Matt Carthy
Question:144. Deputy Matt Carthy asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs if he condemns the actions of Israel in Gaza that have resulted in the deaths of thousands of innocent civilians. [53017/23]
Ceisteanna ar Sonraíodh Uain Dóibh - Priority Questions
Middle East
Matt Carthy
Question:146. Deputy Matt Carthy asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs if he proposes to take any measures, such as diplomatic, economic, trade, legal or political, against the Israeli Government in response to the ongoing breaches of international law by the State of Israel. [53018/23]
Will the Tánaiste condemn the actions of Israel in Gaza that have resulted in the deaths of thousands of innocent civilians?
I propose to take Question Nos. 144 and 146 together.
I thank the Deputy for tabling these questions. I want to start by offering my condolences to the families of the three people who were killed in a terror attack in Jerusalem this morning. I unequivocally condemn all acts of terrorism. I also want to offer my condolences to the families of the two children killed in Jenin yesterday during an operation by the Israeli security services, which I also condemn.
Ireland has been consistently clear that the protection of civilians must be paramount. Such protection is an obligation under international humanitarian law. There must be accountability for civilian deaths. The loss of life in the conflict in Gaza has been horrendous. Thousands of civilians, including children, have been killed. That is why I have consistently called for a sustainable humanitarian ceasefire. The conflict must end.
I have been clear from the beginning of this crisis that any response by Israel to the terrorist attacks by Hamas must fully comply with international law, including international humanitarian law. This has been the cornerstone of my bilateral engagement with partners in the region, including Israel, as well as my engagement at European Union and international level.
Earlier this week, I attended a meeting of the Union for the Mediterranean at which I stressed that the truce should be extended. Gaza’s civilian population cannot be allowed to suffer any further. It is unconscionable that the war would resume. This is consistent with Ireland’s approach to the crisis from the outset. There can be no purely military solution to this conflict. We must lay the foundation for a credible pathway to peace for Israelis and Palestinians alike.
I have also repeatedly underlined the need for respect for international humanitarian law. I have clearly condemned any and all breaches of international humanitarian law by any party in this conflict, Hamas or Israel, and I repeat that now. International humanitarian law applies to all armed conflicts, without exception. This includes the prohibition on the targeting of civilians, the principles of distinction, precaution, and proportionality, the prohibition on collective punishment and the prohibition on the taking of hostages and the use of human shields.
All actors, state and non-state alike, must abide by their obligations. Any potential breaches should be investigated thoroughly and the perpetrators brought to account. In this context, I welcome the confirmation by the prosecutor of the International Criminal Court that he is actively investigating the situation in the occupied Palestinian territories.
Ensuring effective accountability is a central part of Ireland’s foreign policy. Impartial and independent investigations into breaches of international humanitarian law are essential. This is why we announced two weeks ago an additional voluntary contribution of €3 million to the International Criminal Court.
The interest and engagement of this House regarding the situation in Gaza is both welcome and appropriate, but there is a continued emphasis on proposed unilateral actions by Ireland. Pursuing such an approach would simply diminish Ireland’s impact and influence. In this context, I would again recall that Ireland does not impose any unilateral sanctions regimes; rather, we implement United Nations and European Union sanctions. At EU level, the most credible and effective approach is for Ireland to continue to work to influence the European Union’s collective position. The central pillars of the European Union position remain valid. These include the clear EU position that Israeli settlements are illegal under international law, our ongoing concern regarding the rising level of settler violence in the West Bank, and the need for practical steps back towards a credible pathway to a political process and a two-state solution.
The European Union has quadrupled its humanitarian aid to the Palestinians to €100 million this year. I intend to continue to advocate within the EU for a more robust position on a humanitarian ceasefire, building on the welcome pause in hostilities that has seen hostages released and an increase in humanitarian aid entering Gaza. I also intend to discuss with like-minded member states other potential actions the European Union can take, including in respect of the situation in the West Bank. I note, for instance, President Biden's comments on the willingness on the US side to consider targeted travel bans against violent settlers who are actively involved in displacing Palestinian communities. I condemn recent announcements of funding for illegal settlements, which undermine the two-state solution.
I thank the Tánaiste. He will have a chance to come back in.
A Leas-Cheann Comhairle, I want to raise a technical objection. Questions Nos. 144 and 146 are two distinct questions I had submitted for priority. Taking them together means that while the Tánaiste had twice as long to answer, there is not the same opportunity for me in terms of supplementary questions.
