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JOINT COMMITTEE ON EUROPEAN AFFAIRS debate -
Friday, 22 Jan 2010

European Citizens’ Initiative: Discussion with Irish MEPs.

We try to arrange meetings at a suitable time for MEPs but we realise it is very difficult for them. The commitments they have at a particular time may lead them off in different directions. We are grateful for those who have attended today's meeting on the European Commission Green Paper on the citizens' initiative, COM (2009) 622.

I welcome the MEPs present, Nessa Childers, Proinsias De Rossa, Alan Kelly and Gay Mitchell, who is in the building and will be here shortly.

The European citizens' initiative is an innovation of the Lisbon treaty aimed at enhancing democracy in the European Union. We have had a considerable discussion on this issue over recent weeks. We realise there is a deadline and are trying to bring our submission to a conclusion before it. The deadline was probably introduced for administrative purposes in the European institutions, which is understandable. Our aim has been to ensure the initiative is effective, lends itself to democracy and creates a constructive avenue for the citizen to link with the European institutions in a way that improves the democratic process. It should further the right of the citizen to gain access to the centre of power and administration in Europe.

We have been concerned to ensure the initiative is effective but not abused. If any such initiative is abused, it automatically becomes ineffective. The initiative was an important aspect of the Lisbon treaty debate and in recent weeks members have discussed the need to ensure its efficacy. The initiative has significant potential to improve the public's connections with the institutions and enhance the democratic legitimacy of the Union. The committee has invited the public to make submissions on it and we look forward to considering the views we receive. We have already advertised in this regard and we are awaiting submissions. Some individuals asked that the deadline be extended. We tried to ensure we had some avenue for our citizens to make submissions within the deadlines set down. We will do our best. It is not possible to meet everybody's requirements at all times.

I call on Mr. Proinsias De Rossa, MEP.

Mr. Proinsias De Rossa, MEP

Thank you for the invitation. Friday morning is not the best for an Oireachtas committee meeting but, unfortunately, given the time constraints and the fact that we were in Strasbourg this week, it was not possible to be here yesterday.

I spoke yesterday on this very issue at a joint meeting organised by the offices of the European Commission and European Parliament in Dublin. There was a good audience and a quite good discussion. Organisations, in particular, have much interest in the matter.

I assume the members have read the Green Paper or a summary thereof and I will not go into any great detail in respect of it. The idea that a given number of citizens across a number of states should be able to request the Commission to introduce legislation they feel necessary is simple. However, when one considers it in detail, one realises it is not easy to implement, primarily because it involves a transnational arrangement. It is the first ever attempt to implement a tool of direct democracy at transnational level.

The Commission has the sole right to introduce legislation. However, the Council and Parliament have the right at present to request the Commission to introduce legislation. The European citizens' initiative is extending that right to citizens. It is an extension of citizen participation.

The European Parliament produced an opinion on this proposal in May 2009. It laid out various views thereon, including on the number of member states that should be involved and the age limits that should apply to those participating. We now have a new European Parliament and more than 50% of its Members are newly elected. The latter did not have a say in the issue and I am sure they will want one. They will have their say when the Commission brings forward its proposal.

The deadline pertains to the consideration of the Green Paper. This committee and any other interested party will automatically receive a copy in advance of the introduction of the proposed legislation or regulation by the Commission. There will be time for the committee to consider it again and to invite the public to do so. It is not, by any means, the end of the process.

While there is a general wish to put the mechanism in place as quickly as possible, the Commission would like to see it in place by the end of this year. For that to happen, the Council and Parliament would have to conclude their consideration of it very quickly. A single reading would probably be required; normally in the European Parliament there are two readings. The European Parliament, no more than the Oireachtas, dislikes the truncation of the system because one does not receive the opportunity to consider matters as thoroughly as is required. Bargaining will take place on how the matter can be dealt with as quickly as possible. I would like to see the mechanism introduced quickly but I am only one of 730 MEPs. Others may not share my view.

The initiative is unique in the European Union but is not unique to the member states. Fourteen or 15 of the member states, including Spain and Austria, already have citizens' initiatives. At some point it might be no harm to examine how they operate. The initiatives all have different rules and procedures.

A final decision on the European citizens' initiative will be made jointly by the Council and Parliament using the qualified majority voting procedure. There will be a regulation to bring it into effect automatically and there will be no transposition or legislation required in member states.

It is proposed that, for the initiative to be implemented, a minimum of 1 million citizens should be required in a substantial number of member states. There is some disagreement in the European Parliament and the Commission on the number of member states required. The former believes, on the basis of existing membership, that it should be seven while the latter believes it should be nine. It is not an insignificant point. The more states one involves, the more complex it is for the organisers. An argument was made yesterday by Professor Brigid Laffan to the effect that if the number of states is too small, the concern being reflected would not be sufficiently broad or European. Debate in this regard is important.

In the EU treaties, it is stated that nine member states are required for enhanced co-operation, but only seven are required if member states wants to introduce justice and home affairs matters to the Commission. The two mechanisms exist and I suppose we will take a middle course eventually. I understand the Spanish Presidency has already generated consensus among member states that there should be a minimum of nine member states. I have been told this in the background and I am not sure it is a fact. First, the request made must comply with the treaties and be compatible with the Commission's capacity to act. In my submission I made the point that the citizens' initiative could not be used to propose that the Commission introduce a regulation to the effect that the European Parliament should meet in Brussels and not in Strasbourg. It is only the Council that can make that kind of regulation.

The request cannot be contrary to the general principles of law as applied by the European Union. The Commission could not accept or introduce a proposal which seeks to undermine, say, the equality of treatment of citizens. This would fall at the first hurdle at the European Court of Justice.

Some regulation may have to be introduced to require organisers of a petition or initiative to explain who they are, their objectives and from where they are getting their funding. I would argue, although it has not been mentioned in any of the documentation so far, that there should be a declaration of interest by the people involved as an initiative will request the Commission to introduce legislation which will affect the lives of every citizen of the Union.

The debate about the number of member states and the proportion required in each member state is an important one. For example, the figure at 0.2% would mean an Irish initiative would require 9,000 signatures. The European Parliament's view is that the ratio should be 1:500, as one million is one five hundredth of the population of Europe. The Commission suggested it could be higher. However, I believe if it were, the minimum number of member states would become higher. For example, if nine member states were involved and there were a requirement to have of 0.3% of the population of each member state, the threshold would be raised from one million people. The only specific figure set in the treaty is the minimum of one million people which I do not believe we can breach legitimately. The formula for proportion of population in each member state has to respect the one million threshold.

The Commission suggested member states must be responsible for verifying the signatures to petition. How can this be done? I suggest we should use the electoral register and town halls as collection centres. The Department of the Environment, Heritage and Local Government would have to put a system in place which would enable organisers of a petition to use that system and then verify the signatures for the Commission.

Should the registration of the petition with the Commission happen before the process of collecting the signatures or after it? It would be grossly unfair to have it at the end of the process. For example, a petition could have taken a year to gather signatures only to be told at the end of it all that it was not admissible. It should be at the beginning.

Who should do the registration? The Commission will decide whether an initiative should be acted upon which is a political decision rather than a legal one. The registration process should be separate. The best institution for this would be the European Ombudsman. It is an independent office with the legal structures and expertise on European law to decide on a proposed initiative. The Commission could not be accused of being biased in deciding on a proposed initiative if the ombudsman registers it.

