Vol. 1039 No. 1
1. Deputy Mary Lou McDonald asked the Taoiseach if he will report on the work of the high-level steering board, chaired by the Secretary General of his Department, to oversee the implementation of the high-level action plan for the report of the Commission on the Defence Forces. [20327/23]
2. Deputy Mick Barry asked the Taoiseach if he will report on the work of the high-level steering board, chaired by the Secretary General of his Department, to oversee the implementation of the high-level action plan for the report of the Commission on the Defence Forces. [22803/23]
3. Deputy Ivana Bacik asked the Taoiseach if he will report on the work of the high-level steering board, chaired by the Secretary General of his Department, to oversee the implementation of the high-level action plan for the report of the Commission on the Defence Forces. [22863/23]
4. Deputy Bríd Smith asked the Taoiseach if he will report on the implementation of the high-level action plan for the report of the Commission on the Defence Forces. [24735/23]
I propose to take Questions Nos. 1 to 4, inclusive, together.
The Government approved a high-level action plan for the report of the Commission on the Defence Forces in July 2022. The report sets out the initial implementation and oversight structures, comprising a high-level steering board, an independently chaired implementation oversight group and an implementation management office.
The high-level steering board is chaired by the Secretary General of my Department and the membership comprises the Chief of Staff of the Defence Forces, the Secretaries General of the Departments of Defence, Justice, Foreign Affairs, Public Expenditure, National Development Plan Delivery and Reform and Environment, Climate and Communications, and the independent chair of the implementation oversight group. The purpose of the steering board is to steer the implementation oversight group and to provide guidance where necessary, as well as acting as a clearing house for any issues that may arise in the implementation of the commission’s recommendations. The steering board held its first meeting on 1 March, at which it received a detailed update on the progress made to date with the implementation of the high-level action plan.
The implementation oversight group has met four times to date and is overseeing and driving the implementation of the recommendations of the commission. The civil-military implementation management office, which was established last year, is in the advanced stages of developing a detailed implementation plan under the stewardship of the implementation oversight group.
A comprehensive update on the high-level action plan for the report of the Commission on the Defence Forces was published on 23 March. It showed 80% completion of the 38 early actions, with substantial progress made on the remainder. It provides solid building blocks for the detailed implementation plan up to 2028.
Separately, following the publication of the report of the independent review group on dignity and equality issues in the Defence Forces on 28 March 2023, the Government established an external oversight body for the Defence Forces. This new body will play a central role in driving a necessary culture change throughout the Defence Forces and in increasing transparency and accountability.
I will curtail the time to one minute each, given the numbers, in order that we can get an appropriate response.
The review on dignity and equality issues in the Defence Forces has found instances of bullying, harassment, discrimination and sexual harassment persist. They are not features of the past. The authors emphasise the prevailing culture will not stop without immediate and significant steps being taken and that neither men nor women in the Defence Forces are working in a safe workplace environment. It is clear from the language throughout the review that implementation of its recommendations requires urgency.
There is also an expectation that those who were and are victims of the broken organisational culture are given a place in devising the solutions to fix it. It is fair to say we have seen sustained failure of leadership within the Defence Forces and by successive Ministers and the Department. It was Women of Honour and others within the Defence Forces who pushed back over the years and forced acknowledgement, acceptance and action on things that could no longer be denied or pushed under the carpet.
What further engagement is taking place between Government and the women in agreeing a process in the development of the inquiry’s terms of reference? Has the women’s feeling that Government sought to railroad them and others without courtesy or respect been heard and, more importantly, addressed?
The Taoiseach says he does not want to join NATO; public opinion would not allow him to. However, I think he does want to achieve a de facto associate membership of NATO by drawing ever closer and advancing integration into its structure without formally joining in the short term. I am against that because NATO is an imperialist military alliance led by the United States that does not and never will represent the interests of ordinary working people anywhere.
As for the consultative forum on security policy, what was originally floated by the Tánaiste was a citizens' assembly. The assembly is being kept, but the citizens are effectively being written out of the script.
To be honest, there was arguably more democracy in the tsarist Duma than there is in this forum. I put it to the Taoiseach that the people know what the Government is doing here and, in reality, it is just a sham.
