Gerry Adams
Question:1. Deputy Gerry Adams asked the Taoiseach the number of meetings of the Cabinet committee on regional and rural affairs that have been held since 1 December 2016. [3069/17]
Ceisteanna - Questions
Cabinet Committee Meetings
Brendan Howlin
Question:2. Deputy Brendan Howlin asked the Taoiseach when the Cabinet committee on regional and rural affairs last met; and when it is planned to meet next. [4272/17]
Micheál Martin
Question:3. Deputy Micheál Martin asked the Taoiseach when the Cabinet committee on regional and rural affairs last met. [4539/17]
I propose to take Questions Nos. 1 to 3, inclusive, together.
The Cabinet committee on regional and rural affairs meets on a regular basis, providing a whole-of-Government approach to growth in the rural economy, as well as supporting quality of life and local service delivery in the regions.
This includes supporting the development and implementation of the recently published Action Plan for Rural Development.
The committee last met on 12 December 2016 and is due to meet again later this month.
We are not allowed to know how much input the Cabinet committee had into the Government's rural development plan, but there is really nothing in the plan that is new. Much like the promises we have had regarding health services, the document is long on rhetoric but without any real substance. The publication of the rural development plan coincides with the closure of post offices, Garda stations and public bus services. The allocation of €60 million over three years for 600 towns and villages is only window-dressing when we consider the significant structural and funding issues facing rural Ireland. The announcement, once again, of an Atlantic economic corridor is pointless unless there is a strategy to implement it, backed up by proper funding. If the Government is serious about addressing the imbalance of investment between urban and rural areas, there must be a substantial regional and rural strategy supported by substantial investment.
Does the Taoiseach accept that tillage farmers are facing a significant threat to their future? The Government's insistence that the low-cost loan fund in this year's budget will address the crisis ignores the nature of the threat because it does not deal with the cashflow problems facing grain farmers. If he has not already done so, will the Taoiseach commit to raising the matter with the European Commission and, in particular, the Commissioner for Agriculture and Rural Development, Mr. Phil Hogan? Will the Government seek financial support from the emergency funds, as France has done? If the French did it, why should we not do the same?
I hope the Deputy read the Action Plan for Rural Development, which provides an opportunity, as part of a comprehensive programme, for every part of rural Ireland to achieve progress. As the Deputy knows, there will be €1.2 billion in direct payments to farmers under the Common Agricultural Policy and €4 billion under the Rural Development Programme 2014-2020, including €250 million under the Leader programmes to support local communities. An allocation of €60 million is being given over the next three years to rejuvenate more than 600 rural towns and villages through the town and village renewal scheme, CLÁR and the built heritage investment scheme. In addition, €80 million is being allocated for flood relief measures up to 2019, increasing to €100 million per annum by 2021.
All those measures are already enacted.
That is not the case. Work is under way down in Craughwell, which I hope the Deputy will visit.
I am looking forward to it.
There is €150 million in funding under regional property programmes sponsored by IDA Ireland to increase foreign direct investment, a €50 million investment by Enterprise Ireland to support collaborative approaches to job creation in the regions and €37.5 million to implement the social inclusion and community activation programme. It is not all new funding but all of the programmes are being drawn together.
In respect of the question the Deputy asked about farmers, new taxation measures to assist the farming sector include an increase in the earned income tax credit for self-employed farmers, the roll-out of new income averaging step-out for farmers, the extension of farm restructuring capital gains tax relief to the end of 2019 and the investigation of taxation measures which might support farmers through periods of income volatility.
What we have heard from the Taoiseach is simply a rehash of a series of announcements already made in respect of the capital plan and so on.
Come on. It is all mentioned there.
I have read every page of it. The only new funding announced is €60 million for 600 towns over three years, that is, €33,000 per year per town. That might be used to buy a few additional lamp posts-----
Or hanging baskets.
-----but it will not make any significant difference.
The Taoiseach says I should read the action plan. I have read it. I am interested in, for example, action No. 183, which relates to the continued delivery of Inland Fisheries Ireland's Something Fishy national schools programme to inform and educate students on fish, water and angling. Will that rejuvenate rural Ireland?
