Vol. 443 No. 7
1 Mr. J. O'Keeffe asked the Taoiseach whether clarification of the Joint Declaration of 15 December 1993 has been sought of him by representatives of the loyalists, if so, the terms of the request; and if he will make a statement on the matter.
2 Mr. J. O'Keeffe asked the Taoiseach whether clarification of the Joint Declaration of 15 December 1993 has been furnished by him to representatives of the loyalists; and if so, the terms of the clarification; and if he will make a statement on the matter.
3 Mr. J. O'Keeffe asked the Taoiseach whether an agenda has been agreed for his meeting on Northern Ireland with the United Kingdom Prime Minister, Mr. John Major in Corfu; and if he will make a statement on the matter.
4 Proinsias De Rossa asked the Taoiseach if he has received a letter from a person (details supplied) seeking clarification of the Government's position on Northern Ireland; if so, if he has replied to this person; the nature of such reply; and if he will make a statement on the matter.
5 Proinsias De Rossa asked the Taoiseach the likely agenda for his July summit with the British Prime Minister, Mr. John Major.
I propose to take Questions Nos. 1 to 5 together.
Since the Joint Declaration was signed the Irish and British Governments have provided very substantial clarification on those issues which were represented by the Republican movement as causing genuine perplexity. This protracted process has essentially presented the Joint Declaration as a fair and balanced framework within which a lasting solution to the Northern Ireland conflict can be found. The two Governments have stated in clear and detailed terms that its principles and realities reflect a solid commitment by us both to the inviolable rights and legitimate aspirations of both traditions in Ireland. We have provided an enormous amount of detail on how on the basis of the declaration, we will strive to achieve a just balance between these rights and aspirations in a way which would safeguard each and threaten neither. The principal effect of all this has been to clearly demonstrate that there remains no vestige of justification for paramilitary violence anywhere, whether loyalist or Republican.
Despite this, the violence has continued. The two Governments, therefore, have repeatedly challenged the paramilitaries on both sides to give tangible expression to their stated interest in peace by calling a permanent end to their respective campaigns.
The constructive British response to Sinn Féin's repeated requests for clarification has cleared the way for an early response from the Republican movement. Regarding the loyalist paramilitaries, I can confirm to the House that a request for clarification was received from an Ulster Democratic Party councillor, in his personal capacity. The letter in question seeks clarification on a number of matters pertaining to Irish Government policy on Northern Ireland.
I welcome this request and am willing to extend to loyalists the same level of clarification as I have extended to others. It is important to make clear, however, that I am not prepared to enter negotiations on the Downing Street Declaration, or on any issues which are properly a matter for the talks process.
A response to this letter is in the process of issuing. I would have no difficulties should the recipient decide to make public its contents. It is my hope that the clarification provided will constitute a significant advance in the development of the peace process, leading to a permanent halt being called to loyalist paramilitary violence. I look forward to a similar response from the Republican movement.
I take the view that the clarification process has now been completed. An important opportunity exists for both sides to finally disengage from violence in favour of the democratic process. As I have already made clear on numerous occasions, the two Governments will continue to pursue political progress without waiting for the decisions of the paramilitaries.
Our work on the formulation of a joint framework document as a basis for resumed all-party talks will continue. I will review progress with the British Prime Minister at our informal meeting on the margins of the European Council meeting in Corfu. Although no absolute timetable exists for the completion of the framework document, we have set ourselves the aim of finalising it by the time of our next formal meeting, which is scheduled to take place in mid-July. It is our intention therefore to review at that meeting the actual situation in this regard, as well as the prospects for the earliest possible resumption of the three-stranded talks process.
In relation to Councillor McMichael's letter seeking clarification, will the Taoiseach accept it would be in everybody's best interests that the letter and the response be published so that there would be openness and transparency to avoid suspicion? Does he accept we have not had any peace dividend from the Downing Street Declaration of last December, that instead we have had half a year of further killing and maiming, that as far as paramilitaries on both sides are concerned it is now "make up your mind time" and that from now on the approach of the Irish and the UK Governments will be totally focused on those in the constitutional parties and those who disavow violence?
