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Seanad Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 25 Mar 1936

Vol. 20 No. 32

Public Business. - Unemployment Assistance (Employment Periods) Order, 1936—Motion to Annul.

I move:

That the Unemployment Assistance (Employment Periods) Order, 1936, laid on the Table of the Seanad on the 4th March, 1936, pursuant to Section 7 (3) of the Unemployment Assistance Act, 1933, shall be and is hereby annulled.

This is an Order which fixes a period in accordance with that section of the Unemployment Assistance Act, and the effect of which is to rule out from the operations of the Act all those persons who occupy land of £4 valuation over. It will be remembered that in the Unemployment Assistance Act of 1933, it was explained by the Minister that the principle of the Act was that all able-bodied persons who are involuntarily unemployed, and who have either no means at all or insufficient means to maintain themselves and their dependants, should be given a statutory right to assistance. It was explained by the Minister that a certain number of people in the country were partially employed for wages who had pieces of land of their own, and consequently it was deemed that those people who had these holdings employed themselves on these holdings for certain periods of the year, and provisions were inserted in the Act, the effect of which is that the Minister may by regulations prescribe, either generally or in respect of any particular class or classes of persons, or any particular district or districts, any period to be an employment period; and, accordingly no person of such class, or resident in such district, shall, during such employment period, be regarded as unemployed within the meaning of the Act. It will be remembered that any person whose means were deemed to be £39 a year or over would be entirely disqualified from the operations of the Act, but persons within that category—that is to say, who had means of less than £39 a year — would, according to a scale, be entitled, if otherwise eligible, to assistance under the provisions of this Act.

Now, last year, the Minister made two Employment Period Orders. The first affected persons who held land, that is, occupiers of land, whose rateable value exceeded £4. The second Order included such persons and also other persons who were agricultural labourers, to speak shortly; and in the second Period Order both occupiers of land and agricultural labourers would be deemed to be employed during the period of the Order. Now the first Order—that is the Order which was applicable to occupiers of land whose rateable value exceeds £4—was identical in its terms with the Order that has now been issued and that we are discussing, but there was this difference: that last year the Order operated from the 17th day of April to the 21st day of May, a period of five weeks. There was then a gap of eight weeks, and the second Order operated from the 17th July to the 1st October, a period of 11 weeks. The class of persons, however, who are affected by the present Order— that is occupiers of land—were disqualified last year from any assistance under the Act for a total period of 16 weeks: but the present Order, as affecting occupiers of land, disqualifies all such persons for a period from the 4th March to the end of October— a period of 34 weeks. It is difficult for me, at any rate, to understand what has happened between 1935 and 1936 to add so much to the value of these holdings as to more than double their value as employment-giving and consequently money-earning property. It will be for the Minister to justify the extension from 16 weeks to 34 weeks in a period of 12 months.

In the course of his statements, in explaining the section in question, when the Act of 1933 was going through this House, the Minister stated the effect that he anticipated the provision would have. He pointed out, for instance, that, at certain times of the year, these small landholders must be regarded as being employed on their own land and, therefore, not unemployed and available for work if offered. I can quite see the case that was made, and I think it is justifiable that a man who has a few acres of land but is probably employed for wages will, at certain periods of the year, employ himself on that land and that, therefore, for the purposes of these insurance and assistance Acts, he should be deemed to be employed in the operations that that land requires. That is what was explained by the Minister when he said that, at certain times of the year, these small landholders could be regarded as being employed on their own land. Again he said that it was not always easy to determine when a person who holds land of a small acreage, and who supplements his earnings by earnings from road work, or some other class of work, is employed on the land or not. In order to get over that difficulty, he said, it was proposed to take power to make Orders providing that for certain periods of the year people of that class, or of other similar classes, would be regarded as being employed on their own holdings or on whatever holdings in which they might be engaged, and would not be entitled to unemployment assistance while these periods existed. That is merely another way of saying the same thing. Then, again, by way of supplementing that view of the intention of this section, the Minister said that the intention of this, in regard to small farmers who would ordinarily be occupied on spring or harvesting work, was that, during these periods, they would not be entitled to receive unemployment assistance.

Now, it was in pursuance of those assurances given to this House that the Orders were made last year as applying to spring and harvesting work, that is to say the period from April to May—five weeks—and from July to October, as covering spring and harvest. Now, however, without any explanation, we have this class of person disqualified from receiving unemployment assistance for eight months of the year. I think that that is not a fulfilment of the assurances given to this House when the Minister spoke of certain periods of the year— spring or harvest—and it seems to me to be a stretching of the Minister's authority and that it contravenes the general intention of himself at the time of the passing of the Act and the intention of the Oireachtas in accepting his propositions in regard to this provision. It remains to be asked: who does this affect—how many people does it affect? We read in yesterday's paper that, since the operation of this Order, from the beginning of March to the last report—a period of three weeks—there has been a fall of about 10,000 in the number of persons in receipt of unemployment assistance. That may or may not be attributable to the operation of this Order, but we have more positive evidence of the effect of last year's Order in the spring period. It was an Order that affected 6,613 persons; that is to say, the number of persons who were disallowed unemployment assistance owing to the operation of the first Employment Period Order totalled 6,613. Of course, the effect of this Order varies in its incidence according to the character of the country. In a county like Donegal, the exchanges in that county accounted for 547 persons who were disallowed unemployment assistance by virtue of the operations of this Order last year. In the Mayo area—Ballina Exchange and branch offices—11,086 persons were affected last year. Then you come down to areas like Dublin, Carlow, and so on, and you have about 70, 80 or 100 affected.

