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Dáil Éireann debate -
Tuesday, 4 Jul 2023

Vol. 1041 No. 3

Ceisteanna ó Cheannairí - Leaders' Questions

Inniu fáilteoidh an Rialtas roimh ráiteas eacnamaíoch an tsamhraidh. Cé nach mbeidh sonraí an bhuiséid ar fios againn go mí Deireadh Fómhair, tá a fhios againn go bhfuil dúshláin mhóra roimh oibrithe agus teaghlaigh. Tá tacaíocht de dhíth orthu anois agus ní níos mó fógraí agus gealltanais fholmha ón Rialtas.

The Government will today publish its summer economic statement. This will be the 13th such statement published by a Fine Gael-led Government, including Governments led by the Taoiseach. It marks an important part of the budget process. It is true to say that the Irish economy has much to celebrate. We are a home of exciting businesses, both established and emerging. We have a young population, a talented and agile workforce and a record tax take. All of that is to be welcomed and none of it is to be taken for granted. However, it is also true that throughout the same period, housing has deteriorated into a disaster and the crisis in health has got worse day by day with no prospects of improving. Our young people are once again emigrating as they lose hope of having a future here in Ireland. Workers and families are not getting the services for the taxes they pay and, in fact, their taxes are being consistently wasted by Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil. This is happening because despite being in government for more than a decade, Fine Gael is still failing to get the fundamentals right in health, housing and planning, and in delivering large-scale projects on budget and on time. Instead we have seen a continuation of slow and gridlocked politics, and a complete failure to get the basics right so that we can deal with the challenges of today and plan for the future. That is why we need a change of direction.

While today's statement will tell us very little about the measures that will be included on October's budget, the needs for workers, families and public services are very clear. Workers and families continue to face the biggest cost-of-living crisis in a generation. Energy bills remain sky high as a result of Government inaction, while mortgage costs continue to rise. They face a deepening housing crisis. It is a housing crisis that was created and overseen by Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil, and which worsens by the day. Rents continue to spiral upwards and homeownership remains beyond the reach of tens of thousands of workers and families across the State. The national shame of homelessness continues unabated. The numbers of homeless people are breaking all records for all the wrong reasons. This crisis is a direct result of the Government and its policies.

In our health service, nearly 900,000 people are on hospital waiting lists. We had the worst level of hospital overcrowding last month since records began. That is why we do not need more of the same. It is why we need a change in direction. We need delivery because our people are sick and tired of listening to the Government make announcement after announcement and empty promises while it fails to deliver on the core issues. Year after year, the Government has failed to deliver affordable homes. It has failed to address rising waiting lists in our hospitals and the cost-of-living crisis. Year after year, these problems have not got better. Indeed, they have got worse. The Taoiseach has had 12 years to deliver. He has been Taoiseach for some of those 12 years. How will he ensure that what is announced today will be different? Will it continue to fail on those fundamental core areas? Will it prove the Government has finally got it and is about to change direction and provide the resources that are required to deal with the problems that have only worsened on the Taoiseach's watch?

I thank the Deputy. At approximately 4.30 p.m., the Government will publish the summer economic statement which sets out, as the Deputy said, the fiscal parameters for budget 2024, that is, the budget package for next year, which will be announced in October.

I am satisfied that it provides the kind of multibilllion euro response required to help families with the cost of living, providing for a significant welfare and pensions package, as well as for greater tax fairness.

It strikes a balance in terms of where we are in the economic cycle because we want to continue to be prudent with the national finances. We have, as the Deputy will be aware, full employment for only the second time in a generation and will record a budget surplus again next year.

I particularly want to thank the Ministers, Deputies Michael McGrath and Donohoe, for their work on the document.

The reason we will be able to produce the summer economic statement that we are this afternoon is because we have full employment, rising incomes, and record levels of trade and investment. Because of that, the Ministers this afternoon will set out the parameters of the next budget, which will include a tax package of over €1 billion to help working families put more money in their pockets, reward work and help with the cost of living and a spending package much greater than that, allowing for increases in pension and increases in welfare, as well as spending in areas that are so important, such as health, housing and education, to be increased.