I see the Green Party has once more wrestled with its conscience and, unsurprisingly, once more the Green Party has emerged victorious in ditching another one of its so-called principles by signing up with Fine Fáil and Fine Gael to abandon the triple lock. The Government and the Taoiseach like to present this abandonment of the triple lock and this abandonment of a commitment in the programme for Government as a response to Putin’s invasion of Ukraine. However, that is not true, is it? If you go back 20 years, you can read a policy document from Fine Gael called Beyond Neutrality, where the triple lock system is described as being a "political straitjacket”. If you go through the record of the Dáil, you will see the Taoiseach himself in 2008 describing the triple lock as not right and saying that such decisions should be made in the Dáil and or by an elected European Parliament. Is it not the case, then, that it was always Fine Gael's plan to seize the appropriate moment to try and abandon the triple lock, which would free up a Government with majority Dáil support to send troops abroad, for example, to the Middle East, to participate in US-led military adventures?
Last week, I was contacted by a very nice man I met many years ago. He informed me that he was previously in the Army and that he had been a victim of sexual abuse at the hands of an officer over many years. Approximately 20 years ago, he took a High Court case where, although the sexual abuse was acknowledged, finding the Army culpable was not accepted at that time by the court. Since then, there has been the Women of Honour inquiry, which has highlighted the widespread, systemic nature of sexual and other abuse in the Defence Forces. There is an inquiry coming and it is long overdue. My friend has asked whether that inquiry will extend not only to the abuse suffered by women, but also sexual and other abuse suffered by men. He asks this because he wants it to be. It is a very reasonable request and he would be very keen to hear the Government’s answer because he deserves justice for the terrible abuse and suffering that he had inflicted on him.
I thank the Deputies for their questions. The work and report of the independent review group on dignity and equality in the Defence Forces have raised very profound issues relating to culture and unacceptable behaviour. The value of the report has been demonstrated by the widespread support for its recommendations and the universal reaction of shock and dismay at its contents and conclusions. It is now vital that we quickly build on the work of the review. A statutory inquiry is the logical, necessary next step.
The Tánaiste and Minister for Defence, Deputy Micheál Martin, has obtained Government approval to establish an independent, judge-led statutory inquiry. It will investigate whether there have been serious systemic failures in the complaints system in the Defence Forces in relation to interpersonal issues including, but not limited to, sexual misconduct. It is my understanding that it will apply to men and women. I will double-check, but that is my understanding. The Minister for Defence intends to bring forward terms of reference for this inquiry as soon as possible and, to this end, I understand the process of engagement with stakeholders has commenced. The Tánaiste has met with all relevant partners, including the Women of Honour, the women and men of honour, the Permanent Defence Forces Other Ranks Representative Association, PDFORRA, the Representative Association of Commissioned Officers, RACO, and veterans association. He will continue to do so. I am advised that their observations and suggestions on the draft terms, which have been provided to them recently, are awaited. The Tánaiste is also in consultation with the Attorney General on the appointment of a judge or a retired judge to lead this inquiry. He intends to bring a nomination to the Government in the coming weeks.
In relation to the question on defence and security policy, I can be very clear to the House that the Government has no plans whatsoever to apply for NATO membership. We are NATO partners through the Partnership for Peace, we have been for a very long time and that will continue. We will continue to be involved in PESCO, which is the European Union's common security and defence policy. I believe that is to our benefit and to the benefit of our security.
One thing Deputy Paul Murphy is absolutely right about is that I have never been a supporter of the triple lock and I have never pretended to be one. I remember how it came about. I cannot remember whether it was the Lisbon Treaty or the Nice Treaty-----
It was the Lisbon Treaty.
-----but a conspiracy theory was spun by people on the Left that if people voted for the Lisbon Treaty that there would be an EU army and that we might be conscripted into it and long before-----
There is an EU army.
-----the social media world there were conspiracy theories that people took seriously. As part of the response to that absurd and provably untrue conspiracy theory perpetrated by some people at that time, neither of those things happened-----
Well, there are battle groups, if not an EU army.
I do not believe it is appropriate to allow Russia, China, Britain, France or America to decide whether or not we send troops on missions abroad. That should be a decision for the Government and for the Dáil.
