Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 22 Feb 2023

Vol. 1034 No. 1

Anniversary of Russian Invasion of Ukraine: Motion

The Taoiseach

I move:

That Dáil Éireann:

— strongly condemns without reservation the full-scale invasion of Ukraine by the Russian Federation which commenced on 24th February, 2022;

— expresses its unwavering support for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine within its internationally recognised borders;

— firmly believes that the actions of the Russian government in invading the territory of a sovereign independent state are conducted with flagrant disregard for international law;

— condemns indiscriminate attacks against civilians and civilian infrastructure;

— further condemns human rights abuses and violations of international humanitarian law; and

— welcomes the decision of the European Council on 23rd June, 2022, to grant candidate status for European Union (EU) membership to Ukraine;

calls for:

— the immediate withdrawal of all forces of the Russian Federation from the territory of Ukraine within its internationally recognised borders;

— the protection of civilians, including humanitarian personnel, journalists and persons in vulnerable situations, including women and children, as well as civilian infrastructure; and

— accountability for breaches of international law, including those that may constitute war crimes, crimes against humanity, genocide, or the crime of aggression, to ensure that there shall be no impunity for such crimes; and

concludes that:

— the ongoing unprovoked Russian invasion of Ukraine is a violation of the principles of international law, and has resulted in untold suffering for the people of Ukraine, as well as having impacts globally in terms of food and energy security; and

— it is incumbent on Ireland to continue to speak out against Russian aggression and to work within international bodies, including the United Nations and the EU, to hold Russia accountable and to uphold the principle of sovereignty and territorial integrity of states.

Tomorrow morning, a year ago, was the last morning the people of Ukraine woke up to peace. The following day, 24 February, a day that will live in infamy, Russia’s brutal full-scale invasion began in the very early hours. Within hours, civilians were being killed in their homes and cut down on their streets but the attack failed. Ukraine’s leaders did not flee. Kyiv did not fall. Europe and the west were united and Ukraine’s national identity, questioned by some, was reaffirmed. In the year since, the Ukrainian people have suffered immensely. Tens of thousands of people have died and more than 8 million have been displaced beyond Ukraine’s borders. It is the greatest refugee crisis Europe has seen since the Second World War.

Putin did this. He did it because he believed he could and because he believed might is right, and that Russia has the right, as a country, to a sphere of obedience beyond its borders. It does not. In marking this terrible anniversary in the House, I recall two things in particular. The first is that this is about a civilian population under attack, lives lost, opportunity stolen and whole towns destroyed. This war stops when Russia stops. Ukraine cannot stop defending itself. It is about Ireland standing in solidarity with a very brave people defending their country and independence. The second point is that this about us standing up as a country, an EU member state and a member of the international community, for the UN Charter and for the right of all countries to their territorial integrity. Ukraine has an unfettered right to its own political perspective, independence and security within its borders. We should not need to have to say this, but we do.

In pursuing this war, the Russian Federation has cynically sought to isolate Ukraine, to weaponise migration, hunger and energy, to spread disinformation, and to destabilise democracies in Europe and elsewhere. It will not succeed; it cannot succeed. Ukraine must be whole and free.

As we have done throughout the year, the people of Ireland stand in solidarity with the people of Ukraine. We will continue to do so for as long as it takes. We are not a member of any military alliance, nor do we seek to join one, but we are not neutral in this war. When I met with President Zelenskyy in Brussels, I told him the people of Ireland are humbled by the enormous bravery of the Ukrainian people and that we are horrified at what they have had to endure. He expressed his sincere appreciation for all of our help, namely, our financial assistance, political support for Ukraine’s membership of the European Union, and our welcome for Ukraine's refugees. Our response as a State to this appalling war is unprecedented in our history. Faced with a massive humanitarian crisis, we have accommodated nearly 59,000 people in almost 700 locations. We have enrolled almost 15,000 Ukrainians in our schools and issued 56,000 medical cards. More than 13,000 beneficiaries of temporary protection have found employment here and are helping our economy to prosper. We have done more than any other country in western Europe to accommodate Ukrainian refugees and we are proud to have done so. We will turn no one away.

Last June, the European Council took the historic decision to grant EU candidate status to Ukraine. The path ahead to EU accession is long, but I have no doubt of the determination and resolve of President Zelenskyy and the Ukrainian people to do all that is needed to join the EU. Our solidarity with the Ukrainian people enlivens their hope, which is a hope for a just peace, and for Ukraine’s rightful place as an independent, safe and prosperous country at the heart of the European family. Ukraine’s hopes are our hopes, its fight is our fight and its freedom our freedom.

I also want the Russian people to know we are not their enemy. Russia is a proud and noble country that has contributed much to the world of science and culture. It is the country of Pushkin, Pasternak and Popovich, not just Vladimir Putin. Russia’s path should be a European one too, and perhaps Europe could have done more in the past to illuminate that path. The fall of the Berlin Wall heralded the reunification of Europe based on values of democracy, the rule of law and freedom. The fall of the USSR should have heralded the same for all its constituent parts, including Russia. That hope has not died, and so we dream of a just and lasting peace with Ukraine and Russia both secure in their borders and masters of their own destiny as democracies with freedom, fairness and the rule of law.