It will also indicate that we will set aside all, or at least close to all, of the windfall corporation tax receipts because we do not believe it is right to make spending commitments that may be recurrent using tax receipts that may be transitory. That money will be used to help pay down debt, to be set aside for future things such as pension liabilities, infrastructure projects and demographics, as well as a small increase in capital investment in the near term.

Where the Deputy is wrong is in his assumption that a change of Government would somehow make the situation better. Of course, a change of Government would make things much worse. If we pursued the economic policies that the Deputy's party advocated, going back 12 years ago when it aligned itself with Syriza and Varoufakis and burning the bondholders etc., to its policies after that where it said we should borrow more and to its anti-business policies after that, and if we had followed the advice that we got from Sinn Féin for the past 12 years, we would have a very different summer economic statement today.

We would have homes for people. That’s what we would have.

We would not be talking about full employment. We would be talking about how we would find money to pay jobseeker's benefit. We would not be talking about record levels of trade and investment. We would be talking about a budget deficit, how we are going to borrow the money to close that deficit at what the interest rate would be, and how we would curtail spending and increase taxes to cover that. The reason we have full employment, the reason we have a budget surplus, the reason we can have tax cuts, the reason we can increase pensions, the reason we can increase pensions, the reason we can increase welfare and the reason we can invest more in health, housing and education is because we did not have a Sinn Féin Government for the past 12 years.

The reason we have record levels of homelessness in this State is because the Taoiseach and Fine Gael are in government. The reason rents are out of control is because the Taoiseach is in government and Fine Gael is in government. The reason an entire generation has given up and is emigrating to places such as Sydney, Toronto, New York and London is because Fine Gael is in government and it has locked home ownership beyond the reach of an entire generation.

The Taoiseach has been in government for 12 years. This is his 13th budget. We have had the highest record ever of overcrowding in our hospitals. The Taoiseach can talk about the millions and billions of euro but people in my constituency want to know that if they get admitted to the hospital they will not have to lie on a trolley or sit in a chair for over a day. They want to know that their son and daughter will be able to afford to rent an apartment in this State. They want to know that they will be able to live in this State. They want to know, where families are currently in emergency accommodation, that as a society we are able to respond to that and not to see it deteriorate month on month, which is happening under the Taoiseach's watch.

I have asked the Taoiseach, for his 13th budget, whether he recognises that the crises we have in housing, in health and in homelessness are as a result of the Government's policy and whether there will be anything in the summer economic statement that acknowledges a change of direction or whether it is more of the same; Fine Gael's head in the sand and the situation on housing and health will continue to get worse.

The situation is as simple as this. If we had followed Sinn Féin's economic policies for the past 12 years, we would have higher levels of unemployment, lower incomes, higher taxes, less money to spend on pensions and welfare-----

And more emigration.

-----and less money to invest in public services and infrastructure. As a result of that, we would have more homelessness, bigger problems in the health service and, rather than having more citizens coming home every year, which has been the case for the past three years, we would have more citizens leaving the State.

The Deputy mentioned the challenges in health and housing and I acknowledge them absolutely.

However, it is not fair for the Deputy to make out that no progress has been made in these areas. Just today, the Government confirmed that we have an agreement with GPs to extend GP care without fees, or free GP care, to the majority of the population.

(Interruptions).

You announced it two years ago.

We have an agreement to do it. It will be a fact by Christmas-----

You announced it last budget.

-----that every child under eight-----

This is what I am talking about. More announcements and people cannot get-----

-----every adult over 70 and people with medium incomes or less will have free GP care.

If they can get a doctor.

(Interruptions).

That is a huge step forward.

It was supposed to be delivered last month.

For the first time in the history of our State, that will be the case. The reason the Deputy has lost control again, and is shouting and interrupting me, is he does not want to hear the facts.

Shout away. Keep on shouting.

Let me give the Deputy another fact. He advocates for the National Health Service system, which is the system his party ran in Northern Ireland for a long time when it comes to health, but does he know that Irishmen and Irishwomen live two years longer than is the case in Britain? Does he know, for example-----

Irishmen and Irishwomen are in Belfast and Derry as well.

Please, Deputy.

(Interruptions).

-----that when you adjust for disability and life years, Ireland outperforms Northern Ireland, England, Wales and Scotland?

What a partitionist statement.