5. Deputy Mary Lou McDonald asked the Taoiseach if he will report on the strategic goals of his Department's Strategy Statement 2021-2023; and if he plans to update them. [20328/23]
6. Deputy Cian O'Callaghan asked the Taoiseach if he will report on the strategic goals of his Department's Strategy Statement 2021-2023; and if he plans to update them. [22855/23]
7. Deputy Neasa Hourigan asked the Taoiseach if he will report on the strategic goals of his Department's Strategy Statement 2021-2023. [24231/23]
8. Deputy Mick Barry asked the Taoiseach if he will report on the strategic goals of his Department's Strategy Statement 2021-2023; and if he plans to update same. [22804/23]
9. Deputy Ivana Bacik asked the Taoiseach if he will report on the strategic goals of his Department’s Strategy Statement 2021-2023; and if he plans to update them. [22864/23]
10. Deputy Jim O'Callaghan asked the Taoiseach if he will report on the strategic goals of his Department’s Strategy Statement 2021-2023. [23071/23]
11. Deputy James Lawless asked the Taoiseach if he will report on the strategic goals of his Department’s Strategy Statement 2021-2023. [23073/23]
12. Deputy Christopher O'Sullivan asked the Taoiseach if he will report on the goals of his Department’s Strategy Statement 2021-2023. [23075/23]
13. Deputy Brendan Smith asked the Taoiseach when his Department will publish a new strategy statement. [23215/23]
14. Deputy Ruairí Ó Murchú asked the Taoiseach his intention to establish additional units or divisions in his Department to those outlined in the programme for Government. [24618/23]
15. Deputy Richard Boyd Barrett asked the Taoiseach if he will report on the strategic goals of his Department’s Strategy Statement 2021-2023; and if he plans to update those goals. [24730/23]
16. Deputy Bríd Smith asked the Taoiseach if he will report on the strategic goals of his Department’s Strategy Statement 2021-2023; and if he plans to update those goals. [24733/23]
17. Deputy Paul Murphy asked the Taoiseach if he will report on the strategic goals of his Department’s Strategy Statement 2021-2023; and if he plans to update those goals. [24736/23]
I propose to take Questions Nos. 5 to 17, inclusive, together. The priorities set out in the Department's Strategy Statement 2021-2023, reflect the role of the Department to assist me as Taoiseach and the Government to ensure a sustainable economy and a successful society, to pursue Ireland’s interests abroad, to implement the Government’s programme, and to build a better future for Ireland and all its citizens. In accordance with the provisions of the Public Service Management Act 1997 the Department of the Taoiseach is currently developing its new statement of strategy for the three-year period from 2023 to 2025. This will reflect the important role of the Department in advancing national whole-of-government priorities over the coming period.
On housing, we will continue to drive progress on the Housing for All plan. The Government has recently agreed on extra measures to make it cheaper to build and refurbish homes, speed up home building and drive down building costs. These measures will build on the momentum we are already seeing with work starting on a record number of 7,349 homes in the first three months of the year and 10,000 in the first four months.
On the cost of living, the Government is helping households and businesses through recent targeted welfare, childcare and education measures, on top of substantial provisions in budget 2023, including the temporary business energy support scheme, TBESS. Poverty restricts a child’s opportunity. Our vision is to make Ireland the best country in Europe to be a child. The new child poverty and wellbeing programme office has been established in the Department of the Taoiseach. It will enhance co-ordination across the Government, provide strategic leadership and bring enhanced accountability to the child poverty reduction agenda.
The humanitarian response to the war in Ukraine is being led at senior levels across the Government, at a national and local level. To manage increasing pressures on accommodation and services, a cross-departmental senior officials group in the Department of the Taoiseach is co-ordinating actions agreed by the Government. Sourcing suitable accommodation on an ongoing basis, at scale and at speed is extremely challenging. Since the start of this war, more than 83,000 people arriving from Ukraine have availed of temporary protection in Ireland.
The programme for Government sets out a strong framework for climate action and places it at the heart of the work of all Departments. The Department exercises a leadership role to ensure climate action is an important area across all Government Departments. Last week, the Cabinet approved the 2023 public sector climate action mandate, which will see the public sector playing a leadership role as a catalyst and advocate for ambitious climate action across the building, transport, waste and energy sectors.