If the writer of the letter, Councillor McMichael, chooses to make it public I will be happy to see that process carried through. It is a matter for him to decide when he gets the reply which, it is hoped, will issue within the next 24 hours.
The clarification process has been completed and there is no question of any more clarification. We look forward to early responses now that the elections are out of the way. The result of the European elections in Northern Ireland were positive. Mr. John Hume's vote went up considerably, by 3.5 per cent or thereabouts, and an increase of 25,000 votes. The Official Unionist vote also went up. Clearly the vast majority of people in the North use the democratic process and the ballot box to express their continuing support for a permanent cessation of violence. That is what the people want to see coming out of this process, sooner rather than later.
Will the Taoiseach indicate that the expected declaration of cease-fire by the Provisionals arising from the agreement between the British and Irish Governments on the declaration has not occurred and is now not likely to occur in the way that he expected? Will he agree it is necessary for both Governments to be clearly seen to be moving forward with the political process in a way which would undercut the fear in various parts of the community in the North and that neither Government should be seen to be held back by paramilitary organisations of whatever hue?
I continue to put the same response on the record here time after time that the two Governments are not waiting for the paramilitaries to say yes or no. I have laid out the timetable on which we are working. The two Governments are engaged in trying to finalise the framework document in time for our next formal meeting in mid-July. Whether the paramilitaries say yes or no we will continue with our timetable. On the Deputy's other question, it is a matter of fact that there has not been a cessation of violence. However, the clarification process is now complete and it is hoped that we will hear one way or the other by early July.
I am sure the Chair will pardon me if I take the opportunity of complimenting those in the North who clearly voted for the peace process. In particular I compliment John Hume on the powerful endorsement of his stance. Arising out of that, will the Taoiseach confirm the position in regard to the framework document which has been under discussion for so long? What steps are being taken to accelerate the process? I understand there are to be further meetings between the Tánaiste and Sir Patrick Mayhew later this week. Finally, on the framework document, will the Taoiseach give us an idea of how it is to be launched? I take it the Taoiseach and the British Prime Minister will be waiting until after 12 July before launching the document. Will it be publicly launched or submitted to the constitutional parties for consideration?
Work is continuing between the liaison committee operating on behalf of the two Governments. The Tánaiste and Sir Patrick Mayhew are in regular contact about the contents of the document. At my latest meeting with the British Prime Minister, Mr. John Major, we also advanced certain aspects of it. Our target is mid-July, which is a very tight schedule. It is a question of getting agreement before any decision is taken on how the process will go from there. It is our hope that that framework document, when completed, will be the basis for a resumption of all-party talks and it is hoped that by then we might see a cessation of violence to allow all parties to participate around the table.
When does the Taoiseach believe those all-party talks could take place? Does he envisage the two Governments responding before the all-party talks begin in a way that can advance the peace process? In other words, does he envisage the two Governments responding by way of the Irish Government suggesting stronger North-South institutions and the British Government advancing proposals for a power-sharing executive within Northern Ireland? Does the Taoiseach envisage that happening after the July summit and prior to the talks process or will everything be as a result of the talks process?
The matters about which Deputy Harney inquired are matters for continuing discussion between the two Governments and between the liaison committees operating on behalf of the two Governments. It is hoped that we can accelerate the process and have it finalised by mid-July to enable the talks process to proceed from there.
All the signals from the Provisional IRA and Sinn Féin are that they will not say yes or no to the declaration. In view of the clear point made by both the British and Irish Governments that acceptance of the declaration is now of no importance as far as the IRA and Sinn Féin are concerned, will the Taoiseach agree that the emphasis should now be shifted on their acceptance or rejection of it to a total and outright demand that they cease their campaign of murder and destruction forthwith, regardless of their attitude to the declaration?
