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JOINT COMMITTEE ON EUROPEAN AFFAIRS (Sub-Committee on European Scrutiny) debate -
Thursday, 28 Apr 2005

EU Treaties: Presentation.

I welcome officials from the Department of Justice, Equality and Law Reform who are here to discuss Title IV and VI measures. We will start with a brief presentation which will be displayed on monitors located in front of members. This will be followed by any questions members may wish to ask.

Before I ask Mr. Paul Hickey to commence his presentation, I draw witnesses' attention to the fact that while members of the committee have absolute privilege, the same privilege does not extend to them. Members are reminded of the long-standing parliamentary practice that they should not comment on, criticise or make charges against a person outside the House or an official by name or in such a way as to make him or her identifiable.

I have some comments to make before Mr. Hickey begins. This sub-committee considers a large volume of proposals relating to the areas of justice, freedom and security and I would be grateful if Mr. Hickey would highlight the arrangements in place with regard to Title IV proposals and judicial co-operation, particularly any changes that may arise under the constitutional treaty. The briefing provided earlier by the Department indicates that the special position of Ireland and Britain is recognised and that the question is whether current arrangements will remain unchanged.

It was also indicated that the main innovation in the treaty is that the Union may in future adopt incentive and supporting measures for the integration of immigrants, and that the treaty clearly provides a legal basis for defining the rights of third country nationals. These are two other areas on which it might be useful to hear some elaboration.

Mr. Paul Hickey

I thank the committee for inviting us to brief it on the European Union treaty provisions governing the areas of freedom, security and justice. I propose, as requested, to speak on the existing treaty arrangements under Title IV of the Treaty establishing the European Community, TEC, and Title VI of the Treaty on European Union, TEU, as well the changes which the constitutional treaty will make. My principal focus will be on key institutional and procedural aspects of those arrangements and changes the constitutional treaty will make for this purpose. It might help if I commenced by briefly relating the existing arrangements and the constitutional treaty proposals to the broader context of the development of co-operation in justice and home affairs at European Union level.

The Maastricht treaty of 1992 brought co-operation in justice and home affairs within the structures of the Union for the first time. It created a separate justice and home affairs, JHA, pillar — distinct from the Community and common foreign and security policy pillars — and covered all aspects of JHA co-operation. This new third pillar emphasised the intergovernmental nature of JHA co-operation and its distinguishing features included non-Community legislative instruments, decision-making by unanimity, and quite limited roles for the Commission and European Parliament.

The Amsterdam treaty of 1997 contained further developments. It integrated certain aspects of JHA co-operation into the Community framework by way of a new Title IV of the TEC, together with certain other pre-existing arrangements under the Schengen Convention. The areas concerned were free movement, visas, asylum, immigration and judicial co-operation in civil matters.

One of the consequences of those changes was the introduction of special arrangements for Ireland, the United Kingdom and Denmark, In our case, the effect of these was that we were not bound by the new Title IV or Schengen provisions. The Amsterdam treaty left police and judicial co-operation in criminal matters subject to strengthened third pillar arrangements under the TEU. More generally, it made the development of the Union as an area of freedom, security and justice one of five key objectives of the Union.

The 2001 Treaty of Nice made a number of further technical changes by way of provision for enhanced co-operation, the introduction of qualified majority voting and co-decision for the purposes of some civil law matters, and provision for the establishment of Eurojust in the context of judicial co-operation in criminal matters. The 2004 constitutional treaty represents the next stage of the process begun in Maastricht.

That is the background to the current arrangements, which derive from the Treaty of Amsterdam, as amended by the Treaty of Nice. They create a distinction for the purposes of co-operation in respect of two key elements of justice and home affairs activities, which are visas, asylum, immigration, on one hand, and police and judicial co-operation in criminal matters, on the other. This means that co-operation in respect of those activities has bases in different treaties, which, in turn, has a number of important institutional and procedural consequences.

Title IV of the treaty establishing the European Community provides the framework for co-operation on visas, asylum, immigration, and other policies related to the free movement of persons, including judicial co-operation in civil matters. Key features of Title IV include that traditional European Community law-making procedures and mechanisms apply, with the result that the relevant legal instruments take the form of regulations and directives.