We recently marked Europe Day, which had an extra significance for Ireland this year, marking 50 years as a member of the European Union. Our membership has played an important part in our country’s development since 1973 and has proven a dependable partner to our nation in the past and recent turbulent times. The Windsor Framework, which was recently agreed between the EU and the UK, can play an essential role in protecting the Good Friday Agreement and in providing economic opportunities to Northern Ireland. My focus now is on getting the institutions of the Good Friday Agreement up and running, across all three strands. The shared island unit has been engaging with all communities through a comprehensive dialogue series on how we could better share this island. It has also been commissioning research to deepen the understanding of the whole island, in economic, social, cultural and political terms.
Over the past two years, we have allocated nearly €200 million from the fund to projects and investments that respond to the common interests and concerns of people right across the island, including climate action and biodiversity conservation, regional development, innovation and deepening our societal connections. Both the shared island unit and social dialogue unit were established as provided for in the programme for Government.
Ten Cabinet committees that reflect the range of cross-Government priorities that the Government will continue to advance in its lifetime have been established. The Department’s new strategy will be finalised and published over the coming weeks.
As quite a few Members wish to contribute, I request that they all be brief and stick to one minute each if possible. I call Deputy McDonald.
There are 4,500 young people waiting for first-time child and adolescent mental health services, CAMHS, appointments. That is an increase of 112% since the Government took office. This is despite the number of children with medical referrals being refused by CAMHS having jumped by 12% in the same period. There are 11,000 children awaiting appointments for primary care psychology, more than 4,000 of whom have been waiting over a year. It is hard to fathom how child well-being could decline so radically under this Government if it is actually a whole-of-government priority. A survey was undertaken by the Disability Federation of Ireland within the community healthcare west area. One person who participated in this reported that their son was referred to primary care occupational therapy in October 2020 but still has not been seen. They were told last week that they will wait another two years. Another person whose preverbal five-and-a-half-year-old son was diagnosed with autism spectrum disorder, ASD, when he was three. He has never seen anyone in the public system. Cara Darmody was referred to earlier today. She is a 12-year-old child campaigner from Tipperary. She is here in Leinster House again today to raise issues on behalf of her brothers and the other thousands of children who continue to be failed. In what tangible way will this new unit address these catastrophic failures?
Under core activities in the statement of strategy, policing reform and community safety are cited four times. This week, the Commissioner of An Garda Síochána stated that the far right is not growing. That may appear to be the case from the Commissioner's office, but to migrants it very much feels like it is growing. The Constitution protects the right of people who live in this county to conduct themselves without being harassed or intimidated. Legal protections for the right to protest do not apply if protestors behave in a threatening manner or use violence. I draw the Taoiseach's attention to the fact that 2022 was the worst year across Europe in the context of attacks on people from the LGBTQI community. These two issues are not unrelated. Hate crimes are up by 30% in this country. What is the Department of the Taoiseach doing in the context of policing reform and community safety to ensure that people feel safe?
The socialist left does not accept the framing of the prebudget debate as an either-or between public spending increases and tax cuts for middle-income workers. We say that both should be done at the expense of higher taxes on high earners and profits. I want to ask about proposed the €1,000 tax that will be put back in workers' pockets at budget time. I suspect that Fine Gael is all talk and no action on this. After all, in 2016, the then Minister for Public Expenditure and Reform promised that the universal social charge would be abolished. Seven years on, the charge is still there. Is the Taoiseach prepared to scrap the universal social contribution for every individual earning less than €100,000 a year and create a new 30% tax rate that would be paid for not by curbing spending on public services but by extending the tax base by putting in place a new 50% tax rate for those earning more than €100,000?
I want to know about the strategy we are putting in place to tackle the astronomical profits being collected by energy companies. This morning, we learned that SSE Airtricity, one of the providers in the Irish market, accrued profits of €2.18 billion. That comes after the ESB recording 12-month profits of €847 million. This is all in the context of historic increases in energy and electricity bills. There are two things we can do straight away. First, many people now have smart meters but at the moment, the cheaper rate, namely, the night-time rate, begins at 11 p.m. We need to put pressure on the Commission for Regulation of Utilities, CRU, to bring the time forward to 8 p.m. in order that more people can avail of the cheaper rates. In addition, the companies should be forced to introduce cheaper rates. Second, we need to expedite the windfall tax legislation in order that these massive profits can be given back to people in the form of credits or whatever to ease the burden on consumers, both households and businesses.