During the course of the Lisbon treaty debate, there was much confusion created on the difference between a petition and an initiative. Some were dismissing the latter claiming the petition procedure already was in place. The petitions procedure is a European Parliament procedure where any single individual citizen can complain to the parliament that European law, moneys or policy are not being properly implemented. The parliament is then obliged to investigate it. This may result in a change to legislation but does not automatically do so.

The initiative allows one million European citizens to come together to specifically seek new legislation or amendments to legislation across seven member states. It is not a complaint process but one of engaging citizens in the politics and legislative process of the European Union. It is an important development in dealing with one of the many complaints that the European Parliament does not have a public space.

Mr. Gay Mitchell, MEP

After that tour de force, we can all be very brief. I do not see why this should not be in place by the end of the year. We have 27 Commissioners and some of them are not over-burdened in their portfolios. They should be put to work on this straight away. By the summer we will already be one fifth of the way through our mandate as MEPs. By the end of the year, we will be 18 months gone. We can be getting ready to get ready. I accept there needs to be consultation on this but it can be amended at a later date.

I also accept the initiative could be open to abuse. I do not know what the adult voting population is. Should we make it 16 or 18 — it is already 16 in Austria? I shall probably run into trouble with Young Fine Gael for saying this, but I do not favour giving votes to people under 18. I believe the people who are 18 should use their votes first before we decide to lower the voting age. However, I do not believe that necessarily means people of 16 should not be allowed to participate in this initiative. This is a different thing, not about making laws, so I would make that distinction.

However, there is one issue which has not been addressed so far. Let me take, by comparison, the constitutional situation as regards people living in and voting in Ireland. Everybody can vote in a local election here if he or she has reached the age of 18 and is on the register of electors. For European elections all European citizens living here who are not voting in any other jurisdiction, can vote in a European Parliament election. For the Dáil election, only Irish and British citizens can vote and for a referendum, only Irish citizens can vote. There will have to be some similar restriction here if it is to be a citizens' initiative.

By virtue of the fact that we are Irish citizens we are also European citizens, under the Lisbon treaty, and indeed under the Nice treaty before that. However, if a large immigrant population is living in a country, as in Ireland, should Lithuanians, Poles and others, for example have the right of initiative in Ireland, or should it be confined to their member state? This is not an anti-immigrant comment and I am just making a point, since we already restrict people in other areas, but if it is not confined to their member state, then some 800,000 of Irish birth living in Britain could create an initiative there to supplement an Irish initiative taken here. The same is true of Poles living here or whatever. Such issues must be addressed. I repeat that this is not to be critical of immigrants or anything like that, since we already have restrictions, as I mentioned, in regard to local, Dáil, European and constitutional votes. This is an issue we shall have to tease out, as regards who is entitled within a member state, to be a citizen, for the purposes of creating such an initiative there.

This comes into play when one asks what the minimum number of member states is that should be involved. The suggestion by the Commission is that the same formula should be used as that for enhanced co-operation. That seems to me to be a perfectly good formula. I do not believe we should create formulae. If this works, let us use it. It is not written in stone and unlike a treaty amendment, can be changed later on by legislation. It is up to us as legislators to monitor this and see whether it works or is being abused. If there is to be a minimum of member states, that presupposes that Irish, Polish, British or French citizens should have a proportionate right in the initiative. Therefore some consideration must be given to whether non-citizens of a state, albeit citizens of the Union, should be allowed to create the initiative within the jurisdiction in which they are living; if they are, should they not require some residence there or whatever? That is a technical issue, but one that needs to be addressed. I emphasise, it would be equally valid to ask why 800,000 people of Irish birth living in Britain should have the right of initiative as it would for any other group.

On the question of this not being abused, I believe those who do not opt to take the political party route of participation in democratic society, who constantly campaign, without any mandate, might want to use this for purposes which were not intended. One needs to look at places such as California, for instance, where the referendum mechanism has been grossly overused, creating terrible problems. This is not a referendum, but take the example where one might have initiatives being introduced that were the complete opposite of each other. One initiative might seek to do one thing while another, the following year, might opt to do the opposite. Ultimately, there could be all types of conflicting initiatives which would undermine the whole process and make the thing something of a joke.

For this reason I believe registration is important. I do not see why it should be centralised within the European Union. If it was to be accepted, then, as Mr. Proinsias De Rossa, MEP, has mentioned, the Ombudsman is certainly a fitting person for the job. However, I believe this is something that should be brought nearer to the representatives of the citizens. In this regard I have in mind a committee such as this, perhaps. In Denmark, for example, parliamentary committees are much more connected directly with the citizens, and therefore much more directly instructive to the government before it comes to the European Union. There is no reason whatsoever that this should be done by the Department of the Environment, Heritage and Local Government, or whatever. An Oireachtas committee such as this one, for example, could become the registration authority.

Each member state might have a different process. Some member states that already have initiatives have their registration processes already in place and it does not have to be a case of one size fits all. We have a different tradition in Ireland, PR-STV, compared to the first past the post electoral system in Britain. The initiative to be adopted should be whatever it is that suits the citizens.

A couple of other questions arise. There has to be a process for identifying the person who will put his or her signature. One cannot have a Gay Mitchell, Sligo, Gay Mitchell, Donegal or a Proinsias De Rossa in several different places. There must be some verification to the effect that the person's identity is valid. It seems to me that the PPS number might be the best way to achieve this. Something of that type would have to be introduced and furthermore there has to be verification if a person has participated in an initiative in Ireland, that he or she, has not done the same in Northern Ireland, Britain, France or somewhere. Those are the matters which must be taken into account as regards how the person taking the initiative may be identified.

The question then arises in the Green Paper as to whether there should be a time limit for the collection of signatures. I am sure there are arguments for and against, but I believe there should be a time limit. If it goes on forever it loses its focus and perhaps by year 5 people will have taken a different view to what they believed in year 1, while the name is still on the petition. Therefore, there should be a time limit, albeit, it should be reasonably long to allow people to collect signatures. The figure for Ireland is 9,000, which is not an enormous number of signatures and will not take five years to collect. A reasonable time limit should be introduced.

We told people during the referendum that there should be a citizens' initiative. Many people believed that although this was promised it would never come about. Already, despite the fact that we have yet to get a Commission in place, we are already talking about getting this initiative up and running. This shows that the undertakings which were given are being pursued, not least those identified by this committee. I do not believe that the citizens' initiative needs to be exclusive to the civil society, an individual or anyone. I do not see why the citizens of this committee, if they wished to take an initiative, could not give some leadership to society and say, in effect: "We're thinking of taking an initiative on suicide." Such an issue is non-controversial, the Commission may not have powers to do this, but we could agree through the Council and the Parliament to find out what member states might have the best programmes in this chosen initiative, how to benchmark the issue in terms of the other member states while exploring why suicide has been such a terrible issue for us at this time.

It does not have to be an initiative to change EU law, but perhaps something that might be proposed in an area on which we could all agree something needs to be done. Our legislators do not need for some group to come up with, say, ten signatures. This Oireachtas committee could decide, for instance, that after discussion it was agreed that it might be worthwhile for Irish citizens to take an initiative on a particular issue such as suicide or whatever, start the process and then let the citizens seek to collect the signatures and see whether other member states will support it. It does not have to be left to other people. If it is not happening we can kick-start it and encourage it. It could be a very good process if it is not abused.