The truth is there has not been an explicit condemnation by the Government of actions by Israel in Gaza, and that is regrettable. These things matter. The world is watching, and many in the global south, in particular, are looking at what they consider to be European double standards in the responses to some conflicts as opposed to others and in the words that are uttered. We need to be consistent in our approach. When international law, including international humanitarian law, and the UN Charter are being breached, we should call that out and condemn those actions as breaches of international law.
I take it from the Tánaiste's response, although it was not as clear as I would have liked-----
The Deputy will have eight minutes to respond. It is four minutes for each of the questions. I apologise for interrupting him.
No problem. I appreciate that.
The recognition that Israel has breached international law has not been as explicit as I believe it should be, but I think there was an implicit recognition in the Tánaiste's remarks that Israel has, indeed, breached international law and continues to do so. I would argue strongly that it was in breach of international law long before the events of 7 October, given it has been engaged in a campaign of annexation, occupation and whole-scale discrimination against the Palestinian people that I would describe as apartheid, based on the report of Amnesty International and others.
The question arises as to what we should do about it. The Tánaiste says we should do whatever it is that the EU is willing to do. I read in The Irish Times that the EU is agreeing to give the highest level ever of development aid to Israel this year. This is a state that, as we speak, is planning to return to the whole-scale bombardment of civilians and civilian infrastructure in a military operation that has resulted in the deaths of more than 5,000 children. That is not acceptable. We need to do more. Of course, we have to try to get the EU and other multilateral institutions to do more, but we also need to stand on our own two feet and Ireland needs to take action. It was quite pathetic that the Irish ambassador to Israel was hauled before its foreign ministry to receive a dressing-down over a tweet. In essence, this means Israel has taken a harder diplomatic stance against Ireland for a social media post than Ireland has taken against Israel for the whole-scale bombardment of a civilian population that has resulted in the mass carnage we have seen in Gaza. I do not think that is acceptable.
There are measures that can be taken. We see in every Department - I tabled a parliamentary question on this to the Department of enterprise - that the approvals given for interactions in respect of the dual use of military equipment from Ireland to Israel have increased sixfold this year. Rather than Ireland taking action against Israel, therefore, Israel is acting with impunity because nobody is willing to take any actions whatsoever. My appeal to the Tánaiste is for Ireland to take action. He has rejected virtually everything that has come before the Dáil in the form of propositions to take action. What will he do, in real terms, to respond to the carnage in Gaza?
I think the Deputy's presentation, frankly, is politically dishonest. He says the world and the global south are watching and accusing us of double standards. They do not accuse Ireland of double standards at all. I have met representatives of all the Arab states in the region and I have met those from African states. Whenever it comes to talking about the Middle East, they make an exception for Ireland's position and that of a number of other member states. It is not fair to say what the Deputy said. Those countries may accuse others within Europe of double standards. They do not accuse Ireland of double standards.
The most negative rhetoric about Ireland and Palestine is in this House or is whipped up on social media. I saw a lot of it last week following my visit to the Middle East, when much of it was fake news and disinformation, which the Deputy's party piled onto. I looked, for interest's sake, at who was doing all the trolling and so on. It is a very dishonest campaign by his party. It seems its main interest in this is how its members can gain an electoral advantage out of the horrific situation that is the Middle East right now. I think its proposals to end diplomatic relations were incoherent and irresponsible. They made no sense in the context of trying to get Irish citizens out of Gaza, getting hostages released or getting a resolution to this. We have to maintain diplomatic channels and diplomatic relations. I have seen very little credible positioning from the Deputy's party.
Ireland does stand on its own two feet on this issue. We have consistently condemned breaches of UN resolutions and humanitarian law by Israel. We have made a robust submission to the International Criminal Court regarding the resolution passed at the UN with respect to Israeli settlements in the West Bank. The Deputy ignores all that as if it never happened. We voted for the Arab resolution and were one of eight EU member states to do so, where the EU did not have a unified position on that Arab resolution at the UN at the commencement of this war. The Deputy ignores all that and reduces the whole argument to sound bites and sloganeering with a view to smearing people on this side of the House and accusing them of this, that and the other, which is a very unfair presentation of the issue. We do not just do whatever the EU is doing. I know the Deputy's party has a strong anti-European Union position, so any chance it gets to attack the European Union, it does that. I have made the point that the EU has quadrupled humanitarian aid to the Palestinians to €100 million.