Does he know, for example, that waiting lists in Ireland, high as they are, are 66% lower than in Northern Ireland, where the Deputy's party ran the health service for most of 20 years, and 84% lower than in England? Why does he want to adopt systems we know do not work?

(Interruptions).

Tá oibrithe agus teaghlaigh ar fud an Stáit seo ag streachailt leis an ngéarchéim tithíochta. Tá géarchéim na ndaoine gan dídean ag dul in olcas. Tá an ghéarchéim chomh scaipthe anois go bhfuil sí ag cur isteach ar chúram sláinte, ar oideachas agus ar an ngeilleagar. There is not a single community, nor a single sphere of our society, which is untouched by the housing crisis. This housing and homelessness crisis is getting worse. It is hampering our health system, our education system and our entire economy.

Yet, the quality of debate surrounding the lifting of the temporary, no-fault eviction ban was deeply frustrating. For months prior to its lifting, we in the Opposition asked what the Government would do to introduce emergency measures to protect renters from homelessness once the ban was lifted and, for months, it insisted a plan was in train. The week the ban was lifted, we saw a series of half-baked, hastily launched plans. For some of them, including the first-refusal scheme, we are still in the dark about how they will work or when they will come into effect. All the while, the housing crisis was getting worse.

This is the second-last week before the Houses will rise for the summer. It is as good a time as any, in fact it is a vital time, for the Government to show a little humility and to change tack on housing policy. News broke on Friday last that 12,441 people are now recorded as homeless, which is an increase of 182 people in one month alone. We know that these numbers understate the true scale of the problem as they only record those in State-resourced emergency accommodation. Having one person in homelessness is clearly one too many, but to see the numbers of homeless people rising every month under this Administration in 2023, when the Government is running budget surpluses, is appalling.

The effects of insecure housing on families, in particular, are severe and long lasting. We know from these figures there are 3,699 children in homelessness. They are being deprived of the safety and security which they and their parents should be able to take for granted in Ireland in 2023. That is why it is so frustrating to hear so little support from the Government benches for constructive proposals from the Opposition, such as the Labour Party’s homeless families Bill, supported by Focus Ireland, which would ensure the rights of children are prioritised when a family is facing the prospect of losing their home. There has been a similar lack of support from the Government for measures we also proposed, such as our evidence basis for lifting the eviction ban.

In October 2022, the Minister of State said the ban would provide a respite to the Government to address core issues and take up measures, such as emergency beds and tackling vacancy. The Taoiseach took office in December promising to prioritise homelessness, yet the Government is failing the nearly 12,500 people now in homelessness. Does the Taoiseach accept that in the summer economic statement to be published this afternoon, the Government will have to do more for those currently in homelessness and those families facing that awful precipice of losing their home?

Of course we need to do more for people facing homelessness. It is important to bear in mind that while 12,000 people in emergency accommodation provided by the State are homeless, they are not the same people.

We are lifting people out of homelessness all the time. It is important to bear that in mind, too. Of course, there is more we need to do, but the summer economic statement is essentially a document that deals with fiscal policy. It has a macroeconomic framework; it is not going to get into the details of housing, education, the tax package or the welfare package. That is not what it is about. It is about the headline figures.

The Deputy is right to say that we are experiencing a housing crisis. I have always acknowledged that. That affects people in lots of different ways, whether this is through high rents, rising homelessness or people struggling to buy their first home. However, I do not think it is fair not to acknowledge any of the progress that has been made in recent years, which has been considerable. The Deputy mentioned 12 years ago when her party and my party entered office together. We were only building 7,000 homes per year at that point. It is now more than 30,000. The number of homes being built has quadrupled in 12 years and we aim to go much higher than the 30,000 we achieved last year. House prices are now levelling off. They have been falling in Dublin for the past couple of months. We are seeing some really encouraging signs around home ownership in particular. In the month of May, record numbers of people secured a mortgage for the first time. Some 5,000 new mortgage applications were approved and 3,000 of those were for first-time buyers. Each week we are now seeing 400 or 500 young people, both individuals and couples, buying their first homes. We have not seen anything like that in even 15 or 20 years. That gives me a lot of confidence that we can make homeownership a reality for more people.