Following the transitional period, those instruments are now adopted by qualified majority and co-decision with the European Parliament for most purposes. The Commission, likewise, has the sole right of initiative and special arrangements apply in the case of Ireland, the UK and Denmark. Those special arrangements depend on Article 69 of the treaty and the related protocol on the position of Ireland adopted in conjunction with the Treaty of Amsterdam. The most important effect of the protocol is that we are not bound by asylum, immigration or civil law measures adopted under the title.

Ireland has, however, been given the possibility to opt-in in respect of these instruments on a case by case basis. This can be done either before an instrument is adopted or subsequently. In accordance with the provisions of Article 29.4.6o of the Constitution, a decision by Ireland to exercise an opt-in with regard to a Title IV measure must be approved in advance by both Houses of the Oireachtas. The special arrangements that apply to Ireland in the Title IV area also apply to the United Kingdom. Their origin lies in the common travel area which we operate with the UK and they were necessary to ensure the maintenance of that area.

For similar reasons, Ireland and the UK were specifically exempted from the obligations arising from the integration of the Schengen Convention, which is primarily concerned with the removal of border checks. This exemption is also subject to an opt-in facility for both member states. The exercise of the opt-in facility for the purpose of the Schengen measure requires the prior approval of both Houses of the Oireachtas.

Title VI of the Treaty on European Union is the framework in which police co-operation and judicial co-operation in criminal matters are dealt with. The overall objective is to provide citizens with a high level of safety, within an area of freedom, security and justice, by developing common action among member states in those fields. Key features of those arrangements include: recourse to dedicated JHA instruments, such as framework decisions, decisions and conventions; a requirement for unanimity for most decision-making purposes and the limiting of the role of the European Parliament; and the right of initiative to be shared by the Commission and member states.

Title VI measures retain a number of the intergovernmental characteristics of pre-existing co-operation under the Maastricht Treaty, while strengthening the role of the Commission and the European Parliament. The provision made for the adoption of framework decisions for the purpose of approximating the laws and regulations of member states was an innovation in the context of the Treaty of Amsterdam. Framework decisions were intended to be somewhat similar to directives under the treaty establishing the Community, in that they are binding on member states as to the result to be achieved but leave the choice of form and methods to each member states. Framework decisions are also increasingly used in the context of criminal law co-operation. The arrangements we have in place provide for the approval of both Houses of the Oireachtas being obtained prior to the adoption of a framework decision.

The treaty establishing the constitution for Europe will provide for further developments in the way in which co-operation in the areas of freedom, security and justice is organised. The new treaty, in keeping with the Amsterdam treaty, designates the area of freedom, security and justice as one of the key objectives of the Union. Co-operation for this purpose will be governed by Chapter IV of Part III of the treaty, which now deals with all aspects of freedom, security and justice.

When the treaty comes into force, there will be a number of changes in the way that freedom, security and justice matters are dealt with. There will be unified decision-making arrangements, with recourse to a single set of legislative instruments. The constitutional treaty will replace existing treaties and the current pillar structures. It will apply community legislative procedures to all the aspects of freedom, security and justice co-operation. This means that all freedom, security and justice measures will effectively be dealt with under a single process. Moreover, the form of legislation that will apply — European laws, framework laws, European regulations and European decisions — will be the same as those adopted under the rest of the treaty.

Certain other provisions and arrangements remain unique to the freedom, security and justice area. Under the arrangements set out in the new treaty, it will be the norm that freedom, security and justice legislative instruments will be adopted on the basis of what will henceforth be termed the ordinary legislative procedure, namely, qualified majority voting and co-decision with the European Parliament. However, a requirement for unanimity has been retained for certain specific issues. These include civil judicial co-operation in family matters, certain specified aspects of judicial co-operation in criminal matters and operational aspects of police co-operation.