How can we ensure that children, people and families can have access to a No Wrong Door system in the context of being able to access the autism therapies and assessments they require? This needs to happen, because we know there are silos in operation, particularly in the context of primary care, children's disability network teams or CAMHS. People are not worried about where they access the service, once they can access it. We all accept that there is an issue in regard to workforce planning and that positions remain unfilled. However, we need to make a determination regarding the best service that we can offer while trying to rectify the other issues. We need to put a plan in place because we are failing people. There is not a lot of trust out there and that is a major issue.
John Barry is a Limerick man in his 60s who had to retire following a heart attack and who subsequently suffered a debilitating brain injury. Mr. Barry has been given notice to quit by his landlord who had a long-term leasing arrangement with Limerick City and County Council. The landlord is evicting Mr. Barry on the grounds that he needs to move a family member into the property, while at the same time advertising another property he owns as being available to rent. This is clearly a disgraceful ruse. The landlord was in an arrangement, a contract, with Limerick City and County Council. Of course, the eviction notice came after the tenant won a case before the Residential Tenancies Board, RTB, concerning the fact that the landlord was overcharging him for gas. Mr. Barry is being evicted on grounds of retaliation. The issue raised with me by people in Limerick who are helping Mr. Barry is that the landlord has managed to pull out of a contract he had with Limerick City and County Council for a long-term lease at 21 days' notice. Why is that allowed? Why is this treatment of Mr. Barry, a vulnerable, elderly man with disabilities, allowed? Why would the contract arrangements relating to the lease allow a landlord to evict someone? These contracts should be much firmer.
I wish to ask the Taoiseach whether his strategic goals include allowing Ministers to mislead the Dáil. In February 2022, the Minister, Deputy Coveney, appeared before the Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs and Defence in regard to an event that had taken place at Iveagh House. He was asked three times by myself and Deputy John Brady whether he had deleted any texts relating to that event. His replied, "I have not deleted any texts" and "All I can say is that I have not deleted any texts". In response to a question as to whether he had deleted any texts, he simply said "No". However, two months ago, the Office of the Information Commissioner issued a decision in regard to a freedom of information appeal relating to these matters. It indicated that the Minister's special adviser had said that the Minister had deleted a text message from this device and claimed that the sender was "trolling the Minister". The so-called troll was actually the journalist who exposed the breach of public health guidelines at Iveagh House in the first place and was of sufficient standing for the Department of Foreign Affairs to engage with comprehensively. Does the Taoiseach agree that the Minister, Deputy Coveney, should correct the record of the house?
I thank the Deputies for raising those various issues.
On waiting lists, the number of people awaiting hospital treatment and who have been waiting to see a specialist for more than three months or who have been waiting for an operation they need for more than three months is 50,000 lower than was the case this time last year. We are seeing progress in respect of some waiting lists, but that does not for a second take away from the fact that this is not the case across the board and that many children are awaiting therapies, psychology appointments and assessments of need. I know it is not acceptable. As I outlined earlier, a huge amount of this relates to the difficulties in recruitment in light of the global shortage of staff in this area. I outlined many of the measures that are being taken to improve the situation, including hiring and training more staff and encouraging recruitment from overseas.
I should clarify that the child poverty and welfare programme office will not be involved in service provision, which is a matter for the relevant public bodies, but it can, for example, carry out research on best practice in other countries and see how that might be applied here.
Deputy Hourigan raised the issue of policing reform and my Department's role in that regard. The implementation plan is being overseen by a programme office in the Department and has now entered its final consolidation phase, with many substantive reforms achieved. The phase is expected to conclude at the end of the year, after which the enhanced statutory governance and accountability framework being introduced under the Policing, Security and Community Safety Bill will have commenced. Major reforms include progressing an operating model for An Garda Síochána designed to streamline Garda administration and provide a more visible, responsive and localised policing service to communities nationwide. That is well advanced and, it is hoped, will increase a feeling of community safety. There are pilots of local community safety partnerships in three locations, namely, Dublin's north inner city, which is in the Deputy's constituency, Waterford city and county and Longford county. There has been the recruitment of nearly 1,800 Garda staff, which has resulted in the reassignment of many gardaí to front-line duties, as well as 5,000 digital communication devices to enable front-line gardaí to perform their duty without having to return to stations. In addition, we have developed a Garda Síochána equality, diversity and inclusion strategy statement and action plan. In terms of legislative reforms, there is the landmark Policing, Security and Community Safety Bill, the Garda Síochána (Recording Devices) Bill, which includes provision for body-worn cameras, and the Garda Síochána (powers) Bill, which will modernise police powers around search, arrest and detention.