In much more concrete terms, the issue of Brexit will have a huge impact on rural Ireland. I was briefed by the ESRI last week. Dublin may gain a slight overall advantage according to the ESRI's assessment, but Brexit will have an enormously negative impact on some regions in Ireland. In that context, the regional action plans for jobs, which were carefully constructed during my party's time in government, are no longer fit for purpose because all the metrics have changed. Would the Taoiseach consider re-examining how we will have a regional and spatial joined-up strategy to ensure that we might abate the damage that is certain to be visited upon rural Ireland in the coming period?
In respect of action No. 183, I do not mean this in any disrespectful fashion-----
Something Fishy.
-----if one has ever seen the sense of amazement and wonder of children in dabbling for fish in rivers or lakes, one will know that the wonders of nature are a source of constant amazement to them. It is a learning experience that they carry with them throughout their lives, involving respect for nature, the importance of clean water and how nature thrives and does not thrive in places like that.
That is rural to the Taoiseach.
It is only a very small issue but, as Deputy Howlin will understand, in the rivers of Wexford or wherever, fishing was always an important pastime, particularly for young lads who would be wanting to catch the big trout or perch.
It must be caught in Bellewstown.
In respect of the serious point Deputy Howlin raises, none of the 20 towns mentioned under the spatial programme that used be there previously realised the potential envisaged in respect of them. The Minister for Housing, Planning, Community and Local Government, Deputy Coveney, is not only working with the Minister for Public Expenditure and Reform, Deputy Donohoe, in respect of the capital review programme, he is also looking ahead to 2040 in the context of both the local and regional authorities but without naming town against town. The latter became a political issue on the previous occasion. Here is an opportunity for all of them to send in their statutory programmes regarding how they see their areas and regions developing in the next 30 years and in light of the fact that the population is due to increase by 1 million during that time, to indicate where those people will live, where they will work, what transport they will use and what issues will need to be dealt with. Public consultation is already under way in that regard..
During the general election campaign Fine Gael Deputies and some Labour Deputies also felt the full force of the anger of regional and rural communities as a result of five years of policies which people identified as neglecting rural Ireland and, in particular, on foot of their witnessing the loss of public services and the suffering endured by business owners throughout the country. The only response to date has been cosmetic. It has been the addition of the word "Rural" to a Minister's title and the announcement that a plan was on the way. The plan has been published and one would have to wonder why it took so long. It is a rehash or pulling together of all existing policies. As Deputy Breathnach informs me, even the schools programme has been in place for quite a number of years. Deputy Ó Cuív quite rightly described it as a reheated dinner. It is a long list of what is already happening, which the Government has put between two covers and labelled "Action Plan".
It is extraordinary that there is not a mention of the blood-stock sector in the plan for rural Ireland. There are thousands of jobs in the equine sector - trainers, breeders, race courses, from small players up to big players. There is not a mention of the sector, yet it is sustainable, it is organic and it is in located in rural Ireland. On fisheries, Deputy Howlin is correct about Brexit. In the maritime communities of rural Ireland, there is a real crisis coming in the context of Brexit because of so many fish species being caught in British waters. That is a serious issue. The most incredible omission is that the plan contains no new commitment to a guaranteed level of access to or quality of public services. How can the Government realistically claim to have a vision for rural Ireland if it cannot say what level of education, policing, health or other services should be available? That is the overall metric that is required from this plan and it is non-existent.
In respect of policing, the commitment is to increase the Garda force to 15,000. For the first time in many years, there is an increase in the number of gardaí on the streets.
We are talking about rural Ireland in the plan.
That applies to rural Ireland as well. We have set out the policy in respect of increasing the number of teachers. The advantages for small towns and villages throughout the rural Ireland are dealt with under different incentive schemes arising from the CEDRA report, which was published a number of years ago and which has now evolved into this. The plan draws together many of the schemes that are there already but it is an important document in the context of having a strategy that can be both planned against and monitored to see that it is being implemented.
Another element in the plan is the creative Ireland report, which was so strongly evidenced during the 1916 centenary commemorative events. It is an important decision to have art as part of public policy. Deputy Micheál Martin supports the focus not only on science, technology, engineering or mathematics but also on the artistic, imaginative and creative opportunity to which the people have given so much expression.
The horse racing sector is a fundamentally important part that is referred to specifically in the agriculture portfolio as part of the Minister's brief.