I hope this Green Paper will be translated into a regulation sooner rather than later — we are not talking about designing a common defence policy or nuclear policy or something which is hugely controversial. We have agreed this at 27 member state level and it is now a matter of implementing it. We implement more complicated things, such as the budget, every year. We should implement this as soon as we can. As part of the regulation we need to build in a review. We need to encourage the member states to use this initiative in 2012, or in 2011 as 2012 might be too late, to see if we can get this up and running. We should endeavour to have consultation or encourage people to start this initiative. We can see how it works and then perhaps put a sunset clause on the regulation. Having experienced one or two initiatives, we would see how the whole process works properly and if the regulation needs to be tweaked.

I congratulate the Chairman for taking the initiative in having this consultation here today. It is good that it should happen. If this legislation can be passed, I hope we can set the objective of Ireland being the first country to take an initiative under it and involve our citizens in the European process because there has been a complaint that the European citizen has been left behind. There is now an opportunity to involve people. Let us try to involve them in a real project and not in semantics.

Ms Nessa Childers, MEP

I am one of the new MEPs which Mr. Proinsias De Rossa, MEP, mentioned at the beginning of the meeting. I do not have the same level of technical expertise in this initiative that Mr. Gay Mitchell, MEPand Mr. Proinsias De Rossa, MEP, have. I do not have five years’ experience of the institutions. However, I can see immediately that this is a very important initiative because in Ireland we have nothing like it, that is, no sort of participatory democracy of this kind.

I can also see that it will be a test of the way the Parliament, the Council and the Commission operate after the Lisbon treaty. For instance, the Parliament and the Council have different ideas of how many member states are needed for the initiative. This is not just an accident, rather, it is a constant situation in which the Council and Parliament are, in a sense, divided and it would be interesting to see how that works following the Lisbon treaty because is it serious. I agree with the Parliament's position but the Council has another one.

Stopping the initiative in the middle of the process will not work. We have to find a way of triggering or flagging an initiative which will not work much earlier in the process. Mr. Mitchell, MEP, had the idea that this committee would be involved. If we were to do that it would have to be much better resourced. We have enough on our plate as it is. Another committee or a much larger European affairs committee would have to do this. The Ombudsman is another possibility; we voted for a new one in the plenary yesterday.

It must be remembered we are looking for public consultation. I see my role as an MEP to try to get my constituents engaged in the consultation process. This is not easy — it was not easy when I was a councillor and will not be easy as an MEP, but we have to encourage people to make submissions. This is of no use unless the public is encouraged to do so and we listen. My priority will be to engage in that process. After that, I will listen to what everybody else has to say and try to get my constituents to tell me what they think or the committee what it feels should be in this initiative.

Mr. Alan Kelly, MEP

I will not accuse the Chair of being ageist for leaving me until last.

I was waiting for that.

Mr. Alan Kelly, MEP

As one of the younger MEPs, I am delighted to be here. Many of the issues have been covered by the three previous speakers. I am more or less in agreement with everything that has been said. All the countries have gone through the process of consultation. We left it until the last minute which, as somebody who sits on the petitions committee with a direct interest in this as a parallel process, is something which has been said to me. However, we are not alone in that — other countries are in a similar position.

On some of the specifics, I do not favour what various people have suggested, namely, that we should include more member states. We should make the process as easy as possible. I do not favour the changes being proposed.

The issue of signatures is something on which I have many thoughts. My specific issue, which has not been raised here, is that of how to register the signatures on-line. Knowing the value of viral marketing and how it works, a million signatures is a lot. However, if one got the right issue which met the criteria and put it up on Facebook, I guarantee one would have a million signatures within a week. How one authenticates those is a serious issue. However, the medium cannot be discouraged because it is the right one. I have discussed this issue with various people. The manner in which it will be utilised is an issue. Do we use electoral registers, PPS numbers and so on?

Mr. Gay Mitchell, MEP, brought up a very important point on nationality. Mr. Proinsias De Rossa, MEP, proposed the electoral register. The use of PPS numbers has been proposed elsewhere. Both systems seem to work. However, because of the on-line medium, we need to agree a system which works on a transnational basis and is standard because otherwise one could have an issue. It is a serious issue which needs to be dealt with. In most cases, the on-line medium will be utilised to deliver on this.

On the age issue, I favour 16 years of age. I am very blunt about that. I see no reason we cannot use 16 years of age for something like this. The right to vote is a different issue. This is a citizens' initiative and we should allow people of that age profile to be able to participate in something like this.

I agree with everyone who has raised the issue of registration, something which is often raised in Europe. It is totally unacceptable to have a situation whereby people go through the process of trying to get a million signatures and are then told it is not admissible. That is crazy and this initiative will fall flat on its face if that ever happens. It needs to be intercepted very early. The registration process has to be the beginning. The time period for deciding if the issue is acceptable is two months. Such a measure would make this initiative unachievable and it would lose face.

On the last few points, it is very important that what we say publicly regarding what is acceptable under this initiative has to have a legal basis, concern a legal issue and be based on legal grounds. Political views and opinions are irrelevant. The political side is not what makes the issue acceptable and it cannot be jettisoned because of that. That is something which needs to be teased out. One needs to buy goodwill or belief in the process, which will only be seen by the workings of this over a period of time.

The issue of the difference between the petitions committee and what is done there, and petitioning the Parliament and the citizens' initiative needs a great deal of public relations work. A majority of people do not know the petitions route to the Parliament. It is something we try to promote. Fewer people know about this initiative even though it was widely promoted during the Lisbon campaign. In fairness, it was purported to be a good thing, which it is. However, we need to deal with the difference between these two, show the two different routes and the basis on which one can use them. That is a very important issue with which, collectively, we all need to deal.

We have to get this right through the submission process. As Mr. De Rossa, MEP, said earlier there will be another chance to go through this initiative. I understand it is hoped to have it in place for the anniversary of the signing of the Lisbon treaty. However, the real future of this measure is in the number of initiatives which come through at the beginning and the successful processing of them. Whether the initiatives are successful is a by-product; the issue is that they are processed correctly. Whether the Commission takes action on them is another issue, but they need to get to the starting blocks properly and not fall flat on their face because of something which is being tested or was not thought of during the consultation period.

Before we move on to the questions and observations of the members, I note some very interesting points were raised by the MEPs. It was a very useful decision to invite them here and we thank them for being here on a Friday morning. We know it is not easy. I am sure it is not easy for the members to come in on a Friday morning.

The observations also reflect the views expressed previously by the committee as to how to proof the system in such a way as to give it integrity which lends to it and its strength. It should not be an attempt to subvert democracy or elected public representatives such as MEPs or Members of the Oireachtas. I have had this debate at this committee previously with former members of the committee. The first element in the democratic system is the public vote for a representative to represent people in Parliament. They may then vote him or her out if they are dissatisfied. That is a basic element in democracy which is hugely important and which we can never get away from. Any attempt to undermine or bypass it can be very dangerous. Interestingly enough, that point has been raised by the members.

Compilation of the register has been raised the members, which is a hugely important issue. On the question of how long it would take to organise a petition, as we saw from the activities of various groups during the Lisbon campaign it would not take too long for some groups or organisations to organise a petition.

Another issue which occurs to me is that of 16 year old voters, which is interesting. The degree to which organisation might take place through modern technology such as the Internet would be dominated to a greater extent by 16 year olds than those aged 75 years of age or heading in my direction. That may be a good thing but it could tilt the result in a particular direction. Those are the points which come to mind.

I thank the Chair and welcome the delegation. I hope this will be a regular meeting, but perhaps not on a Friday.

Mr. Gay Mitchell, MEP

We could do it on Thursday in Brussels.