As regards the question asked by Deputy Barry, let me be clear once again, as I was earlier, no income tax reductions will be funded by curbing or reducing public services. That certainly has not been the case for the past number of years. We have reduced income taxes while increasing spending on public services and public infrastructure. That is what you can achieve if you pursue the right economic policies and achieve economic growth. We have delivered on income tax in recent years. Only a couple of years ago, people earning as little as €33,000 or €34,000 a year paid the highest rate of income tax. That has now gone up to €40,000. What is that worth to a middle-income person earning €35,000 or €40,000 a year? It is worth €1,400 a year. For a couple, it is €2,800 a year. That is how much better off people are every year, at least in terms of take home pay, than they would be under the alternative government opposite.
What does it say in the programme for Government? There is a clear commitment in the programme for Government that we will index tax bands and tax credits should we be able to afford to do so. We can do so and I will be insisting that commitment be honoured. The exact detail as to how it is done is still to be worked out but the commitment in the programme for Government is clear that tax credits and tax bands should be indexed if we can afford to do it. We can afford to do it and that is why there will be a tax package in the next budget, as well as a welfare and pensions packages and all the things one would expect to see in any budget in normal times.
On the issue of energy companies and a windfall tax, that is being worked on at the moment. We intend to have it in place for September. That will allow us to recoup some of those profits and give them back to households and businesses to help them with energy bills. I do not know about the profits of SSE. I suspect some of those profits were overseas and not in Ireland but I do not know that for sure. As regards ESB, we have taken a special dividend from ESB of approximately €300 billion, taking back some of the profits it had not expected to make.
I cannot comment on the case raised by Deputy Boyd Barrett. It is an individual case and I do not know the facts. As I said before, however, not all notices to quit are valid. In fact, a large number of notices to quit are not valid. It is incorrect to describe them as eviction notices for that specific reason. I certainly encourage anyone to challenge a notice to quit that is not valid.
I cannot answer the question asked by Deputy Murphy as I am not familiar with the details.
18. Deputy Mary Lou McDonald asked the Taoiseach if he will provide an update on the work of the policing reform implementation programme office in his Department. [20329/23]
19. Deputy Alan Dillon asked the Taoiseach if he will provide an update on the work of the policing reform implementation programme office in his Department. [21548/23]
20. Deputy Catherine Murphy asked the Taoiseach if he will provide an update on the work of the policing reform implementation programme office in his Department. [22919/23]
21. Deputy Neasa Hourigan asked the Taoiseach if he will provide an update on the work of the policing reform implementation programme office in his Department. [24232/23]
22. Deputy Mick Barry asked the Taoiseach if he will provide an update on the work of the policing reform implementation programme office in his Department. [22805/23]
23. Deputy Ivana Bacik asked the Taoiseach if he will provide an update on the work of the policing reform implementation programme office in his Department. [22865/23]
24. Deputy Jim O'Callaghan asked the Taoiseach if he will provide an update on the work of the policing reform implementation programme office in his Department. [23072/23]
25. Deputy James Lawless asked the Taoiseach if he will provide an update on the work of the policing reform implementation programme office in his Department. [23074/23]
26. Deputy Brendan Smith asked the Taoiseach if he will provide an update on the work of the policing reform implementation programme office in his Department. [23216/23]
27. Deputy Richard Boyd Barrett asked the Taoiseach if he will provide an update on the work of the policing reform implementation programme office in his Department. [24731/23]
28. Deputy Bríd Smith asked the Taoiseach if he will provide an update on the work of the policing reform implementation programme office in his Department. [24734/23]
29. Deputy Paul Murphy asked the Taoiseach if he will provide an update on the work of the policing reform implementation programme office in his Department. [24737/23]
I propose to take Questions Nos. 18 to 29, inclusive, together.
