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Dáil Éireann debate -
Tuesday, 6 Feb 2001

Vol. 529 No. 4

Fourth Protocol to the Treaty of Amsterdam: Referral to Joint Committee.

I move:

That the proposal that Dáil Éireann approve the exercise by the State of the option, provided by Article 3 of the fourth Protocol set out in the Treaty of Amsterdam, to notify the President of the Council that it wishes to take part in the adoption and application of the following proposed measure:

a proposal for a Council Directive on minimum standards on procedures in member states for granting and withdrawing refugee status

a copy of which proposed measure was laid before Dáil Éireann on 9 January 2001, be referred to the Joint Committee on Justice, Equality, Defence and Women's Rights, in accordance with paragraph (2)(a)(v) of the orders of reference of that committee, which shall, not later than 12 February 2001, send a message to the Dáil in the manner prescribed in Standing Order 79B, and Standing Order 79A(2) shall accordingly apply.

The Chair finished the Order of Business while I was still on my feet.

The Deputy was being disorderly.

I was not being disorderly.

We have moved on and we must proceed with item No. 22. The Chair is on its feet.

As a Member—

If the Deputy does not resume his seat I will have no option but to suspend the sitting.

On a point of order—

I have allowed the Deputy to raise a point of order. He was out of order on the Order of Business and he is being disorderly.

Perhaps I can be of help.

A member of my parliamentary party has raised a legitimate matter. I ask the Chair to allow him to make his point of order, to allow him to complete it and then perhaps to reply. Then the House can proceed.

If he has a legitimate point of order—

If he could get it articulated to completion, perhaps—

Let him make his point of order.

My point of order is that I was on my feet, asking a question about legislation, having been called by the Chair to do so. Another member of my party raised a point of order and the Chair called him in due course. I expected the Chair would return to me to enable me to complete the question I was raising before the Chair ended the Order of Business. I protest very strongly that the Chair did not do so. It is a discourtesy to me and a denial of my rights as a Member and I do not want it to happen again when I raise a matter on the Order of Business.

I ruled the Deputy out of order.

No, the Chair did not rule me out of order.

The Deputy cannot enter into an argument. We will proceed with the business of the House.

The motion for reference to the Joint Committee on Justice, Equality, Defence and Women's Rights relates to the exercise of the option which the State has under the provisions of the Fourth Protocol to the Amster dam Treaty to take part in the adoption and application of the proposal.

Is the motion agreed?

This issue is important and nobody heard a word the Minister said. I ask him to read his contribution on the motion slowly and distinctly.

If Deputy Howlin requests his colleagues to accommodate him by allowing him to listen to it, I will have no difficulty doing so.

The motion for reference to the Joint Committee on Justice, Equality, Defence and Women's Rights relates to the exercise of the option which the State has under the provisions of the Fourth Protocol to the Amsterdam Treaty to take part in the adoption and application of the proposal for a Council directive on minimum standards on procedures in member states for granting and withdrawing refugee status. The background to the motion is broadly as follows.

The Treaty of Amsterdam came into operation on 1 May 1999. The House will be aware that annexed to that treaty was a protocol, also known as the Fourth Protocol, the effect of which is to exempt Ireland and the United Kingdom from the provisions of Title IV of that treaty which deals with visas, asylum, immigration and other policies related to the free movement of persons.

The Fourth Protocol, however, also allows either or both countries to opt into particular measures under specified terms and conditions. Article 3 of the protocol provides the State with a three month period to notify its wish to take part in the adoption and application of any proposal from the date such a proposal is presented to the Council, usually by the European Commission, or we may also accept a measure any time after it has been adopted. For a transitional period of five years, the overwhelming majority of decisions in relation to proposals tabled must be on the basis of unanimity, but under the terms of the protocol if, after a reasonable period, the proposed measure cannot be adopted with the United Kingdom or Ireland taking part, the other member states may go ahead with the decision in Council without their participation.