It could be every second Thursday. It is very useful and we should see how we can best manage a fairly regular face to face meeting with the MEPs and the committee, particularly after the Lisbon treaty and all the new elements which are coming into play.

I agree with Ms Childers, MEP. This initiative was an initiative to try to break down the gap between the citizen and the institutions of the European Union and to try to make it clear that one does not have to have bureaucracy or that the citizen can engage with the European Union directly without going through the bureaucracy of all the institutions. As a result, the process of determining how the citizens' initiative will work is nearly as important as the citizens' initiative itself. If we do not engage with the citizens regarding the structures to be put in place for their initiative to operate then we will do the whole initiative a disservice.

We could have many committee or civil society meetings, but if we do not find a mechanism to engage with citizens we will have lost an opportunity to create awareness of the European Union and to inform citizens that they can go directly to the Commission and can get something directly on the agenda. We have not done that to date. Mr. De Rossa, MEP, referred to a public meeting last night. That is probably the only public meeting which has taken place in the country on the issue. I do not think a citizen abroad is aware of the citizens' initiative. If we then decide how our citizens will operate this initiative without them having any input into it, we will have done the innovation a disservice.

I am not hasty about getting the citizens' initiative up and running. I would be much more concerned if we spent some time finding out how we can make our citizens and the citizens of all the other countries aware of it. We should remember that we have at least some knowledge of it because we were selling it to our members in the run-up to the Lisbon treaty. The other 26 countries have not been selling it to their members. From that point of view, I am disappointed that we will have a deadline by 31 January and that is, in effect, the amount of public consultation which will take place in member states because we have to submit our suggestions by that time. I do not know how we can deal with that issue, but it is something with which I have a problem.

We are not creating the wheel again because 14 or 15 members of the European Union already have this type of initiative and we need to see how they operate. The question which needs to be discussed is whether they can usefully adjust the systems they have or we need to have a common standard system. Obviously, it would seem a standard system which is in operation is the way to go but if one can verify signatures within a member state — each member state will have to establish some level of structure for verification — the existing mechanisms could be brought into play. Countries which already have a system in place will want to hold on to their own systems. How will the Commission jettison the 14 or 15 systems in place? Will it look at making some headway with those systems and apply the best of them across the board? I do not have a clue how any of those systems operate at this point.

I prefer the position of the Parliament in regard to a quarter of the member states making up the significant number rather than the Commission. The difference is very slight; it is only the difference between seven and nine member states. A compromise of eight member states could sort out that situation.

I have some difficulty with the idea that it is the citizens' initiative. Who or what creates a citizen? We have great difficulties in this country regarding the issue. For example, everybody who was born in this country up to the Supreme Court decision in 2003 is a citizen of this country. Since the legislation was introduced in 2005, unless one's parents are citizens one is not a citizen of Ireland by birth. We have to take into consideration also the Good Friday Agreement of 1998 under which citizenship was extended to people living in Northern Ireland. On the electoral register, there is an overlap, whereby citizens of England living here can vote in all elections, while Irish citizens living in the United Kingdom can vote in elections there. Therefore, we have a difficulty in that regard.

There is another difficulty in how one defines "citizen"? While the entire population are citizens, either by birth or parentage, not everyone is entitled to vote. I am talking about children and those under 16 years of age. Is it being said only those over 16 or 18 years can vote? There is a figure of 0.2% in that respect. My preference, therefore, is for an age limit of 16 years.

I agree with Alan Kelly. The basic principle behind the initiative is that it should be made as easy as possible. Therefore, we should have the lowest number of member states. To make it as accessible as possible, we should provide for as large a range of citizens as we can. One could take a constitutional case on citizenship grounds if access was refused to people under 18 years. Therefore, there are some huge issues which have to be resolved. We are a long way from this.

On the verification process, as there are different electoral registers, verification will be difficult. Using PPS numbers would be a good way forward, but we cannot discard the on-line approach which will be the way of the future. As the Chairman pointed out, the younger people are the more likely they are to use it. However, it is the verification mechanism which is important. We have to use every medium to make it easier for citizens to get involved and participate. Proinsias De Rossa referred to the town hall mechanism. It is too rigid; as such it will be difficult to gather 1 million signatures across 27 member states. Therefore, we have to have a more streamlined or flexible verification system, rather than having people turn up at the town hall. Once the initiative starts, one should be able to avail of all media mechanisms, as long as one can verify the signatures.

The other issue which has not been discussed is the agenda of those behind a particular initiative and from where their funding comes. The last thing we need is for the initiative to be subverted in some way. We can all see certain issues which could be introduced by various organisations with agendas, not necessarily within the European Union only but outside it also. There are significant personnel within the Union who are prepared to promote these agendas, as we saw during the referendum. It is very important that we are able to follow the money trail and ensure the citizens' initiative will not be used by some group for a purpose not connected directly with the activities of the European Union and that there will not be funding organisations aimed at subverting the process.

The citizens' initiative is a good idea, but we have a lot of work to do on it. I would like to see it used in such a fashion that we can consult more widely and engage with the public before we come up with the final proposals to be made to the European Commission.

I welcome the Members of the European Parliament. Having such an exchange of views is very valuable.

Like Deputy Costello, I wonder how many know about the citizens' initiative. There seems to be an information deficit in that regard. I want to play devil's advocate. What would members say in response to the charge made to me recently that this is just another bureaucratic cosmetic exercise to make it appear that the European Union is moving closer to the citizen, that it is too cumbersome and complicated, and that if people proposed an initiative, they would expect their MEP to follow it up? That is the view put to me recently on the subject. To liven things up, perhaps some of the MEPs present will say what their response is to that charge.

I welcome our colleagues from the European Parliament. I have long advocated that we occasionally hold meetings on a Friday or a Monday in order to facilitate our MEPs. This is a good initiative. It is difficult for members, in particular those from rural constituencies, to make it, but it is worthwhile and I hope it will be repeated.

Regarding the citizens' initiative, there will be a challenge in putting in place safeguards to avoid abuse of the system and ensure it is robust and will be a genuine reflection of the will of the people of Europe. At the same time there will be challenges in putting in place a very smooth mechanism to make it as easy and accessible as possible. That will be difficult to achieve.

Proinsias De Rossa mentioned the declaration of interest. I am sorry he has left the meeting because I wanted to ask him about that matter. Perhaps I will do so when he comes back. In that regard, there might be a role for the Standards in Public Office Commission to play to ensure those who lead an initiative or will be involved in its registration will be fully accountable, in the same way as anybody who stands for election and is or is not successful is subject to the rules which apply. This is something we might take into account.

On the electoral register, I am very sceptical about the matter. In my constituency — most Members present would probably share my experience — no matter how much work the city council has done to clean up the electoral register, it is still wildly inaccurate. This is probably reflected in most constituencies. On using the PPS numbers system, there would be an opportunity to pilot such a system to see whether we could adopt it in future elections. It would probably be a more robust system and proved as such.