Minister for Foreign Affairs (Deputy Micheál Martin)

This Friday we will mark one year since Russia commenced a full-scale illegal and immoral invasion of its neighbour, Ukraine. That invasion was unprovoked, unlawful and unjustified. That invasion was the choice of one man seeking to impose his distorted vision on the people of Ukraine. The people of Ukraine have made clear in their response and in their defence of their nation that they reject this vision. In the last year we have seen horrific death and destruction unleashed by Russia's illegal and unjustified war. We have seen Russia's blatant disregard for human life, the UN Charter, international law and international humanitarian law. Russia has ruthlessly targeted civilians and civilian infrastructure as it seeks to starve and freeze the people of Ukraine into submission.

Ireland has been to the fore in supporting international efforts to hold those responsible for war crimes and crimes against humanity to account. We are supporting the work of the International Criminal Court and have been active at the International Court of Justice in the Hague, the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva, the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe, OSCE, in Vienna, the Council of Europe and the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg and at the OECD and UNESCO in Paris. We used our seat on the UN Security Council throughout 2022 to call for Russia to be held accountable.

Russia's war has seen the deaths of tens of thousands of Ukrainian men, women and children, as well as thousands of young Russian soldiers, for whom Putin has little regard. It has forced more than 13 million people to flee their homes in search of safety. More than 8 million refugees, who are mostly women and children, have sought protection across Europe. More than 5 million people have been displaced within Ukraine and millions more have been forcibly deported to Russia and held in contravention of international law. Despite all this, Ukraine remains steadfast in its resistance and the defence of its democratic principles.

The effect of Russia's war is being felt across the world. Russia's actions have seen the world's most vulnerable people suffer from increased food and economic insecurity due to the rising cost of energy and commodities. Ireland remains fully committed to the sovereignty, independence, unity and territorial integrity of Ukraine within its internationally-recognised borders. Those borders have not changed and Russia's use of force will not change them. Ireland calls on the Russian Federation to immediately cease hostilities and unconditionally withdraw from the entire territory of Ukraine. We call on the Russian Federation to refrain from further threats or the use of force of any kind, including nuclear weapons, against Ukraine or any other state, which could have serious implications beyond the region.

Ireland and the European Union are responding to alleviate the global impact of Russia's senseless war, including through the EU solidarity lanes and the Team Europe response to global food insecurity, as well as our bilateral humanitarian support in the countries most affected. We support the Black Sea grain initiative, which must be continued to allow lifesaving grain to reach those who need it. We will continue to stand with the people of Ukraine and the most vulnerable around the world. They have chosen the path of freedom and the right to make their own choices.

They have chosen a European path. The people of Ukraine are part of our European family.

As we said at the UN General Assembly on 24 February 2022, "Ireland's support for Ukraine's sovereignty and territorial integrity within its internationally recognised borders and its right to choose its own foreign and security policy path is unwavering". We will again address the UN General Assembly tomorrow and our message remains unchanged. Russia's actions are not just a threat to Ukraine but to the entirety of the UN membership. All states rely on the rules-based international order for their prosperity, independence and sovereignty. If we fail to hold Russia accountable and respond to its attack on the UN Charter, we will only encourage other states to believe they can similarly achieve their objectives by brute force. This is a war of choice. Just as Russia chose to start this war, it can choose to end it. We will support all efforts to bring an end to this conflict with a comprehensive, just and lasting peace based on the principles of the UN Charter. I call on all Members across the House to endorse this motion in support of the Ukrainian people.

Deputy Mary Lou McDonald

One year ago, Vladimir Putin's Russia launched a brutal and criminal war on its peaceful neighbour, Ukraine. In doing so, he unleashed the largest land conflict and the greatest displacement of people in Europe for nearly 80 years. Russia's attack on and bombardment of the Ukrainian people is an attack on sovereignty, on peace and on the right of a nation to be free. It is a vicious and violent expression of the dead-end belief that might is right and that military power can dominate humanity.

For 12 long and painful months, the courageous people of Ukraine have stood against this onslaught. While we stand by them as an Ireland and Europe united, we can never fully grasp the depths of the horror faced by men, women and children since 24 February 2022. Russia's invasion is a rampant breach of international law, a full-scale aggression which has been defined by vicious war crimes committed by the Russian military against innocent people. It is defined by horrific acts of murder, rape and torture. Reports of genocide have condemned the Russian military in the eyes of all who stand for justice, freedom and human rights. What we see is the brutalisation by the powerful of vulnerable citizens who have seen their homeland and their towns and cities decimated by one of the most colossal military forces on earth. This war and this brutalisation are crimes against the Ukrainian people. It is a crime against their humanity. No amount of propaganda from Moscow or speeches riven with delusion from Putin will ever disguise what Russia has done in Ukraine. It has been exposed to the world and the world stands aghast. Putin and his regime must know they will be held accountable for these barbaric actions. These human rights violations and grave breaches of the Geneva Convention demand investigation by the International Criminal Court and the prosecutions that must follow.

Our unified message to Vladimir Putin is clear. He must immediately withdraw his military from Ukraine. He must end his war and end the bloodshed. He must understand that the international community will stand resolute for as long as it takes to face down his attack on peace, sovereignty, stability and human rights. We are undeterred. Threats of escalation and vows to intensify the onslaught will not work. Ireland stands with Ukraine and through all the horror, the people of Ukraine are winning out. They are holding their country against enormous odds, because they are not fighting for power or domination: they are fighting for their children, their families, their communities and their country. They are fighting for the very survival of their beautiful nation, which I hope we will welcome as a member of the EU in the near future.