It is important to clarify why the matter is only now coming before the House for consideration. Although it was sent formally to the Council by the Commission at the end of October last year, the final text as communicated to the Council only became available to my Department in mid-November. Prior to considering whether the State should exercise its option under Title IV, the necessary interdepartmental consultations had to take place and Government approval had to be sought for the exercise of the option. Although copies of the proposal for a directive were laid before both Houses on 9 January 2001, due to the intervening Christmas recess, which took up almost half of the 12 week "opt in" period, it is only now, on the return of both Houses, that the necessary motion can be considered.

The consequence of the presentation of this proposal by the European Commission to Council is that if the State wishes to opt into discussions from the beginning, we have until 14 February 2001 to inform the president of the Council of our intentions. Failure to opt in at this time does not prevent us from participating in Council discussions. However, we would not be able to opt in until such time as the negotiations have been concluded and the measures adopted, and our ability to influence the outcome of the discussions would be correspondingly limited. The United Kingdom recently conveyed its decision to the Council to exercise its option in respect of the Council directive.

This initiative is the first major proposal in a series of measures aimed at creating a common European asylum system. The framework for the creation of a common system is already contained in the conclusions of the Tampere European Council of October 1999 and in Title IV of the EU Treaty which was inserted by the Treaty of Amsterdam. At Tampere, the Council agreed to work towards the creation of a common asylum system in the EU on the basis of the full and inclusive application of the Geneva Convention.

While this is the most significant proposal to arise from the Tampere Council agenda in the asylum area, there have also been proposals on the EURODAC fingerprinting regulation, a decision on a European refugee fund and a directive on temporary protection. In the coming months, proposals are expected on common reception standards for asylum seekers, the revision of the Dublin Convention and rules on the recognition and content of refugee status.

This is the third occasion on which I have sought the approval of both Houses for the State to exercise the option provided in the Fourth Protocol in respect of a proposal for an EU legal instrument in the area of asylum policy. The approval of both Houses has already been obtained for participation in discussions at EU level aimed at the adoption and application of a Council regulation concerning the establishment of EURODAC for the comparison of the fingerprints of applicants for asylum and certain non-nationals and a Council decision on the European refugee fund. The option has also been exercised in respect of other proposals for EU instruments mainly in the area of judicial co-operation in civil matters.

I wish to outline the main elements of this proposal for a Council directive on minimum standards on procedures in member states for granting and withdrawing refugee status in respect of which discussions recently commenced in a Council working party in Brussels. The purpose of this proposal is to set out requisite measures for dealing with asylum applications in EU states as part of the creation of a common EU asylum system, based on the full and inclusive application of the Geneva Convention. The aim is to set down com mon minimum standards for dealing with asylum applications. The intention is not to require member states to apply uniform procedures or to oblige them to adopt common concepts and practices which they do not wish to apply. All standards for a fair and efficient procedure are laid down without prejudice to member states' discretionary power to prioritise cases on the basis of national policies.

The proposed directive essentially contains three different sets of provisions which relate to procedural guarantees, the decision-making process and the application of certain concepts and practices. Chapter One of the proposed directive sets out its scope, including its purpose, which is to establish minimum standards on procedures in member states for granting and withdrawing refugee status. It also contains the main definitions.

Chapter Two contains the basic principles and procedural guarantees for dealing with asylum applications. These procedural guarantees relate to all stages of the asylum procedure and are designed to ensure procedural fairness in the asylum process. The key basic principles and guarantees contained in the proposed directive include the right of asylum applicants to have access to the asylum procedure as soon as possible; the right of each asylum applicant to remain on the territory of the member state as long as his or her application for asylum is being considered; and a number of procedural guarantees which apply to every asylum applicant, including the right to be informed of the asylum procedure to be followed, the right to an interpreter, the right to a written decision and the right to appeal a first instance negative decision. All these and other key procedural guarantees are features of the Irish asylum system and most are enshrined in the Refugee Act, 1996.