The complaint that I make in regard to this Order is, first, that it covers a longer period without discrimination; second, that it makes no discrimination in respect of the size or quality of the holding or the amount of employment that might reasonably be deemed to be required to be given on that holding. We have a range of valuations. Let us take the valuation in the area of Meath—that is to say, the small holdings in the County Meath of valuations of from £4 to £7. One might say then that a person in the County Meath with a holding of from £4 to £5 would be for a large part of his time occupied for wages outside his own holding, but that for part of the time he would be employed on his own holding. That would be the kind of person who would be occupying six or seven acres. I am not going to pose as an authority on this, but I would be very much surprised to learn that in connection with the kind of farming that has operated generally—leaving out intensive culture—it is fair to deem a man with six or seven acres as being occupied for eight months in the year on that holding. We go to the poor lands of the West and we take County Mayo, where the average valuation of that kind of landholder would be about 4/7 per acre. We might assume that the holdings that would be affected by the operation of this Order would be in the nature of 20 acres to 25 acres— poor land, in the main. Is there eight months' work on that kind of holding? Is there eight months' work for this small-holder, partially a farmer, partially a wage-earner—a half proletarian, as the Russians say—is there work for that man and his family in that period of the year? The Minister may not be aware, but a week or two ago we had discussions here on a matter dealing with education and the Minister for Education explained how important it was that the children of these small-holders would be employed during the spring and autumn on their fathers' holdings. It is necessary, therefore, to take into account the employment-giving capacity of these holdings, not merely for the man himself, but for his family. I think it will hardly be contended that there is eight months' work on this type of holding, irrespective of the part of the country or the quality of the land, and if it is not the case that such a holding would give eight months' work, the Minister has no justification for the deprivation of assistance for eight months, except from the point of view, which he made on the Second Reading of the Bill, of easy administration and financial saving.

I am not going to stress the suggestion, though I think it is not an unfair inference, that one of the factors that have affected the judgment of the Minister in making this 34-weeks' Period Order is the likelihood that considerable numbers of the people concerned may, if they wish, find employment in England. I wonder whether it is part of the contention that it is hoped and expected that the migrants from the West will continue to go in large numbers to England and therefore, during that period of employment across the water as they would not be unemployed they would not be eligible for assistance. I hope the Minister will disavow any such suggestion but, if that is disavowed, can he suggest that there is additional employment as compared with last year in this country, for this type of semi-farmer semi-labourer? I think there is no evidence whatever to warrant any such suggestion.

One effect of the operation of this Order is that during that middle period after the spring work is finished and before the harvest work has begun, the man continues to be disemployed but he is ineligible for employment at wage-earning occupations on public works. The effect of the Minister's policy in regard to employment on public works is that only those people who are on the register who are most eligible and most needy because they are longest on the register and with large families, are taken on public works. Many of these 6,000 or 7,000 men have large families and are greatly in need, but no matter how they need public work they would not be able to obtain it because of the Minister's ruling in respect of public works.

It is important to draw attention to the fact that from the time when the spring period begins at the 4th March until the end of October, let us say, the man in question has to find a living somehow. He has been intermittently employed during the winter, and when not employed was able to obtain a few shillings a week unemployment assistance. I might say that the average saving in respect of each of those disqualified last year was about 7/3 per week, per man. During the periods of employment and intermittent employment they would not be able to save very much, yet they are expected to live for a period of eight months out of what they are going to get from the work on the land in the intervening period. That is to say, by some means or other they have to find food and fuel, and they have to get shopkeepers to give them credit to enable them to live while the spring work is coming to fruition and a time when it can be turned into cash.

I think that, in view of the intentions of the Act and of the assurances that were given by the Minister as to the effect of this Employment Period Order, the intention of the Act and of the Minister at that time is being destroyed and made invalid by the Order that has been laid on the Table. The effect of the passing of this motion would, of course, mean that the Order would no longer operate. It would mean that the Minister would have to introduce a new Order, an Order which I think would be necessary, but which would not cover a period longer than that for which it operated last year, or he would have to select his areas instead of making a single Order, without discrimination, that would cover the highly-rated Counties of Dublin and Meath and the lowly-rated Counties of Kerry, Donegal, Mayo, etc. It seems to me that there has been no proper discrimination, discrimination which was quite necessary before making such an Order, and the Seanad ought to exercise its authority and power to annual this Order so as to oblige the Minister to make a new Order with more discrimination and more thought behind it, and which could be justified from the point of view of the employment-giving capacity of these small holdings of £4, £5 and £6 valuation.