The warmongers and the hawks who preach the might of militarism lead us nowhere. Ireland understands the damaging and divisive legacy wrought by colonisation, occupation and the denial of self-determination. We know that imperialist ventures and colonial aggression have no place in a peaceful world, a world of rights, justice and equality. Ireland, Europe and the global community have rightly stood against Russia's criminal invasion and we will stand against military aggression everywhere it is to be found because this is not a time for double standards or hypocrisy.

We must stand together too against Israel's war on the Palestinian people, its apartheid regime and its occupation of Palestinian lands. The Israelis too brazenly breach international law in another brutal expression of the destruction and division that the "might is right" principle has wrought upon humanity. This is a principle that Ireland will never, ever accept.

The responsibility for ending the war in Ukraine lives squarely with Vladimir Putin. A withdrawal of the Russian military must happen and we must all come together to build a pathway and a plan for peace. Standing resolutely against the Putin invasion, the international community and international diplomacy must use all its muscle to find a way to bring an end to war and the beginnings of peace. Though this is a time of darkness, I believe Ukraine will prevail and endure. When the Russian army is gone, the Ukrainian people will rise from the ashes and begin again. I look forward to that day, but until it dawns, Ireland will continue to stand with Ukraine in the spirit of freedom, peace and hope for a better future.

Deputy John Brady

Friday marks the first anniversary of the brutal, illegal invasion of Ukraine, the impact of which on the psyche of the body politic of Europe can be compared to that of the 9/11 attacks on the United States. Indeed, it may take a generation or more before the full implications can be measured of the decision by President Putin to put a torch to the norms of international behaviour which have governed Europe since World War II. The scale of horror, the deliberate targeting of civilians and civilian infrastructure, the torture and murder of innocent people, along with the forced deportation of more than 16,000 children from Ukraine to Russia, remain difficult to comprehend. What remains abundantly clear, though, and what invites no debate or equivocation, is the moral imperative for the international community to give its full support to the International Criminal Court and its ongoing investigations and attempts to gather evidence on those responsible for the horrific attacks visited on a civilian population. All war crimes must be fully investigated and the perpetrators held to account.

I also, though, have a moral responsibility here as a Member of this Dáil to call attention to the need for the Government to use its position within the international community to advocate, in the strongest possible terms, for the universal application of international law and the pursuit of all transgressors, including Israel, which has habitually engaged in war crimes against the Palestinian people.

In the last year, we have welcomed more than 75,000 Ukrainians to Ireland who were forced to flee their homeland in the face of Russian aggression. These people represent a small portion of the 14 million Ukrainians who have been displaced by the invasion, more than 8 million of whom were forced to flee from Ukraine's borders. Yesterday, I and my colleagues met the ambassadors of Ukraine and Moldova at the Oireachtas Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs and Defence, where I once again offered my party's full support to the people of Ukraine and their right to defend their territorial integrity. It is my hope that I will be able to meet both ambassadors in the near future as fellow EU citizens.

We are a people who for centuries were forced to resist the ambitions of a large aggressive neighbour that was drunk on its own ambition and absolutely convinced of its right to impose its rule on our people. Just as we, the Irish people, retain the right to rule ourselves as a sovereign people, so must it be for the people of Ukraine. I also mention Moldova, a tiny nation which is in the direct line of Russian economic and military fire, yet which has performed at an extraordinary level in its efforts to provide humanitarian support to those who reached that nation's borders when fleeing for their lives.

I have stood at the border and witnessed first-hand the scale of the sacrifice the Moldovan people are prepared to make in the name of humanity. The Government has a responsibility to ensure we extend every support we can to the Moldovan Government as Russia continues its attempts to destabilise that country.

The impact of the Russian invasion has been wide-ranging, with huge implications for many nations, none more so than the global south. More than 300 million people on the African continent are facing food insecurity. Fifteen African countries import 50% of their wheat produce from either Ukraine or Russia. With a shortage of 30 million tonnes of grain in 2022 and with sharp increases and accompanying shortages of fertiliser, the impact of war is adding to the existing effects of regional instability and climate change. It is critical the Black Sea grain initiative is renewed. Ireland, like other militarily non-aligned states, must now take the step and lead moves towards finding a path to peace, bringing an end to the suffering of the Ukrainian people and to this illegal war.

Deputy Ivana Bacik

As we mark the first anniversary on Friday of Russia's brutal and horrific invasion of Ukraine just one year ago, I am proud to speak on behalf of the Labour Party. I start by paying tribute to the immense courage and resilience of the Ukrainian people as they have experienced the horrific firepower of Russia over the past year. I pay tribute to President Zelenskyy, his Government and our friend here in Ireland, the Ukrainian ambassador, H.E. Larysa Gerasko, for her steadfast advocacy on behalf of her country and her people.

As the brutal Russian invasion continues, we have learned of horrific war crimes in Bucha and across other cities and towns, and about the appalling siege of civilians in Mariupol some months ago and the atrocities and war crimes committed, in many cases against women and children, by Russian forces in a peaceful and democratic country in Europe. There has been devastation in the Donetsk region and enormous displacement of people, with some 6 million internally displaced in Ukraine and 8 million refugees recorded across Europe. That figure represents about 19% of the Ukrainian population as of 2021. We have seen tens of thousands killed, between civilians and soldiers, and that sad death toll continues. Just this morning there was a report from UNICEF about the horrific impact on children of injuries and deaths as a result of mortar bombs from Russia. These reports have horrified us all and they show the need for an intensification of our collective response.