Chapter Two also contains provisions on the processing of asylum applications from unaccompanied minors, the detention of applicants, the provision of resources and training for determining authorities, the right of access by UNHCR personnel to applicants and the protection of applicants' identities. While member states may retain their own national asylum systems, the intention of these provisions is to ensure that decision making meets certain minimum requirements in the interest of developing a comprehensive common European asylum policy.

Chapter Three contains standards for the application of an admissibility procedure, including proposals for the grounds under which an application can be deemed inadmissible. These include the safe third country principle. As I mentioned previously, each member state may decide whether to apply the admissibility concept, but if it does so, its national application would have to follow the common framework for all member states. Accordingly, if a member state applies an admissibility procedure to dismiss an application as inadmissible on the basis of the safe third country concept, it will have to abide by the com mon principles for designating a country as a safe third country as laid down in Annex I to the proposal as well as the common requirements for applying the concept in individual cases.

Chapter Four deals with substantive determination procedures and provides for a regular procedure and an accelerated procedure. While there is no obligation to apply an accelerated procedure to deal with manifestly unfounded applications, member states will have to abide by the common definitions and maximum time limits if they do so. With regard to the safe country of origin principle, which applies in some other EU states, Annex II of the proposal lays down a common approach to the designation of countries as safe following consideration of a range of information on the countries concerned.

Chapter Five deals with appeals procedures and provides for an appeal to a reviewing body such as our refugee appeals tribunal. In certain circumstances, a further appeal may lie to an appellate court.

Chapter Six contains provisions on penalties for the infringement of the national provisions adopted pursuant to the directive. The text of the proposal generally reflects many of the key elements of Ireland's domestic asylum legislation and procedures. Our procedures encompass strict safeguards to guarantee fairness and to provide for a first stage determination process and an independent appeals mechanism in the case of a negative recommendation at first stage, and applicants for asylum may also apply to the High Court for a judicial review of their case. The Refugee Act, 1996, also provides a statutory right to consult a solicitor, a right to interpretation and a right of access by the UNHCR to the asylum process.

There are also, however, some differences between Ireland's asylum procedure and that contained in the proposal, such as, time limits for making appeals and for examining asylum applications and the inclusion of a third tier appeal to the Appellate Court on both facts and points of law, all of which will be considered in detail during the negotiations at Council Working Party level. The proposal also contains concepts which are new to us, such as, the safe country of origin principle, the admissibility procedure and the provision for an appeal in certain cases not to have suspensive effect. These concepts are not obligatory and of course all member states have discretion to decide whether to adopt concepts and practices which are not currently part of the Irish asylum system.

The Government continues to be committed to meeting the State's obligations under the 1951 Geneva Convention both by identifying and protecting genuine refugees and by more quickly dealing with those asylum applications which are clearly not from genuine asylum seekers. As the House will be aware, the Government has allocated major additional resources to the asylum area, including 370 additional staff, aimed at speeding up processing times in respect of asylum applications, including appeals, and to deal with the consequential increase in the level of repatriations of people whose applications for refugee status are unsuccessful. In addition, significant additional resources have been made available to the Refugee Legal Service to ensure it can provide a comprehensive and quality legal service to asylum seekers at all stages of the asylum process.

This proposal for a Council directive on minimum standards on procedures for granting and withdrawing refugee status is likely to be the subject of lengthy and protracted debate at EU level involving as it does the marrying of various member states' asylum systems. The exercise of Ireland's discretion to opt into discussions on this proposal will initially involve only participation in those discussions at Council working party level leading, in due course, to the adoption and application of the instrument. When adopted by the Council, it is likely to be a key instrument governing the grant and withdrawal of refugee status in the member states of the EU.

The conference which adopted the Amsterdam Treaty amendments took note of a declaration by Ireland that it intended to exercise its right under Article 3 of the Protocol to take part in the adoption of measures pursuant to Title IV of the EC Treaty to the maximum extent compatible with the maintenance of the common travel area arrangements with the United Kingdom. Accordingly, the Government is of the view that it is important for Ireland to respond positively to the tabling of this proposal by exercising our option before the deadline of 14 February 2001 in order that the State is able to fully participate in and influence discussions on this significant instrument from the beginning.

