economy where there are 300,000 people unemployed that the fundamentals are sound. I cannot understand how it can be said of any economy where the price of money is anything from 18 per cent upward that the fundamentals are sound. I cannot understand how we can pretend to even increase the number of people at work when the life blood of the economy is being sucked out, sucked abroad, sucked into savings accounts or sucked into unproductive investment and property because of the historically high interest rates. We are deluding ourselves in continuing to refer to the inordinately successful output figures and export trade figures and the constant balance of payments surplus. These are significantly inflated by the multinationals which is the most productive sector of the economy through the mechanism of transfer pricing which enables them to falsely and artificially boost the profits in this jurisdiction in order to get a tax benefit in their country of origin. This is such a phenomenon that President Clinton has undertaken to introduce a Bill in the House of Congress to see if this phenomenon can be tackled and that, of course, will be a negative factor as far as this economy is concerned. It is equally negative for us to continue to delude ourselves that our extraordinary figures show the real economy. I do not think that is the case and I would like to refer the House to the last report published by the NESC in December 1992. That report serves to show the relationship between our supposed growth figures and our job creations.

I do not wish to bore the House by reading out any of the tables in that report but I will distribute them for the benefit of the recorders. The NESC authors acknowledge that there can be little doubt but that the productivity data for Irish manufacturing industry are artificially inflated by transfer pricing practices carried out by some multinational corporations. They go on to examine the apparent phenomenon whereby Irish productivity levels in each of the sectors examined are dramatically above those of other EC countries. It is true that our productivity rates in the multinational sector are good. By and large the latest means of technology is harnessed to the means of production, generally speaking. To suggest, as is suggested by the figures, that our productivity rates are three times better on average than the rates in the other EC countries is a manifest nonsense. We should stop deluding ourselves and this House should make provision to discuss the report of the NESC rather than hiding it away and being afraid to refer to it. The House should draw the conclusions that ought to be drawn from that report.

The authors of that document stated that comparative data on sectoral productivity rates suggest strongly that transfer pricing is taking place in the Irish manufacturing sector. This is not some left-wing economist group associated with Democratic Left but rather the NESC, all upstanding gentlement having the crème de la crème of the corporatism and consensus that has managed to give us 300,000 unemployed. It is a conservative respectable body. This phenomenon, they say, does not seem to be a significant issue in other western economies. It appears to be particularly pronounced in three sectors of Irish manufacturing industry — pharmaceuticals, office and data processing and the “other food” category. These three sectors accounted for 33.2 per cent of total manufacturing net output in 1989 and were responsible for 39.6 per cent of the total growth in manufacturing net output between 1980 and 1989. Some of the apparent rise in productivity in Irish manufacturing is thus illusory, to use their word, in that it owes more to the accounting practices of multinational corporations than to any fundamental changes in the relationship between output growth and employment growth in Ireland.

The figures for the indigenous sector, which does not have resort to the transfer pricing mechanism, are probably a great deal more reliable. Since a great deal of that indigenous sector trades into the United Kingdom, the conclusion that one has to draw is that the job content of that element of trading into the United Kingdom is disproportionally important to this economy. I am making this point with relevance to the currency crisis which the Minister skated over. It has become fashionable to say that we have only 32 per cent or 33 per cent of our export links with the United Kingdom, that we have been diversifying and have a fantastic record over the last ten to 15 years exporting to other countries in the EC — a plague on the houses of those in the indigenous sector who did not get out their Portuguese ready-reckoner, learn the language and go out to sell to the Portuguese and the Germans and so on. Arising from this NESC report it is natural to expect that we will continue to have a major share of our trade with our largest neighbour, which has almost 60 million people. We have the same language, we have similar accounting practices and it is normal that it will continue. Since the figures are more reliable it is probable that there are more jobs at risk in the indigenous sector. We have to take that on board following sterling's departure from the ERM.

I have expressed the view in this House that the devaluation débacle was due to a combination of factors that involved the Government of the day going on sabbatical leave at a critical time, an inability on the side of officials to get off the tracks of Euro machismo and our fascination with a link with the hardcore group of currencies. Now there is an attempt to pull down the shutters on that debate which is so vital for our economic future and which was avoided by the Minister tonight. The debate needs to be rejoined. Sounding off against the unfeeling Bundesbank will not get us anywhere. It is a dialogue of the deaf.