I am pretty sure that if the Minister had told this House in explaining the effect of Section 7, sub-section (3) of the Act of 1933, that the intention was to disqualify from unemployment assistance every holder of land of £4 valuation for a period of eight months the year, the House would not have agreed to it and I think, therefore, the House ought now to say that that was never the intention of the Oireachtas, certainly never the intention of this House, and the Minister must conform to what were the intentions of the House and the assurances which he gave when the Act was being passed in 1933. I beg to move the motion.

I second. I think the Order which it seeks to annual is in conflict with the spirit of the Unemployment Assistance Act. The spirit underlying that Act was the relief of distress among classes such as those covered by the Order. If the Minister felt that it was necessary to make an Order of that kind, excluding these small and economic farmers so called, why did he select what are the hungriest months of the year, as far as the farmers are concerned? The months from May to August are the hardest months on any small farm. Last season's produce is running short and the coming season's produce is not yet available. None of these small farmers would have got unemployment assistance were it not for the fact that it was ascertained that their total annual income was such as not to be able to maintain life under normal, elementary and Christian conditions. The period of the year during which they might be able to make themselves available for employment is really the winter season, when there is no work to be done on their little farms and when they would be more available for employment than in the spring, summer and harvest.

These small farmers as a rule live beside each other. Everbody knows that you do not in the same county find very large and very small farms beside each other. Mayo, Kerry, Donegal and portions of Roscommon have hardly a big farm of say 50 or 100 acres within 100 miles of each other so that there are no large farmers to absorb the small farmers. The only employment, consequently, that they can get outside their own farms is on the roads or on public works and the amount of that employment is extremely limited, but the position is met by the fact that during the time they are so employed they get no unemployment assistance. Consequently, I see no reason or justification for the issue of an Order such as this. The farmer that we are dealing with now is the type that does his work in the main with spade and shovel. He has a very small patch of land or, if it is fairly large, it is a rocky type of soil and the work is done principally by the most primitive methods. As a rule, he cannot command the services of ploughs and horses so that he has to do his work by laborious methods over a considerable portion of the year. It is during the period covered by this Order that the compulsory School Attendance Act enables him to keep his children from school to help on the farm, and it is exceedingly hard luck that during that time the children will probably be short of the necessary food because of the operations of an Order like this. It is during that period that the most assistance is required. I know something of small farms and I know that the greatest want is felt in the summer months when the work is hardest.

Senator Johnson referred to the fact that in order to get over this hungry season, they would have to get credit from the local shopkeepers. Anybody who knows conditions in country towns to-day will know that there is really no credit for the small farmer now. There was a time when he could get credit but, be the causes what they may, he is not able to get that credit now to anything like the same extent as formerly. It is a case therefore of going without it. Thousands of these people previously were able to carry on, on their small patches of land, with the assistance of their children or other relations in America. Again, changed conditions have cut off that source of revenue and they have nowhere to look outside their small holdings beyond what they may get under the Act under which this Order has been made. The total amount involved surely cannot be very much. Senator Johnson stated here that the average last year was about 7/3 per week. Well, for the number of people involved it is hardly worth while making an order that is going, for a comparatively small saving, to impose an enormous amount of hardship on people who at the best are just eking out an existence.

Times are hard generally, but they are particularly hard on people of this type, cut away from the resources of emigration. They are mainly people with large families and their children could emigrate at one time. They have not been able to get employment within the country. It is impossible to get employment for the increasing population, and the only source of assistance available is what can be supplied under this Act during the hard times. Now, during the very hardest months of the year this Order says: "You must do without that assistance and wait until such time as your own crops are available and then we will be able to give you some assistance." It seems to be an absolute reversal of what should be the order. Any person who has a little bit of land can exist much better, during the months from October to March, than during the period from March to October because the season's crops are available after October. Food, at all events, if the man has been working at all, is fairly plentiful. That is the season during which they will be available for working on the roads or in any other public works that may be started. If they take work on the roads during the period covered by this Order then they do not till their land and they leave themselves for the winter period without any sustenance. I would suggest that the whole principle of the giving and the withholding of relief has been reversed in this Order. The theory that because they are actually working hard on their own land, they are getting something week by week by way of money or food from it, is, of course, an absurdity. They are working harder, it is true. They are fully employed, but they are getting nothing by way of income, and the period during which they might be getting something, is the period during which they must look for some assistance under the Unemployment Assistance Act.