With the agreement of the House, I will share my time with Deputy Barnes.

The Deputies have a total of ten minutes.

The Minister has just had 15 minutes.

Fine Gael agrees that Ireland should opt into the discussions concerning the proposed Council directive on minimum standards for determining asylum applications. However, we are concerned that this State and all other European Union member states must, in the context of these discussions and in the framing of any directive, abide by their international obligations as members of the United Nations to provide protection to refugees seeking asylum. This must be the central focal point for the proposed common EU asylum system. We must not adopt a fortress Ireland mentality, nor must we conspire with other European Union states to create a fortress Europe.

To date the Government has failed to articulate and implement a coherent and humanitarian policy applicable to refugees and asylum seekers. The procedures in place for determining asylum applications have resulted in a backlog of thou sands awaiting decision, unsure of their future, deprived of their entitlement to work and dependent on State hand-outs on which the majority would prefer not to have to rely. It is bizarre that the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform continues to prevent asylum seekers from taking up temporary employment at a time when it is Government policy to encourage immigration to fill thousands of vacant jobs. By cutting off asylum seekers from social welfare funds and insisting on "direct provision", the Government has not only denied them access to goods and services but has also contributed to the marginalisation of people seeking asylum. Asylum seekers have been effectively labelled as "different" and this labelling has exacerbated difficulties some experience in integrating in the communities in which they are living.

Dispersal of refugees to various parts of the country has often resulted in them being located at a substantial distance from the nearest urban centre and the limited funding available to them has restricted their freedom of movement to meet others of similar background and ethnicity. It also, in the context of some refugees, deprives them of essential social services and health services and supports, which they require and to which they are entitled. While preaching the need to tolerate diversity, policies implemented by the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform have directly contributed to a growth in racism and xenophobia.

The Minister has on many occasions stated that the Government will meet its international obligations to refugees. He has, however, failed to publicly explain the pre-emptive exclusion of asylum seekers effected by it since 20 November last in the context of action taken to prevent the arrival of asylum seekers in Rosslare. The Irish Commission for Justice and Peace, among others, has rightly highlighted this issue. On this issue, the Minister was remarkably silent in his speech.

I ask the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform to publicly confirm that the frontiers of this State remain open to refugees properly seeking asylum. While recent action taken by him may for a brief period stem the flow of refugees, it will inevitably drive many of those desperate to find a safe haven into the arms of criminal gangs on whom they will rely to get to our shores. It is the criminal gangs trafficking in human cargo the Government should target and not refugees who, under international law, are entitled to come to our shores to seek and be granted asylum.

The brief period of time allocated to this debate today renders it apparent that the Government does not wish the plight of refugees and its failed policies to be discussed in detail in this House. While it is important that we participate in discussions with other EU member states on putting in place better procedures across Europe to address the needs of refugees and asylum applicants, we must bring to those discussions a positive commitment to ensure a safe haven is given to those who require it. This requires the Government to acknowledge that the time has come for it to take a more open and constructive approach.

The Government should also urgently amend section 19 of the Refugee Act, which prevents the media from reporting concerns expressed by asylum seekers in this State about their plight and which requires a consent of the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform for such publication to take place. On the Order of Business the Taoiseach indicated that the Government is now considering bringing forward such legislation, but the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform made no reference to such promise in his speech to this House. It does not appear to be a priority of the Government. It suits the Government that refugees seeking asylum in the State are spancelled from making public comment in the print media and on national television and radio stations and from highlighting the difficulties in which they find themselves as a result of the failures of the Government. A failure to urgently amend the relevant legislation could result in the State being brought, yet again, before the European Court for being in breach of the European Convention on Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms. There is a need for a different approach to be taken by the Government. There is nothing I have seen in the past three and a half years nor is there anything in what the Minister has said to us today which indicates there is any real possibility of that happening.