That did not happen by accident. It is because of Government policies that increase supply like, for example, planning law reforms and waiving the development levies, as well as schemes, such as the help-to-buy scheme, which help people to get their deposit and the first home scheme, which bridges the gap between the mortgage you get and the property you want to buy. There is huge interest in the grants to do up derelict homes and vacant properties in order to bring them back to use. I think there have been 500 applications alone in County Cork, which is extraordinarily encouraging. There are also, of course, local authority home loans, which people can use to get a mortgage when the banks cannot give them a mortgage. That is all significant progress and none of it happened by accident. It happened because of Government policies, many of which were opposed by Opposition parties. Yes, we accept that we need to do more; more on home ownership, more to bring rents down and to help renters and, of course, more to reduce homelessness.

The Taoiseach has given me indicators of progress, but that is no answer to the 182 additional people in homelessness in the last month alone. This has a real-life effect on people. My office is in touch with a mother of three who has a newborn baby. She is a housing assistance payment, HAP, tenant who is in fear of eviction. She is sleeping on the couch in her rented apartment while her baby sleeps in his pram because they have no space. They are in fear of losing even the limited space they have. Therefore, the Government’s policies are not helping her and they are not helping renters.

We have welcomed proposals from the Government that would genuinely increase supply. We supported the Land Development Agency, LDA. However, we are asking those in government to take on board the constructive measures we proposed, such as our renters’ rights Bill, that would provide better security to renters, like that mother of three and the thousands of people who are increasing in number every month, despite the Government’s policies and, in some cases, because of them. Let me remind the Taoiseach that in October 2022, the Minister of State, Deputy Burke, said that the temporary ban would allow the Government the respite space to: "address core underlying issues driving our homelessness levels [by providing] more emergency beds, tackling vacancy, using modular homes and improving allocations and relettings to make the most of existing stock". Where are those measures now? Can the Taoiseach say that we will not see a further increase in next month’s homelessness figures?

We always consider the proposals that are put to us by Opposition parties, NGOs and others working in the area of homelessness, as well as, of course, those who build homes – the home builders. For example, we accepted the proposal to introduce a rent credit and that has helped many people with their rent. It is €1,000 for a couple and it is €1,500 for three people renting. We have also accepted other proposals for example in relation to derelict buildings and other proposals in relation to the tenant in situ scheme. Therefore, we do listen to suggestions that people put forward. One thing I can say about the eviction ban is that it appears to me to be increasingly clear that it was not a successful policy. For nearly every month that the eviction ban was in place, we saw an increase in homelessness. Last month, unfortunately, we saw a further increase in homelessness but, even with the eviction ban gone, that increase was 1.5%. Those are real people and that is 1.5% too many. The prediction by those who advocated for an eviction ban was that it would bring homelessness down. It did not. They predicted that once the eviction ban was lifted that there would be, to use the quote, “an explosion” in the number of people using emergency accommodation.

We have seen a further increase, which is disappointing, but the rates are not far off what we saw when the eviction ban was in place.

Tomorrow we are due to debate the Second Stage of the Health (Termination of Pregnancy Services) (Safe Access Zones) Bill 2023. This legislation has been rushed through pre-legislative scrutiny and will be likely to be unconstitutional. Exclusion zones around abortion clinics exist in other countries, which provide the model for this proposed legislation. The logic behind these zones is to ensure that women entering an abortion clinic are not subject to potential harassment from protestors outside. However, because the Irish abortion system does not operate out of specific abortion clinics, but rather within GP clinics, hospitals and family planning centres, importing this same model wholesale into Ireland strikes me as unworkable.

To ensure anonymity when availing of such services, this legislation will not highlight the specific service sites where termination of pregnancy services are actively provided. Therefore, we must place a 100 m exclusion zone around each premises, irrespective of whether they are performing abortions or not. Would then, for example, the large-scale, annual and public event, March for Life, be prohibited from passing down certain streets in Dublin because there is a GP clinic in the vicinity of 100 m, which may or may not provide abortions?

From the perspective of a person who is minded to protest abortion, the proposals have sweeping consequences which raise questions of personal rights under Article 40 of the Constitution. The explanatory memorandum to the Bill states that: "It is not intended to be a general prohibition on expression or assembly or protest in relation to termination of pregnancy services." However, the Bill subsequently makes provision for enforcement and the creation of offences in relation to such conduct. As there is no way to identify whether someone who is entering a maternity hospital or GP clinic is there to have an abortion, this proposed legislation will effectively discriminate against people of a particular ethical viewpoint who are simply assembling in a public area, which may happen to be within one of these 100 m zones. Will the Taoiseach explain how the Government can claim to uphold civil liberties while bringing in a law overtly discriminating against citizens who are expressing their views on a particular issue and who unwittingly happen to be within one of these expansive exclusion zones?