I regret to find myself in opposition to Senator Johnson because I am not usually in that position. The only excuse I can give for my attitude to-day is that probably I am more closely associated with rural life than Senator Johnson or Senator O'Farrell. I must say that the general expression of opinion, as regards the new Order, in the country is that the Minister was extremely moderate. Many people thought that he would go much further and wipe out unemployment assistance altogether during the period from now until October. The Order, as it stands, is, as I say, extremely moderate, and I cannot see that anybody will be the sufferer by it. On the other hand, men like myself who are in public life, are harassed almost daily by the farmers of the country, who ask us when the unemployment assistance is going to be cut off. While it lasted they say they could not find men to work on their farms on any terms. They are very much harassed, and agricultural progress is considerably held up. The people in my own county are generally a very hard-working and industrious community. I am certain that there is work for every able-bodied man who is willing and anxious to work during the spring and summer months, but the trouble is that so long as some people can get a few shillings without working they will not seek work. One sees them going from place to place on their bicycles. Some people will tell you that they come in motorcars for this unemployment assistance.

The giving of doles in that way creates a very improvident state of mind. These people find that they are not compelled to fend for themselves, that there is somebody else to fend for them. I think it is very demoralising. You have a lot of young men growing up in the country, approaching maturity, and I think it is very demoralising that they should not have to face out to find their food and labour or that they should feel that there is somebody else who will do it for them. That may continue for a time, but anybody who finds himself capable of permanently accepting such a condition of life will never make a man in the world. I want to go further and say that if this question had been put to the country, if a referendum could have been taken on it, you would get 85 per cent. of the people to vote for abolishing unemployment assistance in rural areas, at least for nine months of the year. I quite appreciate, as Senator Johnson mentioned, that there are areas in the extreme West of Ireland, in Mayo and possibly in the western areas of Galway and most other western counties where there is chronic poverty. There are certain mountainous areas where agriculture is more or less impossible, and where the land is not suitable for tillage. Some unpleasantness may be caused in these areas by reason of this Order. If any provision could be made for those areas I say that the rest of the country could get on very well indeed during the spring and summer without this unemployment assistance. I know agricultural conditions as well as Senator O'Farrell and I think they are somewhat different from what he says. I think the only months of the year in which there is a real scarcity of food and work are December, January and February. Anybody who is willing and anxious to work will find that there is plenty of work during the other nine months of the year.

It seems to me that a great deal can be said for both sides of this question. I do not intend to enter into all the arguments put forward, but I agree with a good deal of what has been said by the proposer and seconder of the motion with regard to the farmer of £4 valuation. I do not look upon such persons as farmers in the sense that they can get a living for themselves and their families out of a farm of £4 valuation. It is well understood that they are not able to do anything of the kind, that they have to look to other employment to obtain sustenance. Generally speaking, the man with the £4 valuation has to look for work for the greatest portion of the year altogether outside his own farm. If such men are regarded as ordinary wage-earning labourers, there is no reason why in times of stress they should not receive unemployment assistance. As a matter of fact, the organisation to which I have given my adherence has declared that all these men are entitled to unemployment assistance in times of stress, or at any time that they cannot find sufficient employment to sustain themselves and their families. I cannot agree with the last speaker in his statement that farmers are praying that unemployment assistance might be withdrawn. As far as I am concerned, I know that they are doing nothing of the kind. They try as best they can to give employment themselves and to pay the best wages they can, but they certainly do not pray that unemployment assistance should not be given if they are not able to afford employment. I certainly dissociate myself altogether from that statement of the last speaker.

What I do say is that, outside this obligation of the State to provide maintenance for the unemployed, the Government have a further obligation. I suggest they have an obligation to do what they can to find work for the people and to help those engaged in industry to provide work. There is an obligation on them to keep the wheels of industry and of enterprise going, and I submit they have not done that. I think the whole question is one of whether the income or the wealth of the State is sufficient to provide employment for all of us that are in it. We have to face up to the fact that there are at the moment between 140,000 and 150,000 people unemployed. I think there is a far greater problem involved in that question than seems to strike some people to-day. I think we ought to do what we can to help to increase the income and the wealth of the State. I suggest that we have lost, wilfully lost, a great portion of the income of the State. I need only mention one item to illustrate the enormous weight of the problem. Since the year 1931, there has been a loss of something like £7,000,000 in the cattle industry. I am not taking into account sheep, pigs, or any other branch of farming.

I suggest to the mover and seconder of this motion, and especially to the Government, that they should face this problem honestly and see if we cannot provide a remedy for it. I suggest also to the mover and the seconder of the motion that they might try to compare the income of a farmer of £4 valuation, or even of £20 valuation, with the income of a sheltered trade union employee. Let them compare the income of such an employee with the income of the person who has no income at all. If the matter is looked at in that way, I think we shall all try to alleviate the unemployment and distress that are at present rampant in the country. Before I conclude, I want to say that I agree thoroughly that there should be no differentiation made between the agricultural labourer or the farmer with the £4 valuation, upon whom I also look as a labourer, and any other class. If they are unemployed in the summer months and if they cannot find suitable work, I suggest that they are as likely to be as hungry during the summer as in the winter, and the State is obliged to come to their assistance, as it should be obliged to assist all of us when we are in distress.

At the outset, I must say that I am astounded at the speech that has just been made by Senator Honan. According to Senator Honan we will soon be in the happy position that we will have to send away for the exiled Irish and bring them back to do some work here. Senator Honan said that work was available for every able-bodied man who was able and willing to work. That is an extraordinary statement to make, in view of the circumstances, that there are 140,000 registered in the labour exchanges looking for employment. There is something wrong somewhere. Either the labour exchanges are a fraud and a farce or the statement made by the Senator is not correct.