A Policing Service for our Future is the Government’s plan to implement the report of the Commission on the Future of Policing in Ireland. Implementation of the plan is being overseen by a dedicated programme office in the Department of the Taoiseach and has now entered the final consolidation phase, with many substantive reforms already attained. This phase is expected to conclude in quarter 4 of this year as the enhanced governance and accountability framework laid out in the Policing, Security and Community Safety Bill will be established. Major reforms to date include: progressing the operating model for An Garda Síochána, designed to streamline Garda administration and provide a more visible, responsive and localised policing service to communities nationwide; pilots of the local community safety partnerships in three locations around the country, namely, Dublin’s north inner city, Waterford city and county and Longford county; the recruitment of 3,000 Garda staff which has resulted in the reassignment of many gardaí to front-line policing duties; the distribution of more than 10,800 digital communication devices, enabling front-line gardaí to perform their duties without having to return to stations; implementing the equality, diversity and inclusion strategy statement and action plan for An Garda Síochána; and introducing additional health and well-being assistance for the workforce as part of the Garda health and well-being strategy.
There has also been significant progress on legislative reform. The Government has approved the drafting of: the landmark Policing, Security and Community Safety Bill, which provides for the most wide-ranging and coherent reform of policing in a generation; the Garda Síochána (Recording Devices) Bill, which concerns the use of recording devices, including body-worn cameras; and the Garda Síochána (powers) Bill, will modernises police powers of search, arrest and detention. In addition, the Garda Síochána (Functions and Operational Areas) Act came into law in 2021 to underpin the new operating model. These achievements represent only some of the wide range of actions completed or being progressed, and the plan is continually assessed to ensure a smooth transition to these new governance and oversight arrangements.
In the interest of facilitating all Members, I request that speakers limit themselves to one minute each.
My colleague, Deputy Carthy, and I have repeatedly raised the long delays by this Government and the previous one to progress an inquiry into the death of Shane O'Farrell. It is nearly 12 years since Shane was killed by a man who should have been in prison and five years since the Dáil and Seanad adopted resolutions calling for an independent public inquiry into the actions of An Garda Síochána and other State agencies before and after Shane's death. The scoping exercise that was carried out is a mechanism devised by the previous Government to delay acting on both Chambers' call for an inquiry. It was established more than four years ago, yet the final report is still with the Minister, and has been for a year now. All those referred to within it were consulted with in detail prior to the submission of the report. The Tánaiste, Deputy Micheál Martin, previously said that the events leading up to and after Shane's death demonstrated shocking malpractice and dysfunction within the criminal justice system. It was the O'Farrell family who uncovered that malpractice, which has continued into recent times. These are matters of significant public interest and concern. Will the Taoiseach establish an inquiry as called for by both the Dáil and Seanad?
I wish to bring to the attention of the Taoiseach a response I received from the chief superintendent for the Mayo, Roscommon and Longford division regarding concerns I raised in respect of the lack of a senior ranking officer at superintendent level at the divisional headquarters in Castlebar Garda station. The response I received lacks credibility and is inconsistent with the presence of superintendents in other divisional headquarters across the county. Castlebar, the former Mayo divisional headquarters, is now the divisional headquarters across three counties. There is no commitment in the correspondence I received that a sitting superintendent will be assigned in the foreseeable future. I have serious questions regarding the planning and implementation phases of the new operating model relating to the Mayo-Roscommon division. The placement of a functional community engagement office in Claremorris merely to accommodate administrative personnel with space available does not adequately address the need for a superintendent at the divisional headquarters in Castlebar. It is vital that a superintendent is assigned to the divisional headquarters. I respectfully urge the Taoiseach to review the matter closely and address the concerns raised.
In the context of the strategy, the Commissioner has responsibility for the deployment of resources, for example. We know the number of regions has been reduced, from six to four, and the aim is to have 700 to 800 gardaí per division. That assumes there is an equality of service. There are many metrics but it assumes there is some degree of equality of service throughout the country. Counties Kildare and Meath have consistently been shown to have the lowest number of gardaí per capita.
This just proves that as the population grows the services do not grow with it.