While we in the Labour Party have welcomed the rounds of EU sanctions and welcomed the expulsion by the Government last year of four diplomatic staff from the Russian embassy, we believe stronger measures need to be taken. Indeed, President Zelenskyy in his address to these Houses last year called on us to do that and told us our leadership can make a difference. I am renewing my call for the expulsion of the Russian ambassador from Ireland as he continues to mount brazen denials of the truth of what is happening in Ukraine and what his Government is doing to the people of Ukraine. We are also calling for the Irish Government to show strong support for Ukraine's expedited accession to the EU and for an urgent initiation of investigations into Russian war crimes against civilians. We are calling for speedy passage into law of Deputy Howlin’s Magnitsky legislation, which the Labour Party brought forward in the Dáil in December 2021, before the invasion, and which would give significant additional powers to sanction Russian war criminals.

Putin has shown that he wants to wipe Ukraine off the map. He wants to abolish Ukraine's culture and its history. He must fail and he will fail. We are a militarily neutral country and we are very proud in the Labour Party of defending our military neutrality, but we must not and cannot be politically neutral in the face of this brutal aggression from the Russian leadership. Putin is the aggressor; he is the bully. There is no moral equivalence and that is why we in the Labour Party are happy to support the wording of the Government motion, which unequivocally expresses solidarity with the people of Ukraine and takes a clear stance against Russian aggression. It is also why we cannot support the amendments put forward. Indeed, we believe they are misguided because they suggest a moral equivalence. In condemning NATO and calling for an immediate ceasefire, they suggest there is an equality of bargaining power on both sides. They undermine or choose to ignore the fact there is one bully and aggressor here. We cannot be morally or politically neutral in the face of that aggression.

This is personal for me. My grandfather was imprisoned by the Nazis and then fled his home country of the Czech Republic because he foresaw the Soviet takeover there. He found refuge here in Ireland with his young family, including my father, who was born in the Czech Republic. He re-established Waterford Glass and there is now a plaza named for him in Waterford. His contribution shows the immense benefit to Irish society and the Irish economy of inward migration. My father's home country, the Czech Republic, has taken in 400,000 Ukrainian refugees, which is the highest number per head of population in Europe. I am proud of that response in the Czech Republic but I am very proud that we in Ireland have taken in such a high proportion as well. We have taken in 77,000 Ukrainian refugees. That is a matter of pride, and communities across Ireland have shown such immense solidarity and generosity in welcoming Ukrainian refugees here. The Government needs to show a more co-ordinated approach in meeting the needs of refugees in the communities that are welcoming them. We need a strong public information campaign.

I want to pay tribute to all of those who are involved in the collective national effort, including the Ukraine civil society forum and Ukrainian Action in Ireland, in helping Irish hosts here. We in the Opposition want to play our part in that national effort of welcoming Ukrainian refugees who are fleeing such appalling carnage and brutality from Putin. There is immense solidarity here in Ireland with the Ukrainian people and that is why it is important we have a cross-party consensus on this simple Government motion calling for solidarity with Ukraine and calling for condemnation, outright and unequivocally, of the brutal bullying tactics of Russia. We stand, collectively, with Ukraine in this House. We stand with Ukraine in Ireland. Slava Ukraini.

An Ceann Comhairle

The next slot is a Social Democrats slot. I do not know if Deputy Pringle is joining the Social Democrats but he is taking their slot, I understand. Is that correct?

Deputy Ruairí Ó Murchú

He could be the leader.

Deputy Mattie McGrath

The new leader.

Deputy Thomas Pringle

That is news to me.

An Ceann Comhairle

That is fair enough. That is what we were advised but if the Deputy is not taking it-----

Deputy Thomas Pringle

I will take it if it is going.

Deputy Ruairí Ó Murchú

They must be busy.

Deputy Mattie McGrath

The new leader.

An Ceann Comhairle

That being the case, I ask the Deputy to move his amendment to the motion.

Deputy Thomas Pringle

I move amendment No. 1:

A.

To insert the following after "status for European Union (EU) membership to Ukraine;":

"— condemns threats of use of nuclear weapons, and condemns all nuclear threats, whether they be explicit or implicit and irrespective of the circumstances;

— welcomes the solidarity shown by all EU Member States in hosting Ukrainian people fleeing from conflict under the EU Temporary Protection Directive;

— thanks the Irish people for the support and kindness they have shown to the Ukrainian people who have come to Ireland over the past year;

— recognises the suffering that this war is causing to ordinary citizens right all across the world;

— reaffirms Ireland’s longstanding and internationally respected constitutional neutrality noting Article 29 of Bunreacht na hÉireann’s commitment to the ideal of peace and the peaceful settlement of international disputes;"

B.

To insert the following after "impunity for such crimes; and":

"— full respect by countries involved in conflict for the recognition of the fundamental right of citizens; to freedom of speech; to join political parties; to trade union membership; to free association including involvement in pacifist movements; to the freedom of the press and observation of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and;

— calls for the UN to immediately engage with all parties in pursuit of an immediate ceasefire to end the ongoing slaughter of innocent people and negotiate a settlement in line with international law, and; "

C.

To insert the following after "sovereignty and territorial integrity of states":

"— it is incumbent on Ireland, as a neutral state to be ready to play an active part in pursuit of a peaceful solution to the conflict and support an end to hostilities.".

