I beg to move: —
That, in the opinion of the Seanad, proposals for legislation should be introduced by the Executive Council for the purpose of making part of the surplus from sweepstakes promoted under the Public Charitable Hospitals Acts, 1930 and 1931 available for the clearance of insanitary areas and the housing of the working classes.
I want it to be clearly understood that I have no desire to covet the funds due to the voluntary hospitals through the sweepstakes. I want also to make it clear that in my opinion it is the duty of the State to provide healthy homes for the people. While believing that, I realise that the slum problem in this country has grown to such alarming proportions that it is almost beyond the power of the State to deal with it. The slum problem is not a problem of yesterday; it is a problem that goes back very many years. No real, genuine attempt has ever been made to grapple with the real slum problem, particularly in this City. Attempts have been made in a small way.
After years of experience and consideration of the slum problem, I am thoroughly convinced that there is no possible hope of ever adequately dealing with it by means of borrowed money. Borrowed money makes the rent so high that no regular slum dweller can possibly hope to pay it. I will give the Seanad an instance of how this thing operates. The Dublin Corporation have built a considerable number of houses, the rents of which range from 14/- to 17/- a week. In order to get one of these houses there must be at least six persons in the family.
The average wage of a Dublin worker is in the neighbourhood of 50/- a week. Take 15/- from that and you have left less than 6/- per head for each member of the family to provide all the necessaries of life. The occupier cannot possibly pay the rent and feed the family properly; the family cannot be supported. At least 10/- off the weekly rent goes to pay interest on borrowed money. So long as we have to build houses on borrowed money there is no possible hope — and I am sure this is obvious to everybody here — of dealing with the slum problem.
Recently we passed a Bill dealing with housing and the clearance of insanitary areas. That Bill has many admirable features. The section empowering the local authority to clear insanitary areas is a very valuable one. Its value, however, is entirely lost because of the important essential, finance. A Senator who spoke here yesterday in regard to housing told us that the local authorities in his area would not increase the rates sufficiently to meet the requirements of the housing problem in that area. I think the Senator was indicating the views of most councils in the country. They say they cannot afford to increase the rates.
The financial position of the world is in such a chaotic condition that in order to borrow money one has to pay a very enhanced rate of interest, 7 per cent. or so. I think in those circumstances it is obvious that we cannot make any decent impression on the slum problem through borrowed money.
I see an excellent opportunity of getting money free of interest to help to solve the problem. Some people may cavil at sweepstakes and regard them as a form of gambling and as immoral. Is it not more immoral to have the evil that exists in the City of Dublin — thousands of families living in single rooms and thousands of families compelled to live in cellars? There are many hundreds of families compelled to live in insanitary areas that have been condemned by the sanitary authorities. The people have to be allowed to remain in insanitary hovels because there is no alternative accommodation.
People may say there is no connection between housing and hospitals. I say there are no two things more closely allied than housing and hospitals. Where do the bulk of the cases come from that keep our hospitals overcrowded? They come from the slums. Remove the people from the slums, bring them into healthy surroundings and you automatically lighten the burden of the hospitals. Some of the people attached to the hospitals say they require £12,000,000 to stabilise the hospitals or make them solvent. Apparently many of these people believe that their industry — if you can call curing the sick an industry — should be allowed to go on thriving on sweepstakes. By the means that I propose I believe that we can secure prevention, and prevention is better than cure.
This City has a greater sick population than any other City in Europe. The hospitals do not cover the whole position. Many thousands of pounds are spent annually on the treatment of phthisis. This would be comic if there were not so much tragedy behind it. We take these unfortunate people from their insanitary hovels and we put them out into the sunshine and the air and possibly put them in the way of being cured. Immediately that is done they have to go back to live again in their cellars. All the efforts and all the money are wasted. We have no healthy homes in which to put the people.
I do not see that there can be any real objection to this proposal. How is it going to be carried out? We dealt with a Bill this year to provide that one-third of the total money available should be allocated to poor law institutions. Is not that deviating from the original intention of the sweepstakes? By that deviation the poor law hospitals will receive from the sweep which has just terminated, £250,000. It is reasonable to suppose that after the next sweep they will have secured £500,000. That ought to be sufficient for their purposes and I think then the money ought certainly be devoted as a first instalment to the elimination of one of the greatest evils that have ever affected this City.
Those of us who deal with sickness through the National Health Insurance Societies know very well the conditions of huge numbers of sick people who are drawing sickness benefit. We know very well that if their homes were anything like what they ought to be they would be cured, or at least would get rid of their illness in half the time that it takes now. If I desired to do so I could elaborate on the problem of the slums, on their effects on citizenship, on unemployment, on the conduct of people and on the health of the people principally. I do not think it is necessary to do so at this stage. In the motion, mention is made of the Executive bringing in a Bill. I recognise the difficulty of the Executive in this matter, but I do not care who does it so long as it is done and done quickly. I think the Executive ought to provide facilities to crystallise this motion into legislation. Let us get on with the destruction of the slums right away. Bills passed recently in this House will fail because of want of finance. The local authorities will not put up the rates high enough, and they would want to go very high in this city to deal with the matter. The borrowing of money, because of the cost of it, will not relieve the problem. The rents charged would have to be prohibitive. I was going to say the heavenly opportunity of sweepstakes — some people might take exception to that — but at any rate we have here an opportunity which we should embrace to enable us to make an impression on the abolition of the slums in this country.