The constitutional treaty provides that the Commission will have the sole right of initiative for measures on border checks, asylum, immigration and judicial co-operation in civil matters. Regarding judicial co-operation in criminal matters and police co-operation, the Commission or at least one quarter of the member states will be entitled to initiate a proposal for a legislative instrument. This will replace the existing right of individual member states to table proposals.

The current position is that Ireland is not bound by measures adopted in the asylum and immigration areas or in connection with the elimination of border checks under the Schengen arrangements. That situation is specifically preserved in Protocols 17, 18 and 19 of the new treaty. Ireland will continue to have an opt-in facility in respect of those measures and also for certain measures applicable to police co-operation.

The constitutional treaty includes some further specific features to which I wish to refer. It restates and updates the objectives to be pursued for the purpose of developing the European Union as an area of freedom, security and justice by reference to each of the sectoral areas concerned, namely, asylum and immigration, judicial co-operation in civil and criminal matters and police co-operation.

The treaty also provides an enhanced role for member state parliaments. Chapter IV and the protocol on the application of the principle of subsidiarity and proportionality include special provision concerning legislative measures directed towards police and judicial co-operation in criminal matters. The effect of those provisions is that a review will be triggered where a reasoned opinion represents one quarter — instead of the one third that is required in the ordinary way — of the votes allocated to national parliaments. Provision is also made for member state parliaments to have an enhanced scrutiny role in connection with Europol and Eurojust activities and to be provided with information.

The treaty emphasises respect for fundamental rights and the different legal systems and traditions of member states in the context of the future development of the European Union as an area of freedom, security and justice. It also recognises the right of member states to maintain or introduce higher levels of protection. In addition, the treaty makes provision for an emergency brake procedure in connection with proposed measures dealing with judicial co-operation in criminal matters. This procedure allows a member state which considers that a proposed measure would affect fundamental aspects of its criminal justice system to request the suspension of the negotiation of the proposal and that the matter be referred to the European Council. The Council can then decide to request the Commission, or the group of member states that initiated it, to redraft the proposal or it can approve the suspended measure. In all such cases, the European Council will act by unanimity.

The Chairman referred to the provisions in the treaty concerning asylum and immigration. The relevant provisions are contained in Article lll-267, which deals with immigration policy. Subsection 4 of this article provides — in the context of the development of a common immigration policy — that European laws or framework laws may establish measures to provide incentives and support for the action of member states with a view to promoting integration of third country nationals residing legally in their territories, excluding any harmonisation of laws and regulations of the member states. This is an innovation on the terms of the Treaty of Amsterdam. However, it is a measure with limited scope in that it attaches to measures which provide incentives and support for action by member states rather than by the EU in its own right. It excludes harmonisation of laws and regulations of member states in this area.

The issue of the rights of third country nationals is referred to in Article lll-267.2(b), which defines the rights — including the conditions that govern freedom of movement and of residence in other member states — of such individuals residing legally in a member state. While expressed in stronger terms in this treaty, this issue is also discussed in Article 73.4 of the Treaty of Amsterdam.

In addition to the formal framework for activities in the field of freedom, security and justice set out in the EU treaties, it should be noted that arrangements are in place for the development of general work programmes for the specific purpose of giving effect to the treaty's provisions. The Tampere programme, which was adopted by the European Council in 1999 in conjunction with the coming into effect of the Treaty of Amsterdam, served this purpose for the past five years.

The Hague programme on strengthening freedom, security and justice adopted by the Council last November now represents the headline agenda in the field of justice and home affairs. This programme is scheduled to continue for five years and is designed to provide a bridge between the existing treaty framework and the new constitutional treaty. It is comprehensive in scope and deals with all aspects of policies relating to the area of freedom, security and justice. A copy of the Hague programme has been included in the set of documents made available to the sub-committee.

I hope the information I have provided will be of assistance in outlining the principal elements of the existing arrangements and the new constitutional treaty, as well as their relationship to each other. I and my colleagues will be glad to respond to any questions the committee may have arising from my presentation.