It is important we amend this motion and that the amendment from the Opposition be taken on board. It is a pity the whole procedure was not handled in such a way that amendments could be submitted, exchanged, debated and discussed before coming before the House. It would have been possible to get a motion that could have been agreed by the whole House. Obviously, the Government has taken a different road and that is disappointing. It will conflate the difficulties in getting an agreed wording with opposition to Ukraine and the Ukrainian people, which is not the case. We should not be blindly following the very different position the Government is adopting in relation to that. Our views on this matter are worthwhile and deserve to have a hearing and be discussed rather than the way the Government has dealt with this today.

Members will see there is nothing in the amendment I have put forward that is against the people of Ukraine. It actually strengthens the motion. We have to recognise one aspect which is very worrying. We should be able to say this, despite the fact we have supported the people of Ukraine and helped them and have so many people here - rightly so. We should have those people here and we should have more if we could accommodate and support them. However, we have to recognise as well that the Ukrainian Government has taken some positions and decisions since the start of the war, and before that, in shutting down legal and verifiable opposition. That is even to the extent that it shut down and jailed pacificists for speaking out in favour of peace in Ukraine. That is wrong. We should be big enough to be able to recognise that and say that rather than just blindly papering over it and going on as if it is solely the Russians who are the cause of this conflict. They are, but the Ukrainian Government has done things that I do not think we should stand over or support as a democratically elected Government. We should be able to say that, as well as offering support to the people of Ukraine who end up coming here and need our support. We should be able to say that.

I believe it is important. The extract to the text of the amendment I have put forward today reads:

[with] full respect by countries involved in conflict for the recognition of the fundamental right of citizens; to freedom of speech; to join political parties; to [join] trade union membership; to free association including involvement in pacifist movements; to the freedom of the press and observation of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

I do not see how that is objectionable to anybody, and if it is, there is something wrong with what we are putting forward here today.

It is important we also recognise that Ireland is supposedly, and was up until this war, a neutral country, and that should be recognised in the amendments we have put forward. That is why one part of the amendment to the motion I have put forward also reads that "it is incumbent on Ireland, as a neutral state to be ready to play an active part in pursuit of a peaceful solution to the conflict and support an end to hostilities". I do not see how that is wrong either in respect of this motion. The different parts of the amendment strengthen the motion. I would like to hear why they are not acceptable, or if they are acceptable to the Government when it comes down to being voted on, that there are a number of other amendments which have been circulated which should also be taken on board.

There is no doubt there are many Ukrainian people in Ireland who are living and contributing to our society, and rightly so. That is a right and is what we should be doing as citizens who recognise that people involved in conflict need our support and help. We should, rightly, be very proud of that also. That does not mean we should be blindly supporting aggression or war in our sights because war is wrong. We should be pursuing peace, which is the actual way this will be resolved.

No matter what happens, when this war comes to an end, and it will, there will be a ceasefire and there will be negotiations. We should be in position then to ensure and fight for those negotiations to take place sooner rather than later and save more civilians and people who need peace.

An Ceann Comhairle

Deputy Pringle has moved his amendment. That creates the situation where none of the other amendments can be moved until after the voting block today. At the voting block, Deputy Pringle's amendment will be dealt with, if a division is called. Thereafter, irrespective of the outcome, the other amendments can be taken in the order in which they have been tabled.

Deputy Richard Boyd Barrett

We will also be moving an amendment. We will support Deputy Pringle's amendment. To make it clear, our amendment is additional to the Government amendment so it does not require the deletion of anything that is in the Government amendment but adds to it. Specifically, there is a condemnation of NATO's role in escalating the war, of increasing militarisation in Europe, a call for a reassertion of Irish neutrality, and a commitment that we will not be joining NATO.

We in People Before Profit absolutely share, as we have done from the beginning, the outright, unequivocal and unconditional condemnation of Vladimir Putin's brutal and unjustifiable war. He has rained down death, destruction and misery on hundreds of thousands, if not millions, of people across Ukraine and he has wrought death and destruction on the soldiers he has conscripted from Russia into that war, many of whom do not want to be fighting or losing their lives in his brutal, futile and unjustifiable war. His speech earlier this week is just frankly vile in its epitome of what an autocrat and dictator looks like. There should be no doubt about his role in instigating this horrific war.

As Deputy Pringle said, understanding that fact, having to condemn that and calling on Putin to withdraw does not does not mean the way to solve this terrible situation is for NATO, a military alliance with its own bloody and brutal history, to seek to escalate that war, possibly to a terrifying conclusion. The Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists was set up by people at the end of the Second World War after the use by the United States, the only country which has ever used nuclear weapons, to blow Hiroshima and Nagasaki to pieces over two days, killing tens of thousands of people. The organisation set up a thing called the Doomsday Clock. It recently published its view that we were closer now to nuclear Armageddon and doomsday than we have ever been since the dropping of the Nagasaki and Hiroshima bombs. That is a terrifying thought. They are suggesting it is closer now than even during the Cuban Missile Crisis because of the big powers in the world believing they have the right to possess nuclear weapons and to escalate conflicts to the possible use of those weapons. Against that insane possibility of this absolutely horrific situation getting even worse, for Ireland not to use its position as a neutral country to urge de-escalation and non-military solutions to the bloody invasion is a terrible abdication of our role as a neutral country.