I referred to the rural areas.

I took down very carefully the words the Senator made use of. He said that work was available for every able-bodied man, able and willing to work.

I think the Senator meant the rural areas. He corrects the other statement now.

Then we will take the rural areas and the number of people registered in the labour exchanges in these areas. Then we will know whether the Senator's statement is correct or not. If Senator Honan's statement is correct there is something radically wrong somewhere, and we have been paying out in unemployment benefit, unemployment assistance and home help, a considerable amount of money that we should not have been expending. I do not believe Senator Honan's statement is correct. The statistics prove that it is not correct and I think it is unfair and unjust that he should have made such a statement here. If the Senator's statement has any truth, it means that people were given unemployment assistance and home help who were too lazy to work when there was work to be done. That is exactly what the statement means. I do not accept that statement. I do not agree that it is a fair statement of the case. I do not think it should have been made. I have not the same knowledge of conditions in rural Ireland as Senator Honan, but I have a fair knowledge of the position of farm labourers in all parts, and I would be astounded to learn that decent farm labourers, living in all parts of the country are too lazy to work, and are not anxious to get employment so as to keep themselves and their families in some kind of comfort and decency. We know that there are some people in all classes of life who are too lazy to work. They are not confined to rural labourers. We have drones in every class of the community. It is slandering decent men when the statement is made that agricultural labourers would not work if work was available for them. That is not my experience of these men. Senator Dillon who has as much knowledge of conditions in rural Ireland as Senator Honan, says that unemployment is rampant in the country. I am afraid the two statements cannot be reconciled, yet both Senators are from rural areas. Senator Dillon is a practical farmer. He knows conditions in rural Ireland and he says that unemployment is rampant there. If unemployment is rampant that is the case for this motion. If unemployment is rampant it is unfair of the Minister to bring in this Order making this exemption period for eight months of the year.

Let us consider what was meant when the Unemployment Assistance Act was introduced. Originally it was meant that the State should recognise that when men and women were unable to find employment it was the bounden duty of the State to come to their assistance and to enable them to sustain life. I welcomed the Act. I gloried in it because there was recognition of the fact that when men and women were willing to work, and through no fault of their own were unable to find it, the State recognised its duty and came to their assistance. Hence the Unemployment Assistance Act. It is true that the Minister got included in the Act provisions enabling him to make such an Order as he has made, but nobody ever dreamt that the Order would extend over a period of eight months continuously. I believe that it is unfair and unjust to do such a thing. The only employment available generally to small holders with £4 valuations is work on roads or work of that nature. There is not much employment on farms nowadays. Everyone knows that. Senator Dillon would agree with that statement. If small holders are willing to work as farm labourers there is very little work of that kind offering. Small holders are occupied for a few weeks in the spring putting in their crops. I am not conversant with rural conditions, but I laboured for many years amongst farm labourers, and I know that there are slack periods between the spring and the harvest during which many labourers are unemployed. After putting in their crops these small holders have nothing to do for a considerable period and have no way of earning a living. Still they suffer from a double hardship as I will explain to the House. If they apply at the labour exchanges for employment and if work offers, they do not get it, for this reason, that the exchanges when sending men to work on relief schemes or on road schemes send men who are drawing unemployment benefit or assistance. These men suffer another hardship after working on the roads. If they are lucky enough to get work for a few weeks or a few months on the roads they are compelled to pay contributions towards unemployment assistance, but by some extraordinary state of affairs when they leave, or are dismissed from that work, which is insurable employment, they are ineligible for unemployment benefit. That is an extraordinary statement to make, but it is true. Because they are small holders they are not entitled to unemployment benefit although they contribute towards it while employed. It will thus be seen that the lot of these unfortunate men is not a happy one. They are not organised like workers in ordinary trade unions; they are nobody's child.

I read a good deal in my time about what wonderful men the small holders were; that they were the backbone of Ireland. I often read of their struggles and their sufferings, but it is very sad, having arrived at this stage, to have it suggested that these men are not willing to work; that they are too lazy. I say that these men, who are the backbone of the country, are not too lazy to work in order to provide bread and butter for their wives and children. I think that statement is the greatest slander ever uttered against a decent, hard-working section of the community. We think the case can be made for the Minister's Order to operate as it did last year, but that no case can be made for the operation of the Order over a continuous period of eight months.

I think it desirable to make it quite clear that there is nothing arising out of this Order which could possibly call for the comments which have just been made by the last speaker, concerning either unemployment in the country or the position of agricultural labourers. Whether or not there is more or less employment for agricultural labourers they are not affected by this Order. In fact statistics that have been collected and published in the usual way show that there is increased employment in agriculture; that the number of persons employed in agriculture, whether as members of families working on their own land, or employed for wages, has increased in recent years, an increase which one would expect, having regard to the additional agricultural production, whatever about the value. All that I submit has very little to do with the Order, nor is it necessary, in a discussion on it, to misrepresent Senator Honan, by putting into his mouth words which he did not use, such as the words that the persons who were affected by this Order were too lazy to work. It appears to me that those advocating the motion for the repeal of the Order, in fact, have that in mind.