I take up a point made by Alan Kelly regarding the on-line approach. This is something to which virtually everyone who campaigned for a "Yes" vote in the Lisbon treaty referendum pointed. The sceptics on the "No" side said it would not be possible to obtain 1 million signatures, but in the age of technology this figure should be achievable. It was my expectation there would be some way of using the web to facilitate the citizens' initiative. Using the PPS numbers system would be one way of ensuring verification. I agree with Mr. Gay Mitchell on the possibility of an Oireachtas committee overseeing the initiative, but if a Department was to operate it, we could succeed in overseeing it on-line because we would be able to verify, in a completely confidential way, via the PPS numbers system, whether a person was legitimate. All signatures could be verified which could probably be run through a computer very quickly which would enable the introduction of an on-line element. This is an issue we need to consider. If the Department of the Environment, Heritage and Local Government was chosen, it would work in conjunction with the Department of Social and Family Affairs. It would be a huge missed opportunity if it was said it could only be done by physically going to a polling station because the on-line dimension is very important.

I do not disagree in principle with what Deputy Costello said about ensuring we engage the people, a matter to which Senator Cummins also referred. While the timeline is short, I am anxious to ensure we get the system up and running. In the European Union there is a propensity to talk about initiatives and to promise the sun, the moon and the stars; it takes a long time to bring everything to fruition. Would it not be great if we were able to say that by the end of this year the mechanism for the citizens' initiative would be agreed and in place in order that we could begin the process in 2011? The points made by Gay Mitchell in that regard are absolutely correct. I am anxious to see this initiative operational. Gay Mitchell pointed to suicide as the subject of one possible citizens' initiative. I would like to hear from members whether there are other topical issues which could be used as examples of potential citizens' initiatives. Who are we to second-guess what people may choose to bring forward? However, I would be interested to hear members' views.

I wish to hear from Proinsias De Rossa a little more about the declaration of interest to be made by those who register a citizens' initiative. How does he think it should operate because it is an important element?

I thank the Chairman and welcome the MEPs present. It is great to see them here. I hope this will be a more regular occurrence, as dialogue between national parliamentarians and MEPs is helpful.

I welcome the opportunity to speak about the EU citizens' initiative because it was highlighted during the Lisbon treaty referendum campaign as a very positive development. The Lisbon treaty contains many provisions that make the concept of European citizenship more meaningful. It is important, therefore, that we are seen to act on them quickly. The citizens' initiative will take time to introduce, but it will engage people and make them realise that while there is a democratic deficit, of which I have been critical for a long time, it is possible for citizens to influence the decisions and legislation emerging from the European Union and that we are putting in a place a mechanism for doing so. Even though it is important that we do this quickly, it is also important that we think it through properly because it is quite ambitious. We are talking about a transnational democracy, 27 member states — a number which will possibly grow — with different electoral systems and political cultures and so on.

I attended the meeting last night in European Union House addressed by Proinsias De Rossa, MEP, Professor Brigid Laffan and so on. It was very interesting. Professor Laffan spoke about unintended consequences. That is always a difficulty with anything new and innovative that is being launched. I have no doubt that in regard to the citizens' initiative, there will be unintended consequences. For that reason it probably would be a good idea, within the time constraints, to set up a task force consisting of parliamentarians but also civil servants and representatives of civil society, particularly those involved in social networking. The points being made about the collection of signatures and so on and on-line communication in relation to the initiative are important. We must consider the most practical way of organising signatures in support of a particular initiative. We should have representatives and persons who understand how the social networking media work brainstorming and stress-testing the concept to assess what might and might not work and identify potential pitfalls in what is being proposed. I recommend that such a task force be set up rather quickly.

The Commission's Green Paper poses many practical questions in regard to the citizens' initiative concerning the collection of signatures, the number of member states involved and so on. I accepted the idea that signatures should come from at least one quarter of the member states, but in the debate last night the point was made persuasively that if that was to be the case, given the number of member states, one could end up with what Professor Laffan called a geographical sub-system, under which a small number of member states from the north or south of the European Union could come together to bring forward an initiative that represented particularly the interests of that part of the Union. By increasing the required number of member states to one third, one could get around this issue because it is unlikely that an initiative would be brought forward that represented only the interests of a particular section of member states or citizens within them. Therefore, it would be worth looking at the idea of raising the threshold to one third of member states.

It is also important, even though there will be well over 1 million signatures in support of most citizens' initiatives, that there be a sponsoring organisation because there will be much liaison between the Commission and those sponsoring an initiative in trying to define terms and clarify various issues. If that is the case, the issues to which Proinsias De Rossa referred such as making a declaration of interests and so on could be easily established and, perhaps, form the agenda of the organisation spearheading the campaign. I recommend that this be part of the way the process will works.

In the debate last night there was talk about admissibility which people at this meeting have referred to as registration. It is important that early in the process there be an opportunity for those who want to get involved in a citizens' initiative to put a wording together and submit it to a body which would determine whether it was acceptable. There is a danger, once this process is launched, that people will believe they can submit citizens' initiatives on any issue. Obviously, there will be clear limits. It has been pointed out that initiatives must be in keeping with the objectives set out in the treaty. The early determination of this is important to ensure people will not go to the trouble of organising campaigns and collecting signatures only to be told at the end of that process that their petition is inadmissible.

National authorities will have an important role to play. The verification of signatures is probably the most important work they will do. If there is no agreement in advance on the part of national governments that they are prepared to take on this role and that there will be funding to meet the practical resource implications, the initiative will not work as intended. As I mentioned, there is a need to look at the electronic collection of signatures. It will be a missed opportunity if we do not factor this in in the way the process will work.

Reference has been made to 16 year olds and whether those below voting age across member states can participate. I certainly would be in favour of this, as we have a problem in engaging young people. We are not talking about giving them the right to vote, but we are extending to them an opportunity to influence the legislation which emerges from the institutions of the European Union. It would be a good way of engaging young people who are very active through the social media and so on with the European Union and politics in general. This issue should be looked at.

The question of the involvement of the Diaspora is pertinent. What is to be done about Irish people living in another member state or Polish people living in Ireland and so on who want to be part of a citizens' initiative? We have to look carefully at this issue. In general, I welcome the citizens' initiative. The more we can raise the level of public awareness of the process in the coming months in advance of the submission date the better because we want people to start availing of the initiative process as soon as it is agreed. December 2010 is the proposed date of adoption of the regulation.

I am glad to see four of our MEPs present. It is welcome that we are meeting on a Friday. When the newspapers publish the number of Dáil sitting days, this sitting will not be included but I would not underestimate the difficulties faced by any Deputy coming here on a Friday. While it is welcome it is difficult. I have missed a constituency function because of it. I would not over-estimate the interest of the media either. Some members are here, and we are appreciate of that, but many are not present.

I want to raise a number of issues. On the wording of the initiative, I am in favour of what the Commission describes as restrictive and burdensome. A draft legal measure would be useful because people would know exactly for what they were signing on. In terms of the requirement for 1 million signatures, which will in itself require a certain amount of administration and work, a requirement to have a draft legal measure will not be too much extra work for them but would be useful. However, there is scope for some abuse of the process by commercial interests, and that must be avoided at all costs. There is evidence, particularly in the area of vaccines, that private companies will use the media to whip up support for particular vaccines, which may be good in themselves but I would not want the citizens' initiative used to push the interests of profit. It should be a citizens' initiative coming from the citizens rather than from companies.

I notice that in the Green Paper the Commission appears to leave open the possibility that any national or legal person would be able to sign the petition to make up the numbers. At that level of supporting an initiative I would not be in favour of what it calls "legal persons". The Lisbon treaty describes them as "people", and perhaps that answers that particular question.