It is not in the plan for rural Ireland.
I think there is a reference to it. I will have a look at it. I think there is a reference.
In the commentary by various organisations and groups about the impact of Brexit, it has been noted that the area that runs along the spine of Ireland from Longford and Westmeath to Waterford is particularly at risk of negative impacts from Brexit. Having been involved, along with my colleague, Deputy Howlin, in making provision for additional resources for both IDA Ireland and Enterprise Ireland, what I am concerned and extremely disappointed about, in the context of the document, is that the Government does not seem to have had the time to look at the requirements for a change of focus in both of those organisations. Such a change is particularly important if they are to assist in producing anything like the number of jobs outlined in the ambitions relating to the programme. The Government also does not appear to have had time to engage in a specific examination of the very real problems that exist in the context of accessing credit, especially relatively small-scale loans for starter and owner-operated businesses in rural towns and villages. The Government will not create jobs unless it encourages many new small businesses to start up operations. The Government will not get many large businesses transferring operations to the 300 towns it has identified. In the context of Brexit, there appears to be no alternative strategy to help small businesses in the areas to which I refer to get up on their feet. In order to do so, they will need access to credit.
The Minister for Agriculture, Food and the Marine, Deputy Creed, has made available €150 million in low-interest, long-term credit to those in the farming community.
There is an increase in the micro loans that have been arranged for the credit unions and the facilities for that are increasing. Deputy Burton will be aware, as she played an important part in it, that there has been a reduction in unemployment from 15% to 7%, which speaks for itself.
I was talking about areas such as Waterford.
There is also the change the Deputy introduced in the Intreo offices of the Department of Social Protection where people now have specific case officers to work with them in terms of an enhanced rural social employment scheme or that type of operation.
I was not talking about that.
The enterprise offices at local level are all very busy. They have been well funded and opportunities are increasing every day. I note that the number of planning permission applications is rising and the commencement of construction of rural houses, which I have not seen for years, is under way again. These are signs of people having confidence in their locality and investing. Obviously, we want that to continue. The area from Longford down through the midlands is part of the lakelands district, which is a specific focus of Tourism Ireland and the hospitality sector. It has great potential to increase tourist numbers and the number of people passing through. The development of blueways and greenways continues and there is evidence that a huge local benefit can result from such development.
Constitutional Amendments
Brendan Howlin
Question:4. Deputy Brendan Howlin asked the Taoiseach his plans to hold constitutional referenda during 2017. [3241/17]
Gerry Adams
Question:5. Deputy Gerry Adams asked the Taoiseach his plans in respect of holding constitutional referenda during 2017. [4069/17]
Richard Boyd Barrett
Question:6. Deputy Richard Boyd Barrett asked the Taoiseach his plans for constitutional referenda during 2017. [5815/17]
I propose to take Questions Nos. 4 to 6, inclusive, together.
Under the programme for partnership Government, the Government is committed to holding constitutional referenda on the following matters: Article 41.2.1, regarding a "woman's life within the home"; Article 40.6.1, on the offence of blasphemy; Ireland's participation in the Unified Patent Court; and giving the office of Ceann Comhairle constitutional standing.
Three of these proposals arise from the Constitutional Convention, which sat from January 2013 to February 2014. The Government has responded to all of the convention's reports. A recommendation of particular importance relates to amending the Constitution to give citizens resident outside the State the right to vote in presidential elections. This is under detailed consideration by the Government.
In addition, the programme for partnership Government committed the Government to establish a Citizens' Assembly with a mandate to look at a limited number of key issues, including the eighth amendment, fixed-term parliaments and the manner in which referenda are held. In July 2016, the Houses of the Oireachtas approved the establishment of the assembly. The assembly is chaired by a Supreme Court judge, Ms Justice Mary Laffoy. It operates independently of the Government and will report direct to the Houses of the Oireachtas. The assembly has begun consideration of its first topic, the eighth amendment.
The programme for partnership Government also states that on foot of the recommendation of the banking inquiry, the Government will seek a review of the powers of Oireachtas committees in conducting inquiries and, based on this review, will consider whether there should be a constitutional referendum to strengthen committees' powers.
As regards timing, no decision has been made on this as yet. As I have previously said in the House, before any referendum would be scheduled I would bring a proposal to Government and hold discussions with Opposition leaders.