I did not and do not support the initiative and actions taken by Commissioner Várhelyi in respect of endeavouring to review aid to the Palestinians, and we spoke up strongly about that. As a result of us and others speaking up, we got a very different result on that front. I do not have an issue with opposing antisemitic behaviour or the allocation of funding to prevent antisemitic behaviour. I do not approve of using development assistance in that regard, but I have no issues with any initiatives the EU will take to reduce antisemitic behaviour and promote tolerance. That is important and I am sure the Deputy would agree. I take his point about mechanisms that are being used, and we have issues with that too.
We sought further clarity in respect of the use of that, but if it is for initiatives to stop anti-semitism, we have an open mind on it. We are supportive of anti-semitic initiatives.
I was taken by surprise myself with the two questions being amalgamated. The Deputy has one minute - both sides are gaining a little time.
I am disappointed that the Tánaiste used the word "dishonest" to characterise Sinn Féin's interactions on this. He has obviously been selective in what Sinn Féin utterances or otherwise he has been reading. I have publicly commended, both nationally and internationally, the positions Ireland has taken. I have commended the Tánaiste's words specifically in this House and outside it. That does not mean I do not have a right to ask him to go further in terms of actions. I consider that to be an entirely logical transposition of what he has said. I do not appreciate at all the suggestion I am being dishonest and I do not accept there is some kind of political motivation. The Irish people simply want the bombardment in Gaza to stop. There is a natural affinity with the people of Palestine that is long-standing and they want Ireland to take actions to help bring the bombardment to an end.
Thank you Deputy. I call the on the Tánaiste to conclude.
I am simply asking what those concrete actions will be that will impose sanction on Israel for what it has done.
Deputy, I have given great discretion.
I want all the violence to end. That is why I went to Israel. It was not only to help to get Irish citizens out of Gaza, who at that stage had not left. It was also to speak directly with the Israeli Government and say we believe a humanitarian ceasefire is the only way and to put our point of view. We also went to other states and to Ramallah in the West Bank as well. Members of Deputy Carthy's party attacked me wholesale for going to Israel.
No-----
You did. Not Deputy Carthy personally, but his party did. The Deputy should go through it - the party's councillors, TDs and everyone did. I was accused of complicity and whatever.
Suffice it to say we both agree on the need for this war to end. As I said earlier, it would be unconscionable for the war to resume. Too many lives have been lost, including those of too many innocent civilians. The International Criminal Court is there. Sinn Féin also misrepresented that two or three weeks ago. The prosecutor is on the ground and has said he will investigate. That is where the case has to be. We have taken a practical step in giving the ICC substantial resources to enable it to do so.
Middle East
Gino Kenny
Question:145. Deputy Gino Kenny asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs the steps he and his Department have taken to date to secure the release of Irish citizens in Gaza and those being held hostage by Hamas; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [50659/23]
My question relates to Irish citizens in Gaza. I compiled the question two or three weeks ago. The Tánaiste had to reschedule this session. Irish citizens are still in Gaza. There was really good news about Emily Hand, the Irish-Israeli girl who was released. I would like to hear the Tánaiste's thoughts on resolving the issue of Irish citizens who are still in Gaza.
Ensuring the safe exit from Gaza of all Irish citizens who wish to leave, and their accompanying dependants, is a priority of the Government. From the beginning of the crisis, I worked tirelessly to facilitate the necessary clearance from the relevant authorities for Irish citizens to exit Gaza, together with the family members accompanying them. Throughout October and November, I spoke personally by phone with foreign ministers from across the region. In these calls, I underlined the situation of Irish citizens in Gaza and advocated for them to be included in the list for the exit of foreign and dual nationals and their dependants.
I also visited the region during which I met the foreign ministers of Egypt, Israel and Palestine to make the case for our citizens. On 15 November, during my visit to the region, the first group of 23 Irish citizens and dependants exited Gaza. To date, my Department has assisted 56 Irish citizens and dependants to leave Gaza. A small number of Irish citizens remain in Gaza. We continue to work consistently with the relevant authorities on these cases.
Turning to the hostages held in Gaza, I was happy to learn of the release of Emily Hand over the weekend. I have been personally touched by Emily's story. I met Tom Hand ahead of my visit to the region, along with members of the Haran and Shoham families, in Dublin. The Government worked consistently for Emily's release, including through extensive contact with regional partners. I am grateful for the efforts of the US, Qatar and Egypt in securing the agreement that led to the release of hostages. All the hostages being held by Hamas in Gaza should be immediately and unconditionally released. Emily’s story has been personal for us all. We heard from Tom about the trauma she has suffered. These individual cases tell of a wider truth. No child should be kidnapped. No child’s home should be violated. No child should suffer the horror of living in a war zone. That is why we must spare no effort to find long-term peace for the region.