On the minimum number of members states, I would support two member states. I am aware that is not possible under the wording of the treaty because it describes a significant number of member states. However, on the issue of inter-state trade, which traditionally was one of the main focuses of trade between member states, two states would be enough but that is not possible. I have listened to the arguments and I have not made a decision on it. There is a suggestion that it would be 0.2% of member states. That is a good proposal, and there would be no difficulty with that. In the era of Facebook, YouTube and Twitter it could not be difficult to gather all those signatures, certainly not as difficult as it was in the past. That on-line aspect will have to be seriously taken into account.

I mentioned commercial interests but transparency and funding comes into that. That is key, and we cannot have any abuse of that. It must be something for the citizens. That was the requirement in the Lisbon treaty that would bring the citizens into the democratic process. It is inevitable that political parties will become involved in this, and it might be welcome if they do at a European level in terms of the Socialist Party, the European People's Party or the Liberal Democrats of which we are a part. It might be in the interests of European politics if they come together but it is important that it remains a citizens' initiative. The issue of transparency and funding arises. However, funding will be required to launch one of these and that must be recognised also.

I apologise for my absence for a period. I am trying to contact the Canadian Embassy in Dublin regarding a young lady stranded in New York who is trying to get a medical certificate to get into Nova Scotia. I wonder why some countries have embassies because I have tried every method to get through to them and they are most discourteous. I will continue to work on that. It is incredible that one must get a medical certificate to work in a hospital in Nova Scotia yet the website states that no visa is necessary to go to Canada. This young lady is back in New York now and I am doing everything I can to get her into Nova Scotia. I find it extraordinary that Canada has an embassy here, with an ambassador and staff, yet it is inaccessible to a Member of the Oireachtas. I hope they hear about this issue.

Mr. Gay Mitchell, MEP

That is a citizens' initiative if ever I heard one.

Can we return to the issue of the citizens' initiative now?

That will explain my absence, although I was listening to the debate.

We noted the Senator's absence.

I, too, have had difficulties with the Canadian Embassy on occasions but lest they all be tarred with the one brush it must be said that other countries' embassies are very accessible to Oireachtas Members.

That is an issue we might take up at a later stage. It is a valid point but I want to continue with the discussion on the initiative.

I will be specific. I have dealt with all the embassies here but I have never dealt with an embassy that is more difficult to deal with than the Canadian Embassy. Every ambassador has responded extremely well to Oireachtas Members, and particularly to members of this committee, which is a member of the Council of Europe.

Can we move on to the citizens' initiative?

I thank Deputy Byrne for the clarification.

I thank Gay Mitchell, MEP, Alan Kelly, MEP, Nessa Childers, MEP, and Proinsias De Rossa, MEP, for attending today to discuss the so-called citizens' initiative. I do not believe there is a citizens' initiative; it is a joke. It is impossible for an ordinary citizen to get 1 million signatures on a petition to the Commission. Deputy O'Rourke made that point to the Minister of State, Deputy Roche. She was unable to attend today but asked me to apologise for her absence. A neighbour of hers died and she had to go to the funeral but she intended to be here because she has a strong view on the issue.

Looking at the rules, this will suit the political system. I am on the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe, ALDE, group in the Council of Europe and it would be easy to organise that through that group, the other socialist groups or the other groups in each member country. It would be very workable for the labour movement in any country to arrange a citizens' initiative through the Council but it would be very difficult for an ordinary citizen to go about collecting 1 million signatures whether by electronic means or otherwise, and one must consider linguistic difficulties and the need to have the wording interpreted and to distribute it to seven or nine other countries.

I accept numbers are a matter of decision but I am trying to make this as simple as possible. One million signatures are too many for an individual petition by an individual in the European Union who is not linked to the union movement, the farming movement or to the political system. One would need to be a member of some organisation — the ICA or whatever — but for the ordinary individual who wants to bring something forward it is practically impossible. If the numbers requirement decreased, depending on the system, and if an individual was working on it on their own, that would be 20,000 signatures throughout the European Union or something like that. I merely make that point, whether for better or for worse. I examined this at the time it was going through and I thought it was impractical, nor did it create many votes to pass the Lisbon treaty.

I support the ideas put forward by Senator de Búrca in the amendments, which appear to be logical. It is up to the executive to consider how they can include those. She has to attend a meeting elsewhere and cannot be here.

I commend Proinsias De Rossa on bringing forward a comprehensive document. He has gone into the issue in great detail. I do not know anything about the submissions made by other MEPs. I did not make a submission; it is difficult to get around to doing all these things in the course of one's work. It is a workable document but I would like to see it being amended or summarised. Deputy Byrne made a good point when he said it would be easier for an individual to get a petition for, say, Britain and Ireland or Scotland, Ireland and Wales than France, Lithuania or Poland to bring forward an individual point of view. The document is workable for nine countries and for organisations but it is not workable for the individual.

On a point of clarification, the minimum number set down in the Lisbon treaty is 1 million people. That is not negotiable. To make a contextual point, like many members here I am on Facebook. A group was set up last week seeking 100,000 Irish people to pledge aid to Haiti, and it has already nearly reached that number with an on-line campaign in Ireland alone. It is very easily done on-line, which is why we are stressing that it is important that we manage to do this on-line. There are 500 million people in nine countries across the European Union. One million is a drop in the ocean. There is the availability of translation.

Even language can pose a difficulty in member states.

A number of people got back to Senator Leyden when he produced his minority report.

The Deputy will be aware of the reaction of the Romas, of whom there are 10 million in Europe.

Was the Senator mindful of the Romas when he referred to the language issue?

There is the issue of whether we opt for on-line petitions.

Prior to calling the MEPs to respond, I will make a few useful points which occurred to me during the discussion. I am not certain of the benefit of the use of a trigger mechanism, to which a number of the speakers on both sides referred. What would trigger and authenticate the value of and necessity for a petition? How should it be vetted to give it credibility and eliminate vexatious petitions, thereby contributing to the integrity of the system? The MEPs might comment on that issue.

Use of the voters' register was an interesting suggestion made by speakers on both sides. A PPS number is a means of easy identification for electronic purposes. As Mr. Proinsias De Rossa will know, from having served in the same Department as I served, members of the public are sensitive about access to their records, electronically through their PPS number, without their prior knowledge. It is a tricky issue from the point of view of freedom of information and data protection.

It should also be borne in mind that, say, 20,000 people with PPS numbers could have been living outside of the State in the United States, Canada or further afield for the past five to ten years and that our emigrants might not be resident in a member state. A citizen's address does not reflect his or her location, as we are all aware from dealing with issues on a daily basis.

It is important that proposals such as five-year plans are subject to review within a specified period. Following the first or second such initiative, it should be subject to review to ascertain the degree to which it had functioned in the fashion it was intended to function.

I invite Mr. Gay Mitchell, Mr. Proinsias De Rossa, Ms Nessa Childers and Mr. Alan Kelly, to respond and ageism need not be a feature of who chooses to respond.

Mr. Gay Mitchell, MEP

Having left for Strasbourg last Sunday and returned last night, I gently point out that this is also my constituency day, as is tomorrow, and then I leave again. However, I am happy to be here and it is useful to have these exchanges, but we cannot have them when we are also meant to be in Brussels or Strasbourg. We will have such exchanges from time to time but there must be some realism as to the time available for them.

Deputy Creighton raised the issue of oversight by the Oireachtas and that perhaps it would be better done by a Department. There is no reason it could not be done by a Department on behalf of the Oireachtas. The Oireachtas needs to start taking itself a little more seriously and it should not fall out with the media. TDs and Senators are important people not because they are TDs and Senators but because they got a mandate from the people for the job they have to do. We should not diminish the work of the Oireachtas any further and it is time we started to enhance its work.