Does the Taoiseach envisage a referendum being held during 2017? In particular, is it envisaged that a referendum on the outcome of the Citizens' Assembly's report on the eighth amendment would be held this year? Does he have an update on when the assembly's first report is due? Has the Taoiseach discussed with his Brexit team and the Attorney General whether, in any circumstances that are envisaged, the outcome of the Brexit negotiations at European level would require a constitutional referendum in this State? Will he brief the House on the likelihood of that? Finally, the Taoiseach mentioned the programme for Government's commitment to hold a referendum on a woman's life within the home. Will that proposal be advanced within the next 18 months or so?
As I said to the Deputy previously, the Government has not considered holding any referendum in 2017 as yet.
Does the Taoiseach envisage it?
The four matters that were approved by the Government for the holding of referenda were from the previous convention. The Citizens' Assembly will present its report before the end of June. I do not know what the report will contain in terms of recommendations or proposals. That is a matter for the assembly and the sole member, Ms Justice Laffoy. They operate independently of the Government and will report directly to the Houses of the Oireachtas.
I do not envisage that there will be any transfer of power from the sovereign Irish State to the European Union, so I do not envisage that there will be a need for a constitutional referendum.
There will be no new institutions or no new bodies.
I do not expect that there will be a need for a constitutional referendum from that perspective. Clearly, the negotiations have not started yet but from my understanding I do not expect it to be the case.
The Constitutional Convention made 38 recommendations and referenda were held on two. There is no clarity in the Taoiseach's reply today as to whether there will be a referendum this year. I wish to tease that out a little. The Taoiseach said that the issue of citizens living outside the State is under detailed consideration by the Government. What does "detailed consideration" mean?
It is better than consideration.
It is quite straightforward. Most other states give their citizens who are not resident in the state the right to vote. Given that the Taoiseach is due to visit the USA and that he will be raising the concerns about the status of citizens of this State who are exiled there, it would be nice if he could tell them that the Government is prepared to uphold their right to vote at home in presidential elections. Given the consequences of Brexit, it is a fact that citizens from the North have the right to Irish citizenship and, as a consequence, European citizenship. Whatever happens with regard to the Taoiseach's failure to uphold the rights of the people who voted to remain within the European Union and given his failure thus far to argue for a special designated status for the North within the European Union, surely it would be useful if he acted on the recommendation of the Constitutional Convention and gave us a sense of when the detailed consideration by the Government of this proposition will be concluded.
The phrase, "detailed consideration" means being examined properly. It is not as simple as saying we will give everybody who is an Irish citizen the right to vote in presidential elections. Potentially, a very substantial number of people worldwide could claim Irish citizenship. Do we extend the Irish Nationality and Citizenship Acts to a second or third generation who could claim Irish citizenship?
Passport holders.
We must examine it in a practical effective way, which would allow people outside this jurisdiction the opportunity and right to vote in a presidential election. When I say it is receiving detailed consideration I mean that it is being examined from a number of points of view to see what is possible. I would like to be in a position to be able to deal with this, because it has been a commitment for a long time. The Deputy is well aware that it is not as simple as saying that everybody who is a citizen, who is entitled to be a citizen or who could claim citizenship will be entitled to vote in a presidential election. Detailed consideration therefore means proper and minute examination, and I will report to the House in due course.
People Before Profit and the Anti-Austerity Alliance put forward a Bill proposing an immediate referendum on repealing the eighth amendment. The Government and Fianna Fáil voted it down last year on the basis that they would allow the Citizens' Assembly to examine the issue. Our view was that delaying a referendum and batting this issue to the Citizens' Assembly was a completely wrong-headed, misguided decision at best and at worst a cynical delaying tactic that puts the lives and safety of many women at risk.
At the weekend, we heard there had been 13,500 submissions to this small group of people. While I do not doubt their sincerity, they are a small, unrepresentative group of 100 people dealing with a deluge of submissions which they said were totally unhelpful and useless. For the most part, they were from the anti-abortion movement, which swamped the Citizens' Assembly with its perspective.