I commend the officials, especially those in the Irish embassy in Cairo, who have done a huge amount of work on this. There was a glimmer of hope and humanity at the weekend when Emily Hand was released. Children have paid a terrible price in the past eight weeks, regardless of their nationality. My heart sinks to see any child kidnapped or murdered. A terrible thing is happening. Irish citizens are still in Gaza, in particular Zak Hania. My understanding is that he is not allowed to leave because the Israeli state will not allow him to leave. There is a temporary ceasefire, but it is only temporary. The Israeli state wants to continue its murderous campaign which affects, not only Irish citizens in Gaza, but the whole people of Gaza.
I thank the Deputy for raising the issue. Clearance to exit Gaza is decided by the relevant local authorities, essentially the Israeli and Egyptian authorities which facilitate and process it. These authorities have made it clear to all countries with citizens in Gaza that the focus for facilitating departures from Gaza is on foreign and dual nationals and immediate dependants accompanying them. In line with its consular assistance charter, the remit of my Department is to provide consular assistance to Irish citizens abroad and this has been our focus in the past seven weeks.
The population of Gaza is 2.3 million people. The humanitarian situation is dire. Many are seeking to leave, including those who hold a visa for Ireland and others with ties to Ireland. It is not part of my Department's consular remit to provide consular assistance to those holding visas to come to Ireland, but Irish visa holders who receive clearance to exit Gaza from the local authorities may make arrangements to travel to Ireland. We are working with them in that regard.
I am aware of the individual the Deputy mentioned, Zak Hania. I met his family last Friday. It is for us to deal with the authorities and keep at it.
Those who escaped Gaza in recent weeks also have relatives in Gaza. My understanding from the Irish citizens who have escaped Gaza is that the Irish embassy and the Department of Foreign Affairs are actively trying to reunite them with some of their relatives, especially those in dire situations. That would be very welcome.
The reaction at the weekend of the Tánaiste's counterpart in Israel, Eli Cohen, to the Taoiseach's tweet was bizarre in how he distorted what the Taoiseach said. The Irish ambassador to Israel was reprimanded. In the past eight weeks, has the Government reprimanded the Israeli ambassador to Ireland for some of the absolutely bizarre things she and her officials have put on social media?
I pay tribute to the embassy in Tel Aviv and our ambassadors in Israel, Egypt and Ramallah and the teams that work with them for the efforts they have made in challenging circumstances, and to the headquarters team in Dublin that coordinates all our efforts to get civilians out. They are in contact at least once a day with Irish citizens who wish to depart. The Department has facilitated the issuing of emergency travel documents to assist departures and engages with the Department of Justice on visas to support dependants who wish to travel to Ireland.
We are aware of three citizens in Gaza who do not wish to receive consular assistance while a fourth was confirmed to have died in Gaza following an air strike on 23 October. He had not previously been in contact with the Department of Foreign Affairs.
I have had direct engagement with the Israeli authorities. I have given my response publicly to the response of the Israeli foreign minister, Eli Cohen, in respect of the Taoiseach’s tweet and statement. We were surprised by that, but the Irish ambassador in Israel gave a clear and comprehensive account in a competent manner.
But has the Government reprimanded the Israeli ambassador?
Question No. 146 taken with Question No. 144.
Middle East
Peter Fitzpatrick
Question:147. Deputy Peter Fitzpatrick asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs in view of the devastating consequences of the ongoing conflict in Israel and the occupied Palestinian territories, if he believes that a two-state solution is still possible; the steps he is taking towards this; if he will instruct Ireland's representative at the United Nations to initiate a "Uniting for peace" initiative to discuss a permanent and sustainable ceasefire and the lifting of the blockade on Gaza; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [52894/23]
In view of the devastating consequences of the ongoing conflict in Israel and the occupied Palestinian territory, does the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs believe a two-state solution is still possible, what steps is he taking towards this, and will he instruct Ireland’s representative at the United Nations to initiate a "Uniting for peace" initiative to discuss a permanent and sustainable ceasefire and a lifting of the blockade on Gaza? Will he make a statement on the matter?
I thank the Deputy for raising this question. Ireland remains committed to advancing a peaceful and secure future for Palestinians and Israelis based on a two-state solution in line with the agreed parameters and international law. Our central focus right now is on a durable humanitarian ceasefire. The international community must bring all of our collective weight to bear to secure that outcome.