The justification for the Order is that these persons are or should be at work on their own lands, whereas the implication behind the motion asking that the Order should be repealed is, that even though these persons are or should be at work upon their land, they should nevertheless be given unemployment assistance. When the Unemployment Assistance Act was introduced it was designed to provide a measure of assistance for persons who were involuntarily unemployed. Certain remarks of Senator O'Farrell imply that he conceived the Unemployment Assistance Act as something different to that. The Unemployment Assistance Act is not intended to provide relief where relief is required. It is only intended to deal with the case of a person who is willing to work and who is genuinely seeking work, but, through no fault of his own, is unable to find work. If a person's destitution is due to ill-health, or to any other cause except unemployment, then the Unemployment Assistance Act is designed to bring relief in his case.

It is necessary, therefore, to keep clearly in mind that the essential condition for the receipt of unemployment assistance is that the person concerned is available for work, is genuinely seeking work and is unable to obtain it. If, for any reason, the applicant cannot show that he fulfils these conditions, then he is not entitled under the strict letter of the Unemployment Assistance Act to receive unemployment assistance. When the Act was being framed, one of the difficult points that had to be resolved was the question of persons who are employed on their own account, whether as small landholders or as persons owning small shops or practising certain trades, such as cobblers or thatchers or certain classes of fishermen. It was recognised that there would be considerable difficulty in dealing with these classes of persons under the unemployment assistance scheme. Nevertheless, it was decided to include them and to make these persons eligible to receive unemployment assistance if they fulfilled the statutory conditions set out in the Act.

It is noteworthy that the inclusion of small landholders was a novel feature of legislation dealing with unemployment. It was, however, recognised that such persons, in particular small landholders, would not be available for employment at certain periods of the year, but that it was going to be very difficult to prove that in any particular case, and therefore the Act made provision for the making of Orders declaring certain periods to be employment periods for the classes named in the Orders: that is, periods during which the members of these classes would not be entitled to receive unemployment assistance.

Senator Honan said that, in the part of the country he comes from, persons commented on the fact that in making this Order we were moderate, and the very quotation which Senator Johnson gave from the speech which I made when introducing the measure is an indication of our moderation. Even if we take the class of small farmers—the persons who are the owners of land and are, nevertheless, entitled to receive, and are receiving, unemployment assistance—the number of such persons affected by this Order is a small minority. All the small farmers whose valuations are less than £4—and there are quite a number of them—are not affected by this Order, even though they may be in precisely the same position as those who are affected by the Order. That is, at particular periods of the year they are employed, or should be employed, upon their own holdings and are not available for work elsewhere. We have taken this one class of farmers whose valuations exceed £4, and we have made an employment period in respect of them from March to October. The actual selection of the period was made after consultation with the representatives of the Department of Agriculture and of persons in a position to give advice as to the period of the year in respect of which these persons could reasonably be expected to be employed on their own holdings.

Now, let me deal first of all with the effect of this Order in respect of the number of persons who will be deprived of assistance under it and the position of such persons. A similar Order affecting the same class of persons was made last year for a period at this time of the year, and for a further period later on in the year. The first Employment Period Order last year affected precisely the same class of persons as is affected by this Order and under it, as Senator Johnson has pointed out, 6,613 persons ceased to get assistance. It is, perhaps, not very easy to say what precisely was the position of any one of these persons, but we can arrive at general conclusions from the facts that are known to us. First of all, let me correct a misunderstanding which Senator Johnson is labouring under. Persons who cease to get unemployment assistance, because of the operation of an Employment Period Order, are not on that account debarred from getting work on relief schemes financed out of central funds. On all such works financed out of central funds, persons receiving unemployment assistance are entitled to a preference, and these people will continue to get that preference as if they were, in fact, in receipt of unemployment assistance during the period covered by the Order. There is, therefore, an obvious inducement to these persons to remain on the register if they are in fact in need of employment and available for employment. That was also the position last year.

The persons on the register may, for the purposes of the argument, be roughly divided into three classes: (1) those entitled to unemployment insurance benefit, (2) those entitled to unemployment assistance, and (3) those entitled to neither. The persons affected by this Order come into the middle class, namely, those entitled to receive unemployment assistance, but, in consequence of the Order, they come into the third class, that is of persons on the register who are not entitled either to unemployment insurance benefit or unemployment assistance. If last year those persons were, in fact, available for work and seeking work, one would have expected an immediate increase in the number of persons in the third class on the register equal to, or almost equal to the number of persons affected by the Order. In fact, during the period the Order was in operation last year the number of persons in that category decreased. The number of persons registered on the last date prior to the coming into operation of the Order last year was 5,568, and on the last date prior to the Order ceasing to operate the number was 5,135, so that instead of there being any evidence that these persons were, in fact, available for work, or were seeking employment during the period when the Order was in operation, the evidence is the reverse.