This is where the Taoiseach's decision has led us. It is breathing life back into the anti-choice movement and allowing it to try to interfere with the deliberations on the issue. It is happening because the Taoiseach has abdicated responsibility for what should be a democratic decision made by all the people in the country in favour of 100 people. It is delaying the issue and consequently endangering the lives, health and safety of women, 3,000 of whom have travelled abroad for abortions since June. Is it not time to commit to having the referendum? If the Citizens' Assembly recommends having a referendum, is the Taoiseach prepared to hold the referendum in June or later in 2017?
The Deputy has got ahead of himself. I presume his view is that of the Anti-Austerity Alliance. I do not share his view. He said the Citizen's Assembly was a cynical delaying tactic. It is no such thing. It does not involve an unrepresentative group, as the Deputy suggested. The people who serve on the Citizens' Assembly were carefully and independently chosen by age, gender and region and they are contributing very valuable information to it. The fact that more than 13,000 people decided to send their views for public assimilation and analysis speaks of the importance of the matter.
The Citizens' Assembly members said it was useless.
The Deputy asked me to commit to a referendum before the end of June. We will not have the report from the Citizens' Assembly until the end of June. As the Deputy knows, any referendum requires a long lead-in time in order for people to understand the issues at stake, which must be answered by a yes or no question.
More delay.
A constant problem in the previous Dáil was how the Government failed to consult widely about the schedule of referendums and abandoned the policy of preparing detailed reports well in advance of the formal proposal being debated. In the referendums on Oireachtas inquiries and the abolition of the Seanad, the lack of a White Paper was exposed during the campaigns. In any future referendums, will the Government give an assurance that, with the exception of unforeseen emergencies, it will bring a referendum proposal to the House only when there is enough time to debate it and it is accompanied by a detailed White Paper? Will he ensure the Referendum Commission is given ample time to explain to people what is involved in a particular referendum?
When the Citizens' Assembly finishes its work there will remain significant steps before we can take a vote. Given that the Citizens' Assembly has already indicated it will recommend a change, every specific recommendation involves some form of legislation. Will the Taoiseach give an assurance that the Government will not attempt to present a proposal and then try to limit discussion? There are already discussions under way at the Business Committee as to whether a special Oireachtas committee should be established or whether the Oireachtas Committee on Health should be tasked with reviewing the recommendations of the Citizens' Assembly. A special committee would be more prudent, given the sensitivities and complexities of what is involved. It could give its exclusive focus to whatever recommendations emanate from the Citizens' Assembly.
I share the view that it should be a special committee. In respect of any referendum, the Referendum Commission will have adequate resources and time to do its job. In the event of a referendum being held, proper background documentation, such as a White Paper, will be prepared. I will ensure there will be ample opportunity for discussion on whatever the subject might be.
Cabinet Committee Meetings
Micheál Martin
Question:7. Deputy Micheál Martin asked the Taoiseach when the Cabinet committee on the economy, trade and jobs last met. [4118/17]
Gerry Adams
Question:8. Deputy Gerry Adams asked the Taoiseach when the next meeting of the Cabinet committee on the economy, trade and jobs is due to be held. [5742/17]
I propose to take Questions Nos. 7 and 8 together.
The Cabinet committee on the economy, trade and jobs last met on Thursday, 26 January 2017. The next Cabinet committee will take place in the coming weeks.
I thank the Taoiseach for his very comprehensive and precise reply. The Taoiseach will agree that the economy faces direct and long-lasting challenges, particularly due to Brexit. The Economic and Social Research Institute, ESRI, has forecast that a hard Brexit will cost us tens of thousands of jobs, especially in the regions, which we discussed earlier, and that it will undermine certain sectors of our economy and hit the public finances.
It is clear we face a hard Brexit. The Taoiseach and the Prime Minister spoke of a seamless and frictionless Border. They are meaningless terms. The emerging model of Brexit, as articulated by the Prime Minister, is one that includes a hard Border. This is as bad as it gets for Ireland. While the Taoiseach has spoken about a common travel area, the issue is how we mitigate the economic damage which will be caused by the UK's exit from the Single Market and customs union. This is the central question that faces Ireland. There has been a pat answer focusing on the common travel area. The core issue is trade and how we will limit the damage which Brexit will cause.