I will not pretend to understand all of Mr. Hickey's presentation. How does the recent situation in Spain affect co-operation on immigration matters in the context of Title IV measures of the Amsterdam treaty, as amended by the Nice treaty? Spain unilaterally recognised more than 500,000 illegal immigrants without consulting other member states. This decision gave such immigrants European passports, which will allow them to move throughout member states. How does this concur with the principle of co-operation on immigration matters?

Mr. Hickey

The treaties provide a framework for co-operation on all relevant matters but do not limit the right of member states to act in certain areas. In situations where member states decide on policies or provisions, the Council proposes to create a mechanism for an early warning system so that other member states which may be impacted upon can have a say.

What implications does the Spanish decision have for Ireland's immigration laws? Were the Departments of Foreign Affairs and Justice, Equality and Law Reform consulted on this issue?

Mr. Paul Byrnes

The Spanish Government offered an opportunity for people living illegally in Spain to regularise their position. It is not a case of allowing them citizenship but one of allowing them to remain legally. An application process is currently under way and applications are still being accepted. Figures of 500,000 to 1 million have been quoted but fewer applications have been made than were originally expected. We are not aware of advance consultations with other member states on this issue. Ireland was certainly not consulted. The proposals that have been presented to the Council for consultation on such matters in the future resulted from the Spanish decision.

The immigrants involved will be given permission to remain in Spain. They will not have a direct entitlement to move to Ireland. They will remain, subject to visa requirements and depending on nationality, and will be subject to border controls if they seek to come here. As Ireland does not participate in the Schengen area, they do not have the free access to this country that they have to other member states. The implications for Ireland and for the UK would, therefore, be somewhat different from those of the Schengen group of countries. If the immigrants eventually obtained Spanish citizenship — which is a matter for the Spanish authorities — they would be entitled to come here as EU citizens for various purposes. The process as currently envisaged would not entitle them to come to Ireland.

I thank the delegation for coming before the sub-committee. I also do not pretend to understand every element of this comprehensive document, which will take some time for us to digest.

I have a specific question on one issue. In the upcoming referendum on changes to the Constitution, certain parties will suggest that profound changes will occur in certain areas such as freedom, security and justice. The replacement of unanimous voting with qualified majority voting, as outlined here, is one such change. Should we explore other areas not discussed in this document but which might be a topic of argument with campaigners? We, as public representatives, will be expected to be knowledgeable on these matters.

Mr. Hickey

I tried to outline the main institutional changes produced by the treaty. The most significant changes will occur in the area of the institutional transition to qualified majority voting for most purposes. The treaty will provide for recourse to the instruments of the EU and a framework of objectives that must be pursued. The objectives have been updated to account for the progress made on the objectives of the Treaty of Amsterdam. Controversy should not arise out of any other issues not discussed in my presentation. There are obvious sensitivities in some areas but in most cases unanimity will remain the type of decision-making. This means that Ireland will ultimately have a decisive say on the measures in question. I refer here, for example, to the European Public Prosecutor's Office.

I thank the officials for their presentation, which should be forwarded to our parent committee, the Joint Oireachtas Committee on European Affairs. The latter will be examining every aspect of the proposed treaty.

I agree with what the officials said. The change from unanimity to QMV in this area is the most significant aspect. From my point of view, it is frightening. We all accept that there are good and bad elements to the new treaty, which is a compromise. Nobody has said it is perfect for every country. There are parts we like and parts we do not like. In my view, and in that of many Irish and English people who treasure the independence of their judicial systems, phrases such as "judicial co-operation in criminal matters" and "judicial co-operation in civil matters" will end up as meddling in our internal systems.

I note that there is a brake mechanism but the officials agree that it could not be applied on all occasions. If a member state applied it on every occasion, it would be accused of not being a good member of the EU and others would ask why that country was in the Union. With unanimity, it is possible simply to cut things off at source at Council level.

On another day, it might be good to obtain a table showing those areas where changes have been effected before now and those areas where there could be new changes under the treaty. We need some clear examples. Let us consider the position regarding judicial co-operation in civil matters. The EU might declare that all judges now require a certain training and they must, for example, be able to speak three languages and behave in a politically correct way or whatever. Would that come under judicial co-operation? Could the EU tell us what kind of judges we must appoint in this country?