The traditional silence of the Central Bank is no longer acceptable. Very harsh things have been written recently about the conduct of affairs in the Central Bank and as yet we have had no statement from them defending their position. I have no doubt, as I said during the debate on the currency crisis, that the public servants in the Central Bank, in the National Treasury Management Agency and in the Department of Finance functioned honourably and with great commitment according to their own lights, but it is no longer good enough to pretend that this is too arcane a pastime to have the rest of us involved in it and not to allow a debate. It is nonsense — and the Department of Finance must know this — to suggest that we are going to do anything about improving our employment levels while we maintain interest rates at their current historically high levels. How can our most vulnerable traded sector cope with the volatility of current exchange rate policy with the United Kingdom? Aids to exporters, for example, those provided through the market development fund, cannot become a permanent feature of industrial policy.

How can the Minister for Enterprise and Employment, Deputy Quinn, come in here and talk about growing the indigenous sector and implementing Culliton against a backdrop of historically high interest rates? That is not possible and the Minister ought to know it. I see two radical solutions to that problem. Perhaps there are others; I am doing no more that seeking to open the debate.

The first solutions has been articulated by Fine Gael and the Progressive Democrats. Admittedly the language tends to obfuscate what they want us to hear. When Fine Gael and the Progressive Democrats say we have to get the costs of business under control they mean we must freeze public pay, bring down the cost of public utilities such as telephones, energy supplies and so on and dramatically slash public spending. Certainly that is one solution.

(Carlow-Kilkenny): Not fully.

It ought to bring the response from the markets that they claim it will but of course it will never happen with this black melange of a Government consisting of Fianna Fáil and Labour. There is no point in pushing that solution because it will not happen.

The second radical solution — pending the putting together again of the ERM with Britain included — is that we may be forced to consider floating the Irish pound. For as long as we remain in the ERM and the UK remains outside, our currency is a sitting duck for speculators. Whether sterling falls or rises speculators are on a no lose bet. Irish business will suffer from the inevitable see-saw in exchange rate policy and more Irish jobs will be lost.

What do we tell the public about the latest news this evening? People thought that the threat of an increase in mortgages had disappeared, but instead the monthly rate has been increased to over 15 per cent, it has gone over the level that triggers off the increase in retail rates the building societies must charge. What do we propose to do in that situation? We have to deal with this question and debate it openly and honestly. I am not saying I have a monopoly on wisdom, or indeed any wisdom at all, on this issue, but I am saying the agencies concerned, the Department and the Minister for Finance must bring the debate to this House and we must continue to have that debate until we find a resolution.

Our European partners expect us to protect our short term interests. No other conclusion can be drawn from the stance of our partners during the recent currency crisis. They clearly see us as being part of the sterling zone. Wishing ourselves into a special relationship with the Deutsche Mark is futile, and the Germans have made that clear. They do not regard us as being in the Deutsche Mark zone. Therefore why do we continue to make such painful sacrifices to remain members of a Deutsche Mark club whose members do not regard us as qualifying for membership?

Being in or out on the EMS is not the same thing as being in or out of the European Union, and people should stop denigrating those who have a different view and who are committed to the process of European integration. Those who say the ERM is essential to the concept of greater European integration are misleading and unfairly presenting the argument. They are not the same thing. Neither is it fair to suggest that because a particular exchange rate policy is linked with another economy we automatically import the growth rates of that economy. I do not believe that is the case. Neither do I believe it is the case that we would lose our entitlement to Cohesion Funds if we were not in the ERM for a temporary period while people went back to the drawing board and tried to come up with an exchange rate policy which works and which, if possible, includes the United Kingdom. I do not believe we would lose our Cohesion Funds if this happened, and there is no basis for saying so. Greece was never in the EMS and it has not lost any of its entitlement to Cohesion Funds.

I think the Department of Finance probably believes we would lose the disciplines imposed on us by the system if we were to operate outside it for a while, that we would go back to the profligate days of the late 1970s and the early 1980s in terms of public spending etc. I cannot believe, after all we have learned and the price we have paid for the debt burden we have carried, that that would be the case. It is now time for some imaginative innovative thinking on this area of exchange rate policy.