Will the Taoiseach tell us when he intends to outline proposals on how we will help businesses and communities that will be hit by Brexit? I accept that the Taoiseach wants to limit the impact. Would he agree that no neutral outcome is possible and that we must prepare for a hard Brexit, and not try to wish it away with phraseology, language, goodwill and the bonhomie that exists when meetings are held? There is a need to convey to people the gravity of what is involved over the next decade as a result of the UK's leaving the EU. Our economic model as we have known it for nearly 50 years will have fundamentally changed as a result of Brexit. Will the Taoiseach outline the Government's proposals to limit it?
Next Tuesday, I will bring a memo to the Government. On Wednesday, I expect to make a statement on Brexit. I will follow it with the second all-island forum on the Friday. I have said very clearly that I do not want the Border to be as it was. I have very deliberately and clearly told this to the Prime Minister. The situation arose due to a vote by the UK electorate. We should take note of a matter I discussed with the Prime Minister here and since, given that the position is as yet unclear arising from the Prime Minister's statement at Lancaster House. She said:
I do not want Britain to be part of the common commercial policy and I do not want us to be bound by the common external tariff.
These are the elements of the customs union that prevent us from striking our own comprehensive trade agreements with other countries. But I do want us to have a customs agreement with the EU.
[Here is the important point] Whether that means we must reach a completely new customs agreement, become an associate member of the customs union in some way, or remain a signatory to some elements of it, I hold no preconceived position. I have an open mind on how we do it. It is not the means that matter, but the ends.
And those ends are clear: I want to remove as many barriers to trade as possible.
Until this issue becomes clear, it is difficult to assess what the outcome might be. I do not want to see personnel with caps enforcing Border controls outside Dundalk or Newry. I have said it would carry very negative consequences for the country. When the Prime Minister writes her letter to the European Commission on Article 50, I expect this element will be sorted out.
We all acknowledge that the biggest threat to the economy at this time is Brexit and its consequences. Will the Taoiseach tell us what consideration, detailed or otherwise, was given to the proposition that the North be accorded a special designated status within the European Union? It might be useful to understand the thought processes and procedures which the Government went through in this regard.
It is not enough for the Taoiseach to join the British Prime Minister in these meaningless soundbites - just stuff and nonsense - about a seamless and friction-free Border. He said it again today when he said there would be no return to the borders of the past. That is absolute nonsense.
It is not absolute nonsense.
There can be no soft Border. We said this from day one. There will be a hard economic Border, which is unfortunate. The only way to deal with that is to ensure the land frontier between the European Union and the British state is not on the island of Ireland. That is the way to avoid it. The impact on the Good Friday Agreement, Border communities, jobs and wages as well as on the economy of this island will be significant.
May I put it to our friends in People Before Profit that they should have considered all of this before joining with UKIP, the hard right in Britain and the DUP in supporting Brexit?
There must be an election on somewhere.
Can I also raise again with the Taoiseach the concerns which have arisen about the future of our fishing industry following Brexit? The British fishing industry wants to exclude all foreign boats, which includes us, from its fisheries zone after Brexit. That will directly impact on at least 36% of fish caught by this State’s meagre fishing fleet. It means other fishing fleets will increase their activities. What measures is the Taoiseach proposing to protect our fishing industry?
I have made the case on many occasions that we have a particular set of circumstances in Northern Ireland which are special and unique. It is the only peace process in Europe which is supported by Europe. We have the PEACE and INTERREG funds and we want to be able to continue to build on them.
When one crosses into the Six Counties, or Northern Ireland, there is no visible Border and we do not want to see that anymore. Deputy Adams’s question wants to deal with what was originally the constitutional claim on the Six Counties.
I want the Taoiseach to tell me what consideration was given to the proposal.
He wants a situation where one has de facto a united Ireland by having all traces of any Border removed out beyond Fair Head.
I would like to think we all would like that.
That is what I gather from what he asked me.
Does the Taoiseach not want that?
Of course I do. I have answered that question before.
Will the Taoiseach then tell me what consideration he gave to the proposal?
The Deputy should not misinterpret me now. We do not have a Border when one crosses from Dundalk to Newry. We do not want to see any future signs of that. I disagree with the Deputy when he claims these are meaningless soundbites. The important element is what is not clarified by the British Government yet in respect of the future relationship of the UK with Europe. Is it to be, as the British Prime Minister said, a completely new customs agreement, associate membership in some way or a signatory to some elements of it? There is no preconceived position.