The Department's presentation states "a requirement of unanimity has been retained for certain specific issues which include civil judicial cooperation in family matters, certain specified aspects of judicial cooperation in criminal matters, and operational aspects of police cooperation". Those areas are covered somewhere in the second document the officials kindly provided. I ask them to indicate where that matter is dealt with. I thank the officials for preparing the two documents. I will certainly keep mine as a reference for future discussion on the topic.

Mr. Hickey

I will respond to that as best I can. The treaty sought to strike a balance between the need for more efficient decision-making arrangements in a Union of 25 member states — shortly to become 27 — and the sensitivities that attach in some areas. Chapter IV reflects a balance in that respect. The general provisions governing co-operation in Chapter IV emphasise that "The Union shall constitute an area of freedom, security and justice with respect for fundamental rights, taking into account the different legal traditions and systems of the Member States." There is a requirement on the EU to respect the specific legal traditions of individual member states.

In the broader context of judicial co-operation in criminal matters, the treaty refers to the principle of mutual recognition of judgments. This was set down at the Tampere summit and was reiterated in the Hague programme as the basis on which judicial co-operation should proceed. There should be mutual recognition, not harmonisation. That can be seen under Article III-270. Article III-270 and Title III, Chapter IV, section IV, contain provisions defining the scope of that judicial co-operation. Articles III-270 to 274 do that. Unanimity is maintained in criminal provisions relating to Article III-270.2(d), under which other areas of procedural law may be identified for action at EU level. This requires a unanimous decision on the part of the Council. That also applies to a similar provision under Article III-271, which defines the scope in terms of areas that could be subject to approximation. Article III-274 contains a provision on the EPP, the European Public Prosecutor's Office, which is subject to unanimous decisions for all purposes. On police co-operation, Article III-275.2 remains subject to unanimity. Civil law in family matters, by virtue of Article III-269.3, also remains subject to unanimity.

I understand that we must conclude our deliberations because this room is needed for another meeting at 11 a.m.

I merely wish to make one further remark.

Would it be possible to obtain a table, as Deputy Mulcahy requested earlier?

Mr. Hickey

Is that a table of the measures that have already been taken in the area of criminal law?

Yes and the corresponding legal basis for them. Perhaps the officials might also provide a further table setting out the other measures that would be possible under the new treaty. I know that is somewhat——

Mr. Hickey

I am not sure that we could speculate on precisely the areas that might be involved. However, we can identify the relevant areas, as set out in the treaty, where action at an EU level would be——

Could Mr. Hickey indicate no-go areas under the new treaty?

Mr. Hickey

I am not sure that——

I am not sure that this is clear in the text of the treaty.

Mr. Hickey

I am not sure that it would be possible for the Department to identify areas of that type.

Mr. Hickey

What I can try to do is provide factual information, based on what is in the treaty under the terms the Deputy has described.

As Deputy Sexton indicated, we will be going out, knocking on people's doors and selling the treaty to them. If a voter stated that a certain provision might allow changes in a certain area, we would like to be in a position to show that person a document from the Department of Justice, Equality and Law Reform explaining that the arrangements in place in the area concerned either can or cannot be changed, as the case may be, under the treaty. If the Department of Justice, Equality and Law Reform cannot tell us what can and cannot be changed under the treaty, how can we be expected to tell people at the doorsteps what could or could not be changed in our own criminal justice system as a result of the treaty being accepted? Is that not a fair point?

Mr. Hickey

We will identify as much information as possible in those area in order to assist members.

That would be helpful.

We had better conclude because there is a time constraint. I thank Mr. Hickey and his colleagues for coming before the committee and giving members a helpful presentation. I also thank those from other Departments who have come to observe and monitor the proceedings.

I propose that the next meeting of the sub-committee take place on Wednesday, 11 May 2005 at 9.30 a.m. That date has been chosen because the Forum on Europe is scheduled for Thursday, 12 May 2005. I hope the proposed change of date is convenient for members.

The sub-committee adjourned at 10.52 a.m. until 9.30 a.m. on Wednesday, 11 May 2005.

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