I cannot understand the inconsistency in this regard, because if we take at face value the commitment of the proposers of the motion, or indeed of most of the western powers, that their interest in the Ukrainian war is purely to uphold the right to the territorial integrity of Ukraine and its right to self-determination and to resist an unjust war, why then do the same principles not apply to the Palestinian people, who are resisting an illegal occupation of their land? Why is that the case? Why are there no offers of military support from NATO to the Palestinians? Why is that the case? Could it have anything to do somehow with the illegal occupation of Palestinian territory being done by an ally of the Western powers that is armed to the teeth by the United States, Britain and France? Has it anything to do with that? Some of the proposers of the motion were in government when the United States led the brutal invasion of Iraq in 2003. Why were there no motions asserting the right of the Iraqi people to resist the US invasion that led to 1 million deaths in that country? Had it anything to do with the fact the invaders were seen as allies by this country and western powers? That tells us there is a different agenda at work. Yes, we should show solidarity with the Ukrainian people but our voice as a neutral country should be to oppose military escalation and warmongering by all big powers.

An Ceann Comhairle

We now move to the Regional Group.

Deputy Pádraig Mac Lochlainn

On a point of order, a Cheann Comhairle, I have a brief question. If the proposer of an amendment is not present to move it now, does the amendment have to be taken now or will it be taken tonight?

An Ceann Comhairle

Deputy Pringle moved the first amendment. No other amendment can be moved or considered until the voting block later this evening. It will be at that point that it will be necessary for people to be present to deal with it. I now call Deputy Berry from the Regional Group.

Deputy Cathal Berry

I welcome the opportunity to contribute to this debate on Putin’s unnecessary and highly illegal war in Ukraine. Again, on behalf of the Regional Group, we wish we were not marking this grisly anniversary but we are here nonetheless. Unfortunately, that is just the way things are.

I have a few points to make. The first is that I welcome, in general, Ireland’s response to the crisis. First of all, the €77 million which has been pledged to the European Peace Facility is appropriate. I recognise that much of this has not been drawn down there but has actually been pledged over a six-year period. It is appropriate, however, that financial assistance has been given for non-lethal aid to Ukraine.

The second thing I welcome is the provision of body armour, helmets and ration packs, which were given at the very start of the conflict almost a year ago.

Third, I mention the extraordinary generosity of the Irish people in respect of the accommodation of up to 70,000 displaced Ukrainians here.

It is an unprecedented humanitarian catastrophe that has not been visited on Ireland since the State was formed more than 100 years ago. I welcome the fact that Ireland has been very vocal in supporting EU sanctions against the Russian Federation, especially the administration in the Kremlin, that is, the regime there, and that we are supporting the accession of Ukraine and Moldova into the European Union. That is completely appropriate. If they wish to lean westward and be embraced by the European Union, they should be facilitated in doing so.

The second point I wish to raise is about some positive soundings on the international front of which many people may not be aware. The first one is with regard to the Black Sea grain initiative that was negotiated by Turkey and the United Nations. More than 1,000 freighters are leaving Ukrainian ports every week, passing up the Bosphorus Strait, through Istanbul, and on to the rest of the world. One of the first ships to pass through the Bosphorus Strait with this initiative was mobile for Ireland, which is a particular point of note. The initiative saved millions of lives globally and saved hundreds of millions of people from malnutrition. It has to be extended and supported.

Prisoner exchanges that are going on directly between Ukrainian armed forces and the Russian Federation are a positive development. They are happening every month or so, without any intermediary. It proves that peace negotiations are possible when the conditions are right.

I welcome President Zelenskyy's ten-point peace plan. Is it perfect? It is not. Is it a basis for a peaceful solution? Yes, it is. Obviously, the conditions are not appropriate for peaceful negotiations at present, because Putin has absolutely no interest in peace negotiations, but it is the basis nonetheless.

My third point is with regard to the concerns I have about Moldova. Anybody who has been following international headlines realises considerable deliberate destabilising is taking place in Moldova at present. If this conflict is to widen, and we hope it will not, it is likely to widen in the direction of Moldova. It needs more support. We know there are 1,500 Russian troops in Transnistria, a province in Moldova. I welcome the fact that Ireland has given €5 million in support to Moldova, but it needs more, for sure. Moldova is half the size and has half the population of Ireland and has ten times the number of Ukrainian displaced people. It is accommodating 700,000 Ukrainian displaced people at present. Moldova needs our support and is very worthy of it.

Can Ireland do more? I think we can. We should be vocal on the establishment of a brand new special tribunal on war crimes in Ukraine. That should help from an accountability point of view. We know that Ireland has frozen approximately €1.5 billion in Russian assets in this jurisdiction. Freezing them is not enough. We should be seizing them as well and putting it into an escrow account to facilitate the reconstruction of Ukraine, at the end. We should be more supportive of Moldova. It is a very similar country to us. It is trying to get into the European Union and that is a point of destabilisation from a Russian perspective. I have no doubt that Moldova is a Russian target from that point of view.

I welcome the motion. I am very happy to support it and any reasonable amendments. I will be in the GPO on Friday at 2.30 p.m. to mark the grizzly and tragic anniversary that it is. I invite the Irish public to come along to show its support.

Deputy Mattie McGrath

I am glad to contribute to the debate, while I am disappointed at the way it has transpired. I will certainly support the amendment moved by an Teachta Pringle. We have welcomed approximately 70,000 to 75,000 Ukrainian refugees and daoine ar fud na tíre have opened their arms, houses and communities, in the sense of a meitheal, to support our colleagues from Ukraine who are fleeing a most heinous and desperate war. I remember bringing the Ukrainian ambassador, at my invitation, to Cahir to meet some of the Ukrainian refugees and, indeed, the páistí ag foghlaim an Bhéarla. There is a crowd in Cahir, Fáilte Isteach, made up of volunteer teachers who are immersing them in and introducing them to the community.