The call for a permanent cessation of violence has been made on numerous occasions by both Governments. We expect an early response now that the clarification process has ended. We do not know what that response will be but there is no question in anybody's mind about where the two Governments stand, with or without the paramilitaries' decision we are proceeding. The strongest suport that could be given to the peace process was given yestereday via the ballot boxes in the North——
And in the Republic.
——both sides. There was very strong support for the peace declaration and I do not accept Deputy De Rossa's assertion that it is no longer a matter of importance. The declaration is the foundation on which the framework document is being constructed and it is there to stay. It will not disappear from the agenda just because one or other or both sides of the paramilitaries may say so. We have made it clear that entry to the talks process is after a permanent cessation of violence.
Notwithstanding anything in the Joint Declaration, will the Taoiseach take the opportunity to make it clear to Sinn Féin, the IRA and any other paramilitary organisation that the sort of military display we saw in this city in recent times is wholly unacceptable? Will he tell the House what steps he has taken to deal with that display?
That is a separate matter, worthy of a separate question.
The Government has already condemned that type of action and will continue to do so.
I wish the Taoiseach every success in bringing an end to the deplorable violence. Will the issue of increasing radioactive discharges into the Irish Sea be on the agenda for the July summit, given that this concern is shared equally by Loyalists and Nationalists?
The Deputy is introducing extraneous matter.
It relates to the agenda for the summit.
The Deputy may not interrupt me. He is introducing extraneous matter. He can put down a question on the subject.
I was not aware the agenda was limited.
The Deputy should not argue with me.
I am seeking an answer.
We will continue our efforts. All people on this island, North and South, have one objective, that is to see the nuclear reprocessing plant closed down. We are all of the one view in this House, so far as I know, on the approach to that matter. We will continue to push forward that issue at European level, in the European Parliament and at the European Council of Ministers.
The Taoiseach may have misheard the last question I raised. My point is not that the declaration is of no consequence — I am on record as saying that it is a very important and historic document. It is a basis for peace in Northern Ireland. Would the Taoiseach agree that, given the rejection of Sinn Féin by the people in Northern Ireland and in the Republic in the recent elections and given the public's knowledge of its support for the IRA, it is of no consequence whether Sinn Féin accepts, rejects or blusters on the question of the Declaration? What is important is that it be told in no uncertain terms that it must end its campaign of violence, that the people want it to end and want the killing to stop.
We are having an element of repetition.
It is clear that the vast majority of people, North and South, reject violence as a means of advancing political objectives. The Downing Street Declaration states clearly the way forward in pursuing those objectives. The SDLP received a very strong vote in the European elections — the Nationalist vote has never been as strong. Clearly there is overwhelming support for a cessation of violence. That is what all of us want to see. Hopefully both sets of paramilitaries will see it that way and will participate in the talks process, but if they say "no" we will continue to push ahead as the people, North and South, would want us to do, for a just and lasting settlement to the problem.
Will the Taoiseach give an idea of his hopes for the next six months or year on Northern Ireland? Hopefully an agreed framework will be in place within the next month which will be submitted to the parties. What does the Taoiseach expect will occur thereafter? What timeframe has he in mind? What expectation has he of progress in the next 12 months in establishing a settlement between the two communities in Northern Ireland?
I am sure the Deputy will agree this is a centuries old problem and I do not think anybody would be foolish enough to set a timescale in terms of weeks or months to find a just and lasting solution to it. The clarification process is over. If Councillor McMichael gets the clarification he sought on behalf of his community and answers are given to his letter, hopefully it will advance the peace process. It could advance the opportunity to seek a new accommodation between the communities and between the people North and South. I think that is the hope of all of us in this House.
Hopefully when the framework document is ready around mid-July there will be an acceptance by the paramilitaries on both sides that the continuation of violence is futile and will not advance the objectives of either side. Both Governments have made clear on a number of occasions that the continuous use of violence to advance political objectives from either community will not bolster their negotiating position around the table. The sooner that message is taken on board by both sets of paramilitaries the better for everybody. By the time the framework document is ready I hope the paramilitaries will have seen the futility of their actions and resort to the only way forward, which the vast majority of people support, that is the democratic process of the conference table.