I thank the Deputy for raising this important issue. There is a long-standing Government commitment to ensure safe access zones around healthcare facilities and providers of termination of pregnancy services. That includes hospitals as well as GP surgeries in some cases. The introduction of safe access zones is supported by clinicians providing the service. Safe access zones are designed to protect the freedom to access termination services without impediment and to provide privacy to people accessing health services, as well as the service providers, their staff, in the course of their duties and responsibilities.

The Minister for Health secured Cabinet approval to legislate for the designation of safe zones last July. The Bill was approved by Cabinet last week and will be introduced in the Dáil for debate later this week. It required striking a careful balance. We need to respect the right to protest and people have a right to protest, whether we agree with them or not, but we also need to protect the right of patients not to be intimidated when they go to see their doctors or when they enter hospitals to seek treatment. We have struck the right balance and any prosecutions will depend on the individual circumstances. There are defences set out in the legislation and it may yet be challenged on constitutional grounds. That is a possibility with any legislation but we think we have struck the right balance and the Attorney General advises us that it is constitutional. We had pre-legislative scrutiny and engagement with stakeholders and we think we have struck the right balance between respecting people's right to protest and to protest peacefully, while not doing so in a way that intimidates patients seeking to see their doctors or have a particular procedure done.

The Taoiseach's reply has not allayed my concerns regarding the practicality of the Bill or the prohibition on expression. The Minister for Health, Deputy Stephen Donnelly, acknowledged in February 2022 that “We are pushing up against civil liberties when we do this.” We have already seen buyer’s remorse in the Chamber from Deputies who voted in favour of the hate speech Bill, but afterwards expressed concerns about the far-ranging consequences of some of its provisions. I am concerned that we, as a House, could sleepwalk into voting for an extreme Bill which seriously undermines civil liberties because of a desire to follow trends abroad, where their situations are very different to ours.

As part of preparing this Bill, which took a long time to prepare it because we wanted to get it right by balancing the right to protest and civil liberties concerns with the need to protect patients and allow them to avail of healthcare without being intimidated, we consulted the Office of the Director of Public Prosecutions, the Irish Human Rights and Equality Commission and the Irish Council for Civil Liberties. There was also extensive consultation at pre-legislation stage. We believe we have got the balance right but, like I say, it is a debate that we will have in the House and in the Seanad too.

Táim ag díriú isteach ar mhuintir na Palaistíne agus go háirithe ar na daoine atá ina gcónaí ar an mBruach Thiar agus iad faoi ionradh ó arm Iosrael - ionradh fuilteach, mídhleathach atá ar siúl gan aon rud á rá againn in ainneoin gur tír neodrach muid agus go bhfuil ainm againn go bhfuilimid ar thaobh na ndaoine atá thíos. Tá, ar a laghad, deichniúr maraithe agus 100 duine gortaithe go dona, agus an figiúr ag ardú an t-am ar fad. Is í mo cheist don Taoiseach ná cad atá le rá aige. Níos tábhachtaí fós, cad atá le déanamh aige ar ár son mar thír a chuireann béim ar chúrsaí síochána agus a bhfuil sé de mhuinín againn a rá go bhfuil sé seo ag sárú an dlí idirnáisiúnta?