However, I have considerable concerns about the way we have seemingly just supported one side of this war, carte blanche. I know the Tánaiste was here, but he is not here now and he should be here listening to this, because, when he was Taoiseach, he had tunnel vision the whole time. Ireland's neutrality, under Article 29 of Bunreacht na hÉireann, has been valued and respected ar fud an domhain. It has been respected throughout the world, but I think the Tánaiste said here one day that we had an outdated sense of neutrality. I do not believe, for one minute, that it is outdated. People have not been consulted. This is a made-up Government that did not get a majority at the time of an election. It was cobbled together. The Government is together and that is fine, but the people should be consulted, because we are a sovereign small nation. We have played an immense role throughout the world in peacekeeping all over the world, ever since the time of Congo. We have a presence in Lebanon and elsewhere.

We have dived in and bitten off more than we can chew. One would think we were herculean giants with what we are doing here when, really, we can do very little apart from humanitarian aid and supports. I also had concerns about the invasion in Iraq by the forces and about the slaughter and genocide that is going on in Nigeria and many African countries. We say very little about many places such as those. We have no emotion or engagement. Skin colour must be the discrimination behind that. Israel is another one. I have considerable concerns about it. I will not be supporting the motion. I will support Deputy Pringle's amendment.

Deputy Michael Healy-Rae

I am very glad to have the opportunity to speak to this very important issue. It is so important that this House recognises the enormous tragedy that has befallen the people of Ukraine. If we lived forever, it would be hard to understand man's inhumanity to man, when one thinks about what this means to people on a human level. Over the past number of months, I have been accommodating families who have come from Ukraine. I have met them first hand, after they arrived. I meet moms, dads and children and see what they come with. It is literally a couple of bags.

These people had houses and accommodation, whether it was their own or they were renting. They were being educated. They had everything. They were living life in a normal way and, all of a sudden, everything came falling down around them. They land here with whatever they are able to carry. There is nothing coming after them. There is no van or jeep. It is their two hands and whatever they are carrying. That is enormously sad. Yes, the Irish people have done an awful lot in opening up and, yes, it has caused controversy in that people ask how we will have housing for everybody.

However, if one isolates that issue on its own and the inhumanity of people being literally blown out of their homes, lives, jobs and away from the rest of their family, on a human level, it is absolutely devastating. Whether it is to Ireland, England or wherever in Europe or the world they have gone to, is it not awful to think that the actions of one man can result in that type of awfulness and upheaval in their lives? It is one thing that any one of us would have to stop to think about. How would we feel tomorrow, if we had to leave everything that we had here and go somewhere else with a couple of bags and a few close family members and have to live? Whether it is for a short or long time, who knows? It is right that we acknowledge that here today, debate it and use the political system to talk about how we will address the issue because, with housing, one needs health, education and all the other things.

An Ceann Comhairle

You are over time.

Deputy Michael Healy-Rae

Housing people is not just about a roof. Thank you for your indulgence. I just had to say that on a human level.

Deputy Michael McNamara

I agree with what most of the previous speakers stated. Who could not be affected by the plight of the Ukrainian people - those in Ukraine, those who have come to Ireland and those who are displaced across Europe now? Obviously conditions are very difficult for them upon arrival in Ireland but conditions are equally difficult throughout much of Europe, where weather conditions are far more inclement and more difficult to be homeless in.

It is important that Ireland maintains a position of neutrality. I have always maintained that position. What we can offer militarily is close to nothing, in my view. We can barely militarily defend our own territorial waters, much less join a force led by a French vice admiral in order to carry out works in Ukraine, no matter how well-intentioned. What we can achieve diplomatically, particularly if we maintain the neutral position that Ireland has traditionally held, is immensely greater in terms of alleviating the suffering of Ukrainian people and ensuring that those who are here and who want to return to Ukraine - I appreciate that not everybody will want to return at the end of this - will be in a position to return to a peaceful Ukraine that is rebuilding itself.

The whole issue of candidate status for membership of the European Union is a little bit of a red herring, particularly in view of the fact that one of the essential prerequisites for membership of the EU is agreed and defined borders. Of course, to a very large extent, what this matter is about is Ukraine's border with Russia. I completely accept that aggression and unilateral force is not the way to change internationally agreed boundaries but nevertheless, we are a long way from having agreed borders.

It is also very important that we clarify the status of the up to 30 members of the Defence Forces in the newly established EU military assistance mission under the command of a French vice admiral, the stated aim of which is to enhance the military capability of Ukraine's armed forces. We must also clarify whether Dáil Éireann approves the costs that will arise therefrom and the cost of participation in various EU funds that are funding military activity in Ukraine.

Deputy Marian Harkin

I am pleased to support this motion, which unequivocally condemns the invasion of Ukraine by the Russian Federation on 24 February 2022, one year ago this Friday. As an Irish citizen, I strongly support the right of Ukraine to defend its territorial integrity and its independence. As a European citizen, I strongly defend the European values of human rights, equality, the rule of law, democracy, freedom, and human dignity. Ukrainians should, like every single one of us in this Chamber and this country, enjoy those rights.