This brings me to the question of how to do that. Members of this committee and all of us here are citizens. Deputy Creighton asked about what subjects would be covered under this initiative. It would be best to start with a subject that is not particularly controversial or self-centred. We should not, for example, seek a petition that island states get a particular service. It would be preferable to start with the issue of suicide prevention, which is one of major concern, or the millennium development goals, about the meeting of which there are serious problems and these will be imposed on European citizens if we do not deal with the issue within a generation. Climate change is another such issue. This committee could decide there is room for an initiative on such an issue and seek to establish what the broader body of citizens believe should be the content of such an initiative. The committee could stimulate the initiative in that way, but that is not the exclusive way in which it can be done in that citizens can put forward an initiative.

Democracy is not about the majority of people deciding matters every day. If that was the case, one would focus on the view of the majority today or tomorrow. Furthermore, members of the majority would change. A majority view would be held for half a day in that people might have a positive view about an issue and in the afternoon the members of the majority might change, as a result of people having heard Joe Duffy's radio show. Democracy is not about that. Minorities have rights as well, which is the reason we have courts and the Oireachtas. In introducing this initiative, we must be careful to ensure that there is not an "everything goes" approach to it whereby anybody who wants to start an initiative should be able to do so.

The term "unexpected consequences" used last night needs to be borne in mind. Senator Cummins asked if this was a sticking plaster initiative. There is some cynicism about it. It is right to question it and put it to the test. We are too much inclined to think along the lines of "everything goes". I have heard some people ask, although it was not asked here today, why people should have to go to polling stations to vote and why they cannot vote by text. They should be made to go to the polling station to vote. If they want to exercise the right to vote, which is an important right, they should have to go out of their way to exercise that right. This initiative is not one that should be flimsily made available to all and sundry who happen to have a view on an issue at a particular moment. Members should bear in mind that the majority of people in Germany and Austria voted for the Third Reich by way of referendum, which is the reason a referendum, as opposed to consultation, is not permitted in Germany for federal purposes, although it is at local level. Until 1944, they still thought it was a great idea because the majority were being taken care of, but nobody was concerned about the minorities. Some sense must prevail about what democracy means in our consideration of initiatives such as this one.

On the question of the unintended consequences of this initiative, far from what Senator Leyden said about it being difficult to get a million signatories, a coalition of Youth Defence or UKIP, the Communist left and the Dublin confederation of mothers of seven could easily get together, establish an organisation on the web and call itself Coir today or another name tomorrow. Such an organisation, comprising 0.2% of the population across the Union, could be easily established and it could then say what scoundrels there are in the European Union for ignoring the wishes of the people. People might be of the view that this facility would enable the putting forward of an initiative in support of same sex marriages across the Union, but an initiative might be put forward against such a proposal, which might well get 1 million or more votes. Therefore, some rules need to be put in place about this initiative. The approach to it should not be one of anything goes or the rule that the majority will prevail. There are democratic rules because majorities and minorities have rights and we need to reflect on and be concerned to ensure that those rights are acknowledged and protected.

Central to this is the question of registration and oversight. It would be a good idea to prompt some initiative in this respect, although one might say it would not be an initiative if it were prompted. However, it would be an initiative if one said there are broad issues to be addressed and what initiatives should be taken in respect of them. We should have consultative procedures in 2011 or 2012 and then reflect on how the legislation works. The legislation might contain a sunset clause or a mid-term review that this Parliament should review the legislation in consultation with other national parliaments to establish what aspects of it work and what aspects of it do not work. We need to be careful about it.

Returning to what Senator Cummins said, we need to be careful about this initiative because we all tend to run in one direction. There is a great herd instinct and a political correctness about matters such that on any given day one can only say whatever the majority would say about an issue. There needs to be some reflection on this initiative. It is a good one but it is not a question of anything goes in this respect. Some rules need to be put in place that would not restrict the initiative and would not leave it open to abuse. They cannot get sufficient votes perhaps to get themselves into Parliament or in some cases have small numbers in Parliament but they, through rabble rousing or whatever, can reach the 1 million across Europe, with some people perhaps signing petitions without really understanding the full consequences of what they are doing. They can then whip this into frenzy and, as we hear every day in the Parliament from the extremes of the left and the right, say the people are being ignored. People are not being ignored. This is a good initiative for the people, but let us get it right and put some type of sunset or review clause in it to ensure there are no abuses. With regard to the issues Senator Cummins mentioned, it must not just be a sop to the people either. It must be real and there must be oversight and involvement.

Mr. Proinsias De Rossa, MEP

Inevitably among elected representatives there is fear of being sidelined or outflanked. That does not apply in this case. We are discussing a citizens' initiative requesting the Commission to introduce legislation, not a policy. The decision on whether it is brought forward in the first instance is the Commission's; it has the sole right of initiative. It cannot be brought forward unless it is brought forward by the Commission. The Parliament and the Council can request legislation and now, under this initiative, 1 million citizens can request it too. However, the Commission decides if it will be brought forward. Then, the Parliament and the Council decide whether, and in what shape, it gets through the Parliament or Council. In the past five years the Parliament has vetoed three Commission proposals.

This is not the beginning of the end of European democracy; it is the beginning of citizens' organised intervention. There is nothing to preclude a citizen writing to the Commission, an MEP, the Minister or Council asking for legislation on X, Y and Z. It is not that any rights are being excluded here but that rights are being extended to enable people to feel they have a role at European level. We are talking about European legislation which, if passed, will trickle down to national level.

This is the opening consultation on this process and the Green Paper. It is not the consultation process on the regulation. The regulation will come before this committee when the Commission launches it. MEPs will also examine it and when the committee is considering the matter we can come back to discuss the concrete proposal the Commission puts forward and how we can influence it.

On the issue Deputy Creighton raised, I do not believe the suicide issue would be valid for an initiative of this nature.

Mr. Gay Mitchell, MEP

Yes, it would.

Mr. Proinsias De Rossa, MEP

I do not see how the issue of suicide can be a legislative matter for the Commission. Health, which is largely the area that relates to suicide, is exclusively a matter for the member states. The Commission can complement what the member states do in the health area but it cannot make legislation in that area. I am not a lawyer but that is my view.

The best way of finding examples is to examine what is already on the Statute Book at European level and consider whether areas of that legislation can be improved or amended. In the recent hearing with the environment Commissioner-designate, Ms Nessa Childers MEP raised the amendment of the environmental impact assessment legislation, which is grossly inadequate in terms of how it is implemented by the member states. That could conceivably generate a petition or initiative by citizens. There are many other examples. It should also be borne in mind that the Lisbon treaty provides new legal bases for a range of new areas which may well give rise to such initiatives. Climate change might be one such area.

With regard to the declaration of interests, the question is whether corporate interests would use this initiative to promote particular changes in legislation. It is not that they should be precluded but people need to know what they are signing and who promotes it. The Commission currently has a register for the declaration of interests of, for example, lobbyists and MEPs. All of us must make an annual declaration of interests. Something similar could be provided for in this process.

The same sex marriage issue could not be a matter for an initiative. Again, the European Union has no role under the treaties — the matter must be within the treaties — either for or against same sex marriages. It is entirely a matter for the member states. The same would apply to abortion. Nobody could propose that it either should or should not be European wide. It is a matter for the member states. The issue must be consistent with the treaties and the Commission must have the competence to bring forward legislation in the area.