We must also redouble our commitment to protect civilian lives and uphold international law. The international community should now make concerted efforts to ensure both Israelis and Palestinians can live in peace and security, with their own sovereign independent and democratic states. A two-state solution must be one that includes a sovereign, contiguous and democratic Palestinian state. As noted in my replies to earlier questions, I made these points clearly in my intervention at the Union for the Mediterranean Regional Forum on Monday last.
On 27 October, the President of the General Assembly reconvened the tenth emergency special session of the General Assembly. This emergency special session was convened in accordance with Resolution 377(V) of 3 November 1950, "Uniting for peace". The General Assembly has, therefore, already met under the "Uniting for peace” resolution to discuss the current conflict. Ireland delivered a national statement at this emergency special session, which included a renewed call on Israel to end the blockade of Gaza and to allow meaningful humanitarian access. Ireland also called for a humanitarian ceasefire to ensure the humanitarian needs of the population could be comprehensively met. During this emergency special session, the UN General Assembly adopted a resolution, which Ireland, along with seven other EU member states, voted in favour of and that won support from the clear majority of UN member states.
I have made it clear that the efforts of the international community aimed at addressing the immediate crisis must also lay the foundation for the path towards a sustainable peace in the long term. Now is the time to put our words into practice and to demonstrate our commitment to a future of peace in the region.
I thank the Tánaiste for his reply. I am delighted to see there is a seventh day of ceasefire today. I pray for it to go on longer and for a peaceful solution. The good news is that, over the past six days, Israelis and foreign national hostages have been released. Some 210 Palestinians have also been released.
Like the Tánaiste, I condemn terrorism. I have no time for it at all. So far, more than 10,000 innocent women, children and older people have been killed and 60,000 buildings have been damaged or destroyed.
I believe the Tánaiste, the Government and the Department of Foreign Affairs have done a fantastic job over recent weeks. That is important. Look at the release of Emily Hand. The Tánaiste has done a great deal of good work. However, is there anything more we in Ireland can do to get a peaceful solution in Gaza?
There is, and we are doing it. Israel did not attend the meeting of the Union for the Mediterranean Regional Forum, which is composed of EU member states and regional partners. The sole topic of discussion was the Middle East and the war in Gaza.
With like-minded EU member states, we are pushing hard to get a credible pathway to peace, one that involves a two-state solution. That is our focus. We are working with other member states to advance this and to keep the pressure on at international level. It is fair to say the international community is more seized of the need for a durable, sustained peace roadmap for the Middle East and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict than it has been for quite a long time. It is imperative we harness the outcome of this terrible war in some respects to try to ensure that, after hostilities cease, the situation does not fall onto the back burner and is instead proactively pursued with a view to getting a two-state resolution and bringing a pathway to fruition.
I was one of those who did not want to send the ambassador back to Israel. At the time, doing so would have been wrong. What steps are the Tánaiste and the Israeli ambassador taking to assist the advance towards democracy? In Ireland, we have had our fair share of wars. In fairness, it was Americans who helped pave the way for the nitty-gritty negotiations that aided the peace process.
I have been listening to many families who are saying that what they are seeing on their television screens right now is not nice. People are being murdered, bombed and so on. Is Ireland doing everything it can to help unite the Europeans, Americans and so forth and get us all working together? I go home in the evening and sit with my family. To be honest, what is happening in Gaza is a disgrace. I am glad to see that no one is trying to score any kind of political points. We all have to work together. I would like to see a peaceful resolution as soon as possible. Is the Tánaiste working closely with the Israeli ambassador and our allies? What can we do to help? A ceasefire of seven days is fantastic, and no one wants to see a return to the bombing and shelling. As a small nation, are we doing our best to get peace in Gaza?
We are. It is the entire focus of our diplomatic endeavours. In my work and the work of the Taoiseach and the rest of the Government, we have tried in the first instance to work with other EU member states to push towards a permanent cessation of the war.
It cannot be said often enough how savage the Hamas atrocity at the outset of this war was. It had an impact on the Israeli psyche and public opinion within Israel, with a sense of insecurity as a result of the attack, which killed 1,400 civilians – children, women and so on.
The Deputy is correct, in that people are equally horrified at the enormity of the bombardment of Gaza. This morning, the scale of bombs used was of an order almost unprecedented in such a densely populated urban environment. Israel has a right to go after Hamas, but it does not have a right to see the Gazan population collectively punished as a result of the activities of Hamas. We can all see the horrific scenes on our screens, with children and families being killed.
Question No. 148 taken with Written Answers.