Similarly, if the operation of the Order was to cause such hardship that persons would be rendered destitute and have an urgent need of assistance, and so on, one would expect to see some indication of that fact in the statistics of the number of persons each week receiving home assistance as able-bodied persons. Instead of finding such an increase in the number of able-bodied men receiving home assistance, we find that, over the period during which the Order was in operation, the number decreased quite considerably. It fell from 4,698 on the 30th of March, to 2,491 on the 25th of May.

Therefore, the experience gained as a result of the operation of the Order last year would seem to show that the making of the Order was justified on the grounds that the persons affected by it were not available for work, and that they were occupied on their own land during that period. If no power to make such an Order existed, these small landholders, whose means is calculated in accordance with the provisions of the Act so as to qualify them to receive unemployment assistance, might conceivably continue to draw unemployment assistance indefinitely and without a break. It was on that account also that this power to make Employment Period Orders was taken.

The question has been raised, however, that we have made an Order for a longer period this year than last year. Again I want Senators to keep in mind the fact that the persons affected by this Order are a minority of the land holders on the unemployment assistance register—those whose means are barely enough to qualify them to come within the Act at all. The average amount of unemployment assistance paid to all persons entitled to receive it is 7/- a week.

In the case of those who were deprived of unemployment assistance the saving was £12,000. The reduction, according to the Minister's statement, was 6,613 persons for five weeks.

That was the number of persons affected over the whole period. The average amount of unemployment assistance paid to all persons receiving unemployment assistance is in or about 7/- a week, and these persons affected by this Order are, of course, in the class that are getting the least amount of assistance per head. They are persons whose means are barely enough to qualify them for unemployment assistance and therefore, in fact, the financial saving that resulted from the making of the Order was practically negligible. I do not say that in making Orders financial considerations are left entirely out of account, but even if there was no saving I think this Order would have been made, because the principle in the Unemployment Assistance Act—and it is necessary to stress this—is that it is as much the function of the Department of Industry and Commerce to see that every person under the Act who is entitled to unemployment assistance gets it as it is to see that those who are not entitled do not get it. A person who is not available for employment, who is not genuinely seeking work, is not entitled to unemployment assistance. That is the intention of the Oireachtas as set out in the Act.

This year we have made an Order for a continuous employment period. In the first place, the period starts earlier. Since the beginning of February this year the live register, as it is called, has continued to fall, and it is noticeable that the fall has been much more pronounced in the case of persons with means than in the case of persons without means, although there has been a decline in the number of both classes. That is an indication that those seasonal activities which are a feature of agricultural employment have commenced. We allowed these seasonal activities to get well under way before making this Order affecting this class of farmer. Senator Johnson also referred to our action as depriving a farmer and his family of getting unemployment assistance. Now, the only class of person who is deprived of the right of drawing unemployment assistance under this Order is the occupier of land. The son of the occupier of the land, if he can prove his unemployment to be continuous, is entitled to receive unemployment assistance.

But suppose he is only eight or nine years of age?

Of course what I have said does not apply if he does not come within the class of persons affected by the Act.

I was speaking of a family, not of a labourer.

We could have made— in fact, it might be contended as possibly Senator Honan would contend— we should have made—an Order of this kind affecting this class of farmer, and a similar Order, even though for a shorter period, affecting that class of landowner the valuation of whose holding would be below £4. We have made no such Order. Possibly in future years we will do so. At present we are feeling our way, noting for the purpose of future action the effects of the procedure which we are now adopting. We have satisfied ourselves, in so far as it is possible to do so, that the operation of a similar Order last year created no hardship.

This is not a similar Order.

It affects the same class of persons.

But there is a difference in the periods.

I propose to deal with that later. It is not intended that any persons affected by this Order should find employment in England. This Order is justified and justifiable only on the ground that these persons are employed in Ireland at the moment and that assumption, I submit, is reasonable. I think it will be generally agreed by most persons who are familiar with conditions in rural areas, that the period of the year during which persons in the classes affected by the Order can be, and should be, employed upon their own land, are the months from March to October. Senator O'Farrell referred to the fact that they are available for employment during winter months. During winter months, if they are available and unemployed, they will be entitled to receive unemployment assistance at the statutory rates. It is quite correct, as Senator Dillon states, that the intention of the Act is to ensure that every person who is in a situation of difficulty and in need of assistance will get it, but we must have some recognised machinery by which these questions will be determined.

Senator Farren referred to one matter which indicated that this question of the eligibility of small land-holders to benefit under these Acts has not arisen now for the first time. For a long time past, for many years, in fact, members of the Labour Party have been making the statement that Senator Farren made recently, that small land-holders when employed on the roads have to pay contributions under the Unemployment Insurance Act, but are ineligible to get benefit when the work on the roads ceases. That statement is literally and actually not correct. These persons are not ineligible for benefit except they are not unemployed. If they are unemployed they are entitled to benefit just the same as any other person, but a number of them have from time to time been deprived of unemployment insurance benefit because the employment officer or the Court of Referees, to which the appeal was taken, decided that, the person being a small land holder, was not unemployed because he was working on his own land.