I wish to refer to the confidence the Minister has placed in the revival of a revamped business expansion scheme. I am bound to say it is a triumph of hope over experience. In 1990 the Comptroller and Auditor General published a report that included an audit carried out by his office on the operations of the business expansion scheme as it applied at that time. Some of the findings of that audit were a serious indictment of the effectiveness of the BES. The Comptroller and Auditor General concluded, and I quote:

Large amounts of tax may have been foregone with little net gain in terms of job creation or maintenance.

He went on to cite the notorious case, with which we are all familiar, at Shannon where a total investment of £23 million in March-April 1989 in one new company produced, from information he got from the Revenue Commissioners' files, seven jobs. He estimated that at the top rate of income tax — the rate that would apply to BES investors — that cost the Exchequer £13 million. If it cost £13 million for seven jobs, then each job cost approximately £2 million. I am concerned about the effectiveness of the scheme.

I agree with the concept of the business expansion scheme. If the scheme can be operated in a way that encourages investment in what is regarded as risk enterprise, then it should be encouraged. I have no objections to the ceilings being lifted, etc., but I think the Revenue Commissioners and the Department of Finance would have to agree that they were not successful in working out ways of doing that in a previous existence. I would refer the Revenue Commissioners to a study on this scheme carried out by Dr. James Stuart in Trinity College in which he reached conclusions to those reached by the Comptroller and Auditor General. His paper shows that while the BES scheme is hailed as a major benefit to small business it has spawned several major tax avoidance schemes. If I had time, I would like to have put some of his proposals on the record of the House, but perhaps we can return to it at another time.

Unlike the Minister, I do not think the business expansion scheme is going to provide a flood of new investment for enterprise in this country. People whose job it is to find loopholes in the scheme to convert it into a tax shelter are likely to do that again. Therefore, it is incumbent on those who police the scheme to ensure that we do not have the disgraceful examples of abuse we had on the last occasion.

This budget has Fianna Fáil written all over it. There is nothing in it that substantially differentiates it from budgets that have been introduced by the previous Coalition of Fianna Fáil and the Progressive Democrats. There is no evidence in the budget of any new thinking, a new beginning or willingness to tackle the underlying poverty for those on social welfare and low pay, no serious assault on mass unemployment and little to reduce privilege and inequality in the taxation and PRSI systems. When the Programme for Government was published in January we said then that it was dominated by Fianna Fáil economic thinking and that the only evidence of Labour Party influence was in the social area. The same can be said of the budget. Despite the plethora of advisers, assistants, accomplices, aides, sons, daughters, sisters, uncles and aunts, there is no evidence of any formative influence by the Labour Party in this budget. It seems, not for the first time, that Fianna Fáil has said to the Labour Party, "you must wait".

All the old strokes and tricks which were so strongly criticised by the Labour Party when it was on this side of the House have been used in this budget; for example, VAT increases which will come into effect on 1 March and social welfare increases which will not come into effect until July. This means that those on social welfare will have to pay more for clothing, footwear and various other goods for almost five months before they get the meagre extra few bob provided for in the budget. The principle of increasing social welfare generally in line with inflation would only be acceptable if existing social welfare rates gave people a reasonable minimum income. This is clearly not the case. In any event, the Minister has taken an optimistic view of the likely level of inflation. Many believe the rate of inflation will be higher than 3 per cent, especially with the impact of devaluation. In addition, the increases are likely to be wiped out by the VAT hike, increased local authority rents and other increases that have already been introduced.

Having regard to all the critical headings one has to address, this budget is a failure. This is especially regrettable having regard to the level of expectation about this new partnership Government that promised so much. The Government has delivered a budget in the same old style of taking a few bob here and giving a few bob there so that the net condition of those caught in the poverty trap is no better. The disgraceful "dirty dozen" social welfare cuts have not been repealed. The budget provides for 26,000 extra people on the live register; that is what it promises on the unemployment front. Generally speaking the budget is a failure and it augurs very badly for the beginning of the life of this new Government.

Sitting suspended at 8 p.m. and resumed at 8.30 p.m.
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