The idea of a registration process based at national level would not work, whether it be by a national ombudsman or national European committee. We are talking about a multinational and transnational process. A common standard would have to be applied to the assessment. The criteria would have to be the same in all member states for a common judgment to be made. The European Ombudsman's office is a central location which could provide for the same criteria to apply to all of the issues that would arise with regard to any initiative.

I do not foresee a dearth of initiatives. I can think of half a dozen the trade union movement could generate across Europe. The European Trade Union Confederation has a membership of approximately 60 million and it would be a relatively easy matter for it to organise a petition. The minimum number is a million. An initiative with 10 million signatures from 27 member states would be far stronger. There is nothing to stop such an initiative being launched as well, and the Commission would be less likely to ignore such a demand. However, this is where the politics come into it. Inevitably, once the Commission says it thinks the initiative is something it can do, it must make a judgment on whether it is something the Council and the Parliament will accept. There are many things the Parliament demands to be done which the Commission says it cannot do because the Council will not agree to it, so there is no point in the Commission wasting its time bringing it forward. A range of political considerations apply in this area.

This has been a very worthwhile discussion, and I look forward to the second phase when the regulation is brought forward.

Ms Nessa Childers, MEP

What is interesting about this discussion is that once more we face the question of how difficult democracy is. As Gay Mitchell said, it can lead us down roads where groups of which we may not approve gain a certain audience with the citizens' initiative. In the end, however, it comes down to us in the European Parliament to decide whether to vote the measure through. There is no way we can control everything in a democracy. We are in such unknown territory that it will probably be only in five years' time that we will be able to see how this citizens' initiative will have worked.

As regards the kind of things that could come under the initiative, I thought of environmental impact assessments because they have affected nearly every EU country and their elected representatives. They involve conflicts between private interests, civil servants, elected representatives and citizens, all of whom have had trouble with them. The initiative may be a way of addressing these matters. Other examples might include directives on discrimination and equality. I can see a situation where we could have many nations and citizens interested in these issues. The idea that it has to be in the wider common European interest is very important to this country. In terms of consciousness raising, an expression from the 1960s, in this country we may not feel we are Europeans, but the citizens' initiative will concentrate minds. Although there is a risk that it may be abused, it is outweighed by the European Parliament's fail safe mechanisms.

Mr. Alan Kelly, MEP

Senator Leyden brought me back to my sparring days in the Seanad when he tried to be controversial, as usual. As Deputy Creighton said, the criterion is 1 million signatures. I am sure that during the Lisbon treaty debate the Senator did not express the views he has expressed here in criticising the initiative. I would be surprised if he did.

I promoted it. I also practised it, but that is neither here nor there.

Come back to the initiative, please.

Mr. Alan Kelly, MEP

I do not wish to be ageist, but for the modern generation getting 1 million signatures is achievable in a short space of time. Over 500,000 signed up to various fora following Thierry Henry's famous hand ball. That is how the medium can work. Given the right issue and if the required criteria are met, it is certainly achievable.

People are concerned about extremists and the manner in which this measure could be utilised. As the famous saying goes, there are unknown unknowns about how it will work out. However, the European Union has enough checks and balances in place to ensure the unknowns are weeded out early.

We have spoken about the registration process, but I do not believe anything is absolutely perfect initially. In fact, I do not believe anything is perfect because this is impossible. We have been trying to sort out the electoral registers for the guts of 90 years and by the looks of it we are getting worse at it. However, we do not need to overstate that issue. People are right, therefore, to be cynical about this. In that context, the review suggested by the Chairman is a good idea. However, that is a matter to be considered in the Green Paper stage, while the regulation is for another time, as Proinsias De Rossa said. Nessa Childers outlined issues that could be covered by the initiative.

On how the registration of interests will work, it will have to be done over a period and continuously updated. As people can jump on board for various issues, it must be signed off on at the end. If the citizens' initiative kicks off and goes well, there will also be the issue of prioritising initiatives and how they will be analysed by the Commission. Will this be done by timeline or the volume of signatures achieved?

It is a citizens' initiative, but we all live in the real world; as such the citizens involved will all belong to and be led by groups. That is the way it will be. The trade union movement is one example. Through that mechanism, they will be able to process initiatives.

Mr. Gay Mitchell, MEP

I was not suggesting there could be a referendum on same sex marriages. I did say, however, that one could see extremists coming up with issues that would be permitted and then crying foul when they did not get their way. I suggested there could be referenda on three issues: climate change, the millennium development goals which are covered by legislation and suicide. There could be initiatives in the areas of health, culture and education. For example, before we ever had a treaty basis for environmental legislation we had EU legislation which had been unanimously agreed at Council level. In that case one would be pushing an open door. It would not be the same as a proposition that was self-centred, member state-oriented or crazy. However, it might be one that might be achievable. I accept what Proinsias De Rossa said, that there must be a basis for the iniatiative in legislation, but certainly not in the areas of divorce and same sex marriages, for which I do not see any basis.

Proinsias De Rossa, MEP

I have two brief points to make. To clarify the point on the declaration, I am talking about a declaration made by the organisers, not those who sign it because clearly that would not be feasible. Once we have the mechanisms in place in Ireland for the European citizens' initiative, there is no reason it cannot be extended to an Irish citizens' initiative. The same mechanism could be used in order that citizens could appeal to the Oireachtas to introduce certain legislation that they felt was necessary. That perhaps is a debate for another day, but it would certainly be welcomed.

We could not end the discussion without Senator Leyden having another word.

No. Surely any initiative would have to come within the competence of the Lisbon treaty and all other EU treaties. As Gay Mitchell has said, one cannot have an initiative on a particular issue on which there is a protocol such as abortion among others.

Proinsias De Rossa, MEP

It will induce us to sort it out.

Fair enough, but if we have protocols in place, no initiative can be taken to undermine them. That is the point I am making.

There would be nothing to prevent people from collecting signatures——

Mr. Alan Kelly, MEP

They would have to satisfy the criteria laid down.

——putting the issue to the European Commission and saying, "The EU is refusing to allow us..." Is that not the point?

I thank members for their patience and consideration, as well as for their submissions. A number of valid issues have been raised about the initiative. First, Deputy O'Rourke asked whether an individual citizen would be able to have as effective an impact as an organised group in society. That is a valid point. The other issue concerns initiatives in member states, but I see nothing wrong with this. However, it will always need to be balanced to ensure it will not bypass the democratic systems in place. We must keep in mind the possibility that a government will superimpose itself in terms of access within a member state or the European Union generally. Various issues have been raised in the public arena for years but do not seem to have received the same degree of attention as others for one reason or another. It is not because there has been a deliberate attempt on anybody's part to obstruct them. For example, Gay Mitchell mentioned suicide, a major issue both in this country and elsewhere. There are also other social issues that could benefit from an airing through the use of this method.

Something which has intrigued me for years and about which I have raised countless parliamentary questions is the incidence of certain special needs — for instance, autism. It is a huge issue for the parents and there is much concern about it. We are always inquiring about its origins, the incidence of it, how it compares with other member states, why it is higher in some member states than in others, what are the contributory factors and the degree to which evidence is available and has been put together by the member states and which could be hugely beneficial to the individual, depending on how he or she is affected and how he or she uses the initiative. There are instances where society here can benefit tremendously from the introduction of this initiative, provided it is not abused.

I thank the MEPs for being here and wish them well in their endeavours in the European arena and in the Irish one. We look forward to our next meeting with them.

The joint committee went into private session at 1.02 p.m. and resumed in public session at 1.12 p.m.

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