I am looking at what is happening on the West Bank. As the Taoiseach knows, there is an illegal war and an illegal attack has been launched by Israel. There are ten dead so far this week. At least 100 have been injured, 20 seriously. I am wondering what we are saying about that. We are clearly on the record as saying that Israel's actions are breaching international law, yet we have stood idly by. I have looked over all the comments and press releases from the Taoiseach and the Tánaiste. They are strong words indeed, but at the end of the day, they are empty rhetoric. We have expressed concern, we have condemned and we have regretted. We were disturbed by the demolition of a school on 7 May. We are alarmed and so on, and yet the destruction and the illegal war goes on unabated. The people in the West Bank are being attacked on the ground and in the air. This is the culmination of many attacks that we have condemned this year . There is no need to exaggerate, but in the background, almost 1 million - or 750,000 - Palestinians have been forcibly removed from their homes. At a minimum, 580 Palestinian villages have been completely wiped off the earth. This year, 133 Palestinians and 24 Israelis have been killed, but in reality the numbers are probably higher. In addition to that, 34 Palestinians and one Israeli have been killed in the Gaza Strip. We stood idly by while Amnesty International produced a report and directed a specific number of recommendations at us and other governments without a response. We stood idly by when it told us that Israel is operating an apartheid regime. Almost two years ago we stood idly when Israel labelled six human rights organisations, two or three of which we fund, as terrorist organisations with absolutely no evidence, which the EU has accepted. We are still standing idly by. What does the Taoiseach have to say about that?

I thank Deputy Connolly for raising this very important issue. I think any of us who turned on the news last night will have seen the scenes from Jenin and will have been deeply concerned at the violence that is happening in Israel and on the West Bank. We are, as I said earlier, deeply concerned by the level of violence in Israel and the Palestinian territories this year. That includes Israeli settler violence against Palestinians, drone and rocket attacks on Israeli civilians, including the killings of civilians in Tel Aviv today, and, in particular, the incursion into Jenin by the Israel Defense Forces, which began on Monday. Such operations are increasingly involving live fire and resulting in significant casualties. The protection of civilians is paramount, as are the responsibilities of Israel as an occupying power.

As always, we stand ready to support all efforts to achieve a just and lasting two-state solution based on international law and internationally agreed parameters. The Tánaiste discusses this issue regularly with his international counterparts and we make our views known to the Israeli Government. It is fair to say that Ireland has been one of the most active countries when it comes to raising concerns about Palestine and the treatment of Palestinians by Israel. We did so during our time on the UN Security Council. In that two-year term, barely a month would have gone by when we did not raise issues that related to Israel and Palestine. We have very strong contact with the NGOs and UN agencies on the ground. Again, it would be widely acknowledged by Palestinians and by NGOs that of all the 27 countries in the European Union, Ireland has been among the most supportive of their rightful demands for peace and for a state of their own.

The Taoiseach's response is absolutely incredibly weak for an independent sovereign State. On 1 July, the Tánaiste condemned the illegal Israeli settlements. There are 5,500 further housing units in West Bank settlements - this illegal occupation is against international law - and more are planned. What we have here is an operation cynically called Operation Home and Garden. Can the Taoiseach imagine a slaughter of this nature being called Operation Home and Garden? I actually feel like stopping so that words can sink in and mean something.

We have Israel breaking international law completely, moving further and further to complete an utter occupation of the land of the Palestinians, and we are talking about how we are stronger than other countries with our sweet words not meaning anything. We have ignored the Amnesty International report. We have ignored the designation of six organisations as terrorist organisations and we are colluding with Israel in our trade and on every possible level.

We have failed to bring in divestment of investment in the companies that are on the occupied lands, and we have failed to go with many other Bills that were tabled. We gave the usual pregnancy amendment, that is, putting it off for nine months. For God's sake, at this point, let us call it and let language mean something. What is the Taoiseach going to do in our name with regard to the slaughter of innocent people in the West Bank against international law?

We have no role whatsoever in deciding the names of Israel Defense Forces operations, inappropriate as they are, but we can take very clear positions and we have done as a Government. As the Deputy said, the Tánaiste has resolutely condemned the announcement by the Israeli Government that another 6,000 housing units will be built on the West Bank on occupied land, and I echo that condemnation. Our position on settlement activity is crystal clear. Settlements are a clear violation of international law. They stand in the way of a just and lasting peace and, indeed, in many cases, aim to make it impossible by changing facts on the ground. We are, therefore, deeply concerned about the stated intentions of the Israeli Government to continue to show disregard for the clear international consensus around this issue. We urge Israel to reverse these decisions and immediately cease all settlement activity across the occupied Palestinian territory. We condemn resolutely the violence by the Israel Defense Forces against Palestinians in Jenin. We also condemn attacks on Israeli civilians, such as those that occurred in Tel Aviv, or the drones and rockets being launched from Palestinian territory into Israel.

I thank the Taoiseach. That concludes Leaders' Questions.

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