We welcome the Government's decision to opt into the discussions at a European level from the beginning on this extraordinarily fundamental right and liberty, and the contribution the European Union can make from its privileged stance. I have a few queries on the matter. I hope Ireland's contribution will include urging other EU member states to increase the European refugee fund. I remind the Minister that the proportion Ireland will receive will be small. Given the funding needed at European level, the point should be made that the funding should be significantly increased. The European Union can afford it.

The Minister stated that the procedures encompass strict safeguards to guarantee fairness and provide a first stage determination process and an independent appeals mechanism. I will be careful not to confuse the categories of refugees and immigrants seeking work here. There have been lamentable and shameful occasions when both refugees and immigrants on coming to this country have been so extraordinarily treated that, as a country, we should be ashamed. People coming to Ireland believing they could work and being stopped on entry by one person and ending up in jail and being shackled is something I hope we will never have to countenance again.

I would like the Minister to consider giving the necessary training in sensitivity to staff at all lev els who work in this crucial area and to consider the line of command where decisions are made so that responsibility for making such decisions does not rest on one person at ports and airports. It is not fair to staff and is less than fair to people on the receiving end of the decisions. I would like a greater discussion with and contribution from the Minister not only about the increase in staff but about the training of staff working in this area.

The Minister stated:

The exercise of Ireland's discretion to opt in to discussions on this proposal will initially only involve participation in those discussions at Council working party level leading in due course to the adoption and application of the instrument. When adopted by the Council, it is likely to be a key instrument governing the grant and withdrawal of refugee status in the member states of the EU.

Will the Minister inform the House how information on ongoing discussions at European level will be conveyed to the House, especially to Opposition Members? It is of crucial importance that we receive ongoing briefing on the discussions at European level so that the discussions and decisions taken at that level have the approval and knowledge of all Members of the House.

I agree with Deputy Shatter that section 19 is highly dangerous and is an infringement of the rights of people who may become Irish citizens. They should have the right at every level and certainly before their cases are determined to freedom of expression, especially given that many people seeking refugee status come from regimes where such freedom is not just restricted but is punishable. That is all the more reason we should guarantee freedom of expression in Ireland.

When I saw the referral motion on the agenda, I was anxious that there be a debate on the procedures involved in this very important issue. While I will mention some detail concerning the proposals, I will leave the bulk of what I have to say about that to the debate at the committee. What is more important and what I regard as the essential issue I want to raise and the reason I requested the Labour Party Whip to ensure there would be a debate, notwithstanding the Government's intention to have the procedural motion passed without debate, is that we act for once as a real parliament in matters of European competence.

We are all bamboozled sometimes by the complexity of legal instruments coming from the European Union. I had the privilege of serving as President of the Council of Ministers in my time and of being a member of two European Councils. I am aware of the enormous volume of work undertaken within the ambit of the European institutions, especially by COREPER in Brussels, which is basically the drafting of legislation which ultimately finds its way to us.

I am not satisfied and neither should Members be with a situation where a Community instrument is almost finalised in negotiations between talented and able public servants acting on instructions from a Government or Department and where we are presented with net issues to which we say "yea" or "nay". Even then, they are presented late or at the last minute and we are told there is very little time for debate. We had a discussion on EURODAC not on the basis of whether we wanted to be part of the process to see what a common system of asylum treatment should be within the European Union, rather on the basis of what was agreed and whether we accepted it in the knowledge that a Government majority existed to force it through anyway. Things are done differently in other national parliaments of the European Union. I say this in the hope that the Minister listens in a fair and open way.

The basis for common European action on asylum seekers other than the UN Geneva Convention is the Dublin Convention. That convention had its genesis in a decision made on 5 June 1990 when member states of the European Union signed it. The reality is that the Dublin Convention does not work. The Minister placed great store last year by the fact that one of the options available to us was to repatriate asylum seekers under the Dublin Convention principles to the country from where they first came. As, I am sure, the Minister will tell the House, the reality is that more people have been accepted back into Ireland under the terms of the Dublin Convention than we have sent back to other European countries. That is an extraordinary state of affairs given that it is hard to envisage many people arriving here as a first port of entry to the European Union.