In addition to that, in Kildare it is very hard to understand why, with a population just short of 250,000, the division was not placed in Kildare and it was placed in Laois where the population is 91,000. There is a feeling that staff will be deployed from the headquarters in Kildare to Laois, which will further reduce the number of gardaí in Kildare. It is not the only area where this problem is emerging. Can we get assurances that we will not end up with a reduced service on foot of what is being presented as reform?
Why did gardaí allow the organisers of anti-asylum seeker roadblocks in County Clare go onto buses, count the number of asylum seekers leaving the area and count the number of asylum seekers coming back into the area, and film vulnerable people without their permission? Why did gardaí fail to prevent the burning of the tents and possessions of asylum seekers at Sandwith Street, when it was so clearly foreseeable? I observe that there is quite a sharp contrast between the Garda Commissioner's strategy for policing far right protests, and the approach that was taken with water charge campaigners, more than 200 of whom were arrested. To be clear, I am not in favour of or calling for police repression but nor am I in favour of an approach that allows the rights of asylum seekers to be trampled on and which gives encouragement to the far right. What all of this shows is that the State cannot be relied on to tackle the far right and that what is needed more than anything is a mass anti-racist movement, rooted in every community, rooted in every workplace, active on the streets, and challenging the far right and its poisonous ideology.
Those in the far right like to portray themselves as some sort of anti-establishment force. In truth, I think they are doing the dirty work of the real establishment - for example, those who benefit and profit from the housing crisis in this country, the big corporate landlords, and the private developers. How so? It is by dividing ordinary people, by pointing away from those at the top who are profiting and those who are responsible, by suggesting that extremely vulnerable people are to blame, and by undermining the potential for a united movement. It is striking to see how differently far right activists are being policed compared to genuine movements of working class people and ordinary people across country. Contrast this with the water charges marches, where more than 200 people were arrested. Consider the policing of the protest in Rossport against Shell, or look at the policing of the Debenhams' workers. In contrast, gardaí have facilitated far right activists, allowing them to enter a library in Swords. They stood by while asylum seekers were counted on buses in Inch. They allegedly stood by while an agreement was made to facilitate the removing of tents from Sandwith Street. Is the Taoiseach concerned by this level of co-operation?
I thank the Deputies for their questions. Deputy McDonald raised the very sad case of Shane O'Farrell who was killed in a road traffic collision, many years ago now. I again send my condolences to his mother and family. A scoping report has been carried out. It is very detailed and very comprehensive. The Minister, Deputy Harris, has met with the family about it. We would very much like to see it published as soon as possible. When it is published, I would ask people to read it and to reserve judgment on any further steps until they have had a chance to read it. I do not believe this is an unreasonable request, with respect to all of the people involved.
Deputy Dillon raised the issue of the Mayo-Roscommon policing division. As the House will be aware, the assignment of gardaí and the assignment of gardaí of particular ranks is a matter for the Garda Commissioner. It is not a matter for the Minister for Justice or for the Taoiseach, and I do not think it should be, quite frankly. It is important the Garda Commissioner has that delegated function and the freedom to deploy gardaí as he sees fit. I will ensure the Garda Commissioner is aware of Deputy Dillon's feelings on the matter. I meet the Garda Commissioner regularly and I will be certain to pass that on.
Deputy Barry and others made a number of allegations against the gardaí and the way they have policed anti-racism protests. I do not know if those allegations are true and I am not sure if it is appropriate to make them in the Dáil, but the Deputies have done so. Others would be accused of abusing privilege if they did that. I will not accuse the Deputies of doing that but I will make the point that allegations made in the House have a certain nature. These would have to be raised with the gardaí. I was not there and I cannot account for what happened or what did not happen.
Finally, with regard to any mass anti-racism movement, any such movement should be broad-based and by definition it should include anyone who is opposed to racism. If it does not do that, then it is not really doing what it says on the tin.
Perhaps the Taoiseach will also respond to my question.
Will the Deputy remind me?
It was about the deployment of gardaí and the new divisions.
I am sorry. I thought I had covered the deployment of gardaí in my response to Deputy Dillon. The deployment of gardaí is a delegated function to the Garda Commissioner. It is not a decision that is made with the Minister for Justice or the Taoiseach. I am happy to transmit any thoughts the Deputy has on that, if she has not done so already.
I have repeatedly made these points.
I thank the Deputy. I understand her frustration. It is shared across the country I am sure. I thank the Taoiseach.