Until such time as that becomes clear, it determines, as Deputy Adams well knows, the nature of the agreement and relationship between the United Kingdom and the European Union from where we will negotiate.
What about our relationship?
We had before a situation where people said it could not be done or could not happen. It has to happen. This situation arose because of the vote of the electorate of the United Kingdom and we have to deal with the outcome of that. The outcome is that I do not want to see a Border where there was one before.
Will the Taoiseach agree that a special status is needed for the island of Ireland, both North and South, with regard to the Brexit negotiations? As the country most affected by the proposed Brexit, it is inconceivable that our interests will be amalgamated with those of 27 other states.
The Taoiseach has already told the Dáil that he will be among 27 other Heads of State at the final meeting, which will go on through the night, judging from previous meetings. While he will probably be allowed one senior diplomat in the vicinity, the Taoiseach will be the decision-maker. It is not adequate that Ireland does not have separate representations for its serious issues. There is a Franco-German alliance, as well as a series of other alliances, among the other 26 member states. That is realpolitik. The Taoiseach is well-respected and well-known among the 26 other countries. However, there is an old saying in diplomacy, “Countries do not have friends, they have interests.” Our primary interests are the hundreds of thousands of jobs in the Republic and the significant number of jobs in Northern Ireland.
Based on the Belfast Agreement, I propose the Republic of Ireland and Northern Ireland - the island of Ireland - should be a specific strand of the Brexit discussions between the European Union and the UK. Otherwise, we are simply part of the 27 versus the UK. Notwithstanding the Taoiseach’s frictionless and seamless relationship with the British Prime Minister, Theresa May, we are in grave peril and jeopardy.
All the economic indicators point out that Ireland would be most adversely affected by a hard Brexit. The Barnier task force, which has been doing quite a deal of work, is well aware of the priority attached to Northern Ireland and the peace process, as indeed is the British Government and the British Prime Minister. I have said what our priorities are on many occasions already.
It must be remembered the Netherlands, Denmark and Spain have serious economic interests with the United Kingdom also. They are concerned with issues such as people living in one country or another. We have a common travel area which covers not just travel but rights of residence and the right to work.
From the contact we have had with all the Ministers across the different Councils, everyone appreciates there is only one peace process supported by Europe in the European Union, the one dealing with Northern Ireland. This is a particularly special and unique case with a particular set of circumstances. We want to be able to build on that. When we look at what we have to do with the capital review programme and the longer-term vision for the country on an all-island basis, we will continue to support infrastructure, where possible, in Northern Ireland.
I will be one of the 27 Heads of State but it has changed since Deputy Burton’s time. There are no officials in the meeting with the Minister or myself. I am one of 27.
I meant in the general halls outside of the meeting.
That is why I will go to Poland tomorrow to speak to the Polish Prime Minister. I was in Malta last Friday speaking to the Maltese Prime Minister. I will visit each of the Heads of Government to explain just how critical this issue is for us. As I said to Deputy Micheál Martin earlier, it is hoped the letter to the Commission will clarify the remaining piece of this jigsaw in respect of the customs union.
Does the Taoiseach think it is ironic that Deputy Adams should attack People Before Profit in the name of jobs in the North when Sinn Féin, Fine Gael, the DUP and the Tories took specific action in supporting the Stormont House Agreement which condoned and set out the plan to axe 20,000 jobs in the public sector in the North? It was an austerity deal, an almost carbon copy of the one the EU-led troika inflicted on workers here and which was such a disaster. Sinn Féin also signed an agreement which will result in more job losses because it aims to privatise assets in the North and has agreed to social welfare cuts. Incredibly, when the North is in desperate need of revenues for its public services, jobs and infrastructure, it proposes to cut the corporate tax rate to 12.5% which will result in less taxes being paid and less money available for investment in jobs.
Is that not deeply ironic? I suppose Deputy Adams is worried about the growth of People Before Profit in the North.
I thank the Deputy.
I will leave it at that.
There was a very strongly worded attack on the Sinn Féin Party.
It is also unproved.
I am quite sure Deputy Adams will continue the discussion with Deputy Boyd Barrett in due course about the matter.
On the hustings.
It is not for me to intervene.