We need to recognise that Russia's invasion of Ukraine almost a year ago is part of a pattern. Russia invaded Moldova, Georgia and Ukraine in the past 20 years. This is part of an overall plan, and Ukraine has now said "No". I support Ukraine in that stance. War is not just about bombs and missiles; it is about murdering children, women and men. It is also about fear and terror, loss of life, loss of homes and sometimes loss of hope. We have seen the devastation of Bucha, the mass murder and rape of the population and the indiscriminate bombing of Mariupol as the Russian war machine smashes and obliterates all before it.

A number of amendments to the motion have been tabled but the haste with which we are working today makes it impossible to consider them in detail. However, it is crucially important that we do not draw any equivalence between a brutal aggressor and the persecuted. Equally, we know that a peaceful solution will have to be the final outcome and in that context I support President Zelenskyy's ten-point plan. It is a start and while there has been no reciprocity from Russia, nonetheless we have to find some way forward.

I do not support the amendment that condemns NATO activity in escalating the war. I understand the principle of not supporting NATO, but this morning we met some representatives from Romania who spoke of the protection offered by NATO and how essential it is for their security and freedom because they know from bitter experience how Russia has operated in the past. I know from speaking to people in Latvia, Lithuania, Poland and other countries geographically close to Russia that this is also how they feel.

I am happy, as a Member of this Parliament, to speak out against Russian aggression and to see Ireland working with the UN and the EU to uphold the principle of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine.

Minister for the Environment, Climate and Communications (Deputy Eamon Ryan)

In replying on behalf of the Government, I absolutely agree with Deputy Harkin that we must be unequivocal in condemning Russian aggression in this war. That is the purpose of the motion. At a meeting of the Business Committee, the possibility of just the Ceann Comhairle making a statement was considered. However, it is better that all groups in Parliament were given a chance to add their voice to this debate. I presume the Ceann Comhairle will have a word or two to say at the end of this debate. It is important that we are clear and direct in this.

I would like to conclude the debate with the point with which the Taoiseach, very appropriately, began it. He said that we are not at war with the Russian people. He cited the great Russian writers, which made me think of a quote from Tolstoy's War and Peace. In the work of great Russian writers, there is always a sense of closeness, despite the geographical distance, to an understanding of human frailty, imperfection and glory. Tolstoy wrote: "War on the other hand is such a terrible thing, that no man, especially a Christian man, has the right to assume the responsibility of starting it." That is what we are condemning here today, the Putin Administration starting a war of invasion against the people of Ukraine. Our motion seeks, in the clearest, simplest and most direct language, to condemn that and to give our unwavering support for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the people of Ukraine. We are saying that the act of invading a sovereign, independent state breaches international law and that it is important that this Parliament stands up for international law. We condemn unequivocally the attacks against civilians and infrastructure, the human rights abuses and the violations of international human rights law. We join with the European Council in its decision of 22 June to grant candidate status for EU membership to Ukraine. The motion continues to address those points in more detail and to set out what could be done about it.

I also absolutely agree with Deputy Bacik. When she said that for her, this is personal, it brought it home to me that we cannot show moral equivalence here and accept amendments. That would utterly dilute and take away from what we singularly seek to achieve here today.

I also agree with Deputy Berry, whose contribution was very useful because it gives hope in what is a dark time, namely, one year into this war. He cited examples of grain being shipped and prisoner exchanges being done which show that peace may be possible if we can get the invading party back onto that track. I also agree with Deputies Brady and Berry when they referred to neighbouring countries like Moldova and others. Their point in that regard was well made.

Deputy Mattie McGrath condemned the Government, as I understand it, for supporting one side. I am afraid I fundamentally disagree with him. In this, there is an aggressor, an invader and we have to stand up and do everything we can, short of providing lethal military support in order to retain our tradition of military neutrality. It is appropriate for us to send rations and helmets and to help to train people to clear mines. I do not see that as undermining our tradition of neutrality. If anything, it strengthens it in this difficult time because it shows that we are willing to support Ukrainians. We are on their side, but we do not intervene in a direct, military or lethal way.

I presume the Ceann Comhairle is not able to speak in support of the Government's motion. I will conclude by saying that this exercise today has been useful. As we approach the one-year anniversary of this war, it is important to stand with the people of Ukraine - those who are in this country and who must be missing their loved ones at home and those on the front line. We bear witness to all of the lives lost and all of the limbs torn apart on all sides in this war. Obviously, we mourn and grieve the loss of life and think of the distraught families on both sides. Those lives have been lost because of the completely unjustifiable decision to invade Ukraine. That decision deserves to be condemned.

Whatever the path to peace, we should not be distracted from the statement of condemnation we are making here today. This war is wrong, and it should stop tomorrow.

An Ceann Comhairle

By way of information, we will launch a photographic exhibition in Leinster House 2000 tomorrow showing scenes from Bucha, which I visited last year. As agreed by the Business Committee last week, we will also have a minute's silence tomorrow. The ambassador of Ukraine to Ireland, H.E. Larysa Gerasko, will be present.

Amendment put.

An Ceann Comhairle

In accordance with Standing Order 80(2), the division is postponed until the weekly divisions this evening - and quite late this evening by the looks of things - at which time the other amendments can also be dealt with.

Cuireadh an Dáil ar fionraí ar 3.31 p.m. agus cuireadh tús leis arís ar 4.30 p.m.

Sitting suspended at 4.30 p.m. and resumed at 4.30 p.m.