There has been a degree of criticism of the operation of the Dublin Convention by the Commission. The difficulties inherent in the operation of the convention have been acknowledged by the Commission and by member states. The Commission was to carry out a detailed evaluation prior to proposing formally a Community instrument to replace the Dublin Convention. Certain of the instruments adopted, and the Minister referred to them, for example, decision one of 2000 and EURODAC, address some of the criticisms, but there are others. I note that the conclusions of the European Council at Tampere in October 1999 stated that, in the longer term, Community rules should lead to a common asylum procedure and a uniform status for those granted asylum which would be valid throughout the Union.

The Commission has prepared a communication on this issue. My difficulty is that we will authorise Irish participation in the preparation of this Community instrument. The Minister in his contribution indicated for the first time some of the content of those discussions. He said:

The purpose of this proposal is to set out requisite measures for dealing with asylum applications in EU states as part of the creation of a common EU asylum system based on the full and inclusive application of the Geneva Convention. The aim is to set down common minimum standards for dealing with asylum applications. The intention is not to require member states to apply uniform procedures or to oblige them to adopt common concepts and practices [if they do not wish to do so].

That is the nub of the issue. By attending a seminar on these matters in the King's Inns recently – thankfully, also attended by officials of the Minister's Department – I found out that they were being discussed. I did not realise, for example, that welfare provisions were to be incorporated in this instrument, the objective being that there would be a common mechanism for dealing with asylum seekers and a common understanding on which country should deal with the issue to avoid having what were referred to as asylum seekers in orbit between member states. I am aware that under the Dublin Convention there is a difficulty in determining which country is responsible. Notwithstanding the fact that the terms of an article of the convention set out a timeframe after which it is assumed that responsibility will be accepted, there are inordinate delays, well beyond the 90 days provided for. We need to get our act together to ensure there is a common procedure which is understood. It was understood that the procedures allowed for burden sharing within the European Union to ensure the full burden would not fall to be carried by member states bordering non-EU countries.

I will deal with the nitty-gritty of these proposals at the joint committee, but I would like the Minister to respond to the following fundamental question. Will the committee system put in place by this Parliament and which is designed, in theory at least, to scrutinise and give democratic authority to Ministers to negotiate in the name of Ireland be allowed to work? No Danish Minister goes to a meeting of the European Council without first discussing in detail the proposals to be discussed at European level with the relevant committee of the Danish Parliament and seeking its views. He or she reports back to the committee after the meeting. By and large, there is no communication here on extremely important European matters until they are finalised, save on issues such as this in respect of which there is a legal requirement, following a decision under a protocol to the Amsterdam Treaty to opt out of a common asylum policy, to seek the authority of the House to participate in discussions.

There is a prejudice and an attitude within the public service which sees the Executive, that is, the Government, as its master, not the democratic assembly of Dáil Éireann or Seanad Éireann. On this critical issue, which will be controversial and on which there is a divergence of opinion within this House, as we discovered when matters of a similar nature were discussed, will the Minister give an assurance that, step by step, his attitude and approach and the instructions he will give to his officials will be discussed with the Joint Committee on Justice, Equality, Defence and Women's Rights to ensure there is a democratic debate on this matter, which is of great importance?

I will now put the question.

Is there any prospect that the Minister will be given two minutes in which to respond to the points raised? I invite the House to give the Minister some leeway.

Particularly the point that the Minister report back.

Under the order of the House—

While I agree with Deputy Howlin's proposal, having noted the points raised, perhaps the Minister will respond to them when the matter is dealt with by the joint committee on Thursday so that we will not raise them all over again. That would be another way of dealing with the matter.

That is agreeable to me.

Question put and agreed to.
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