The question that arises in regard to the administration of the Unemployment Assistance Act is not dissimilar to that. In so far as these land-holders were deemed to be employed at certain times of the year and therefore did not receive unemployment insurance benefit, we are entitled to assume they are employed for the purpose of the Unemployment Assistance Act also. I submit this Order is reasonable. It is necessary to make these Orders, and that that power should be used, if the unemployment assistance scheme is going to operate as it was intended it should operate. It will, I think, result in the development of public opinion against the idea of unemployment assistance at all if persons are seen to be receiving unemployment assistance whom the public know are not, in fact, seeking work or are not available for work. If the members of the Labour Party are anxious, as they say, that this unemployment assistance scheme should be a permanent feature of our social services, should continue and, perhaps, be extended, it is altogether in the interests of that idea that the administration of the Act should be so conducted that nobody can claim that there are abuses of the principle, and it would be a gross abuse of the principle of the Act if a landholder on a valuation in excess of £4 was, in fact, fully occupied on his own land and at the same time getting unemployment assistance. It would be still more an abuse if the landholder was not occupied on his holding when he should have been, and was at the same time drawing unemployment assistance. It is in order to prevent that type of abuse that we have made this Order.

I appreciate, perhaps, more clearly than most people here, that in any general order of that kind you may be acting perfectly fairly in 95 per cent. of the cases and unfairly in relation to 5 per cent. It is not possible to avoid it. When you make a general order of this kind, affecting a particular class of persons, it is almost inevitable that here and there strict justice in a particular case would have suggested a different course; but you have to act along some general lines, to lay down rules which will affect wide classes of persons, and one is justified in doing that so long as he is satisfied the operation of the rules is on the whole fair to the people affected. That is the case in relation to this Order, whatever the case for the other Order which is being made and which will affect single men without dependents. Possibly we will have occasion to debate that Order too, when it is made. The basis of the Order in this case is that which I have stated, that no person should be entitled to receive unemployment assistance unless that person is available for employment and unable to obtain it, and the persons within the category described in this Order do not answer that description.

Senator Honan surprised me as well as surprising Senator Farren with his whole-hearted denunciation, by inference, of the principle of the Unemployment Assistance Act. I think the best way to deal with him is to leave him to the Minister and the President, who represents his county too. Whether the President represents the public opinion of County Clare in supporting the principle of the Unemployment Assistance Act, or whether Senator Honan does in opposing it, I am not going to pretend to judge, but I hope it is not Senator Honan. He, perhaps, is not aware that last year in that county, in the Ennis Exchange area, there were 220 persons deprived of unemployment assistance by the operation of the Order of last year, which did not begin until 17th April, whereas this year's Order begins on the 4th March. Let me now deal with the Minister's speech. I have no fault to find with his general statement of the position, and the removal of certain misapprehensions that he thought would be given expression to; but he has replied to a speech which was not made and he has not satisfied me, and I do not think he satisfied the House, that any reason exists for extending the Order—what I shall call the order of deprivation—from 16 weeks, in 1935, to 34 weeks in 1936. That is the gravamen of this complaint, that last year a period of 16 weeks was sufficient to meet the claims of justice and reason and equity in respect to the capacity for work provided on a holding of £5 valuation, whereas this year, according to the Minister's argument, it will require 34 weeks' deprivation of unemployment assistance to meet the ends of equity and justice.

I assert the Minister has not made any contribution towards solving that riddle. I am glad that he has disavowed any suggestion that the object of the extended Order is to encourage people to migrate for wage-earning employment. He has made his case that the holding of £4 and over valuation will provide paying employment for a period of 34 weeks whether it is a five, six or seven acre holding in Meath or Dublin, or a 20 to 30 acre holding in the west of Ireland. I am not going to attempt to assert whether that value holding will provide so much employment for a man, but I am pretty confident that it is an entirely over-generous estimate unless you are going to put a man into gardening and not the ordinary cultivation that prevails. We are not expected to assume that these people who are being deprived of the right to unemployment assistance are expected to seek work for wages. I should like Senator Honan and those who have been impressed by his arguments to bear in mind that in Donegal, out of 27,000 occupiers of agricultural holdings, 21,000 are under £10 valuation and 20,000 are under a £7 valuation. Now, 14,000 are under a £4 valuation and the Minister is perfectly right in pointing out that in Donegal there are only 5,800 between £4 and £7 valuation, which is the effective category affected by this Order. These 14,000 people under the £4 valuation will provide ten times more men than are required for wage-earning employment. The Minister's expectation is, taking Donegal that 5,000 people with holdings between £4 and £7 valuation, can find employment for eight months in the year on that size of holding.

Unless the Minister can prove there is a reasonable argument in that, that a holding of 20 or 30 acres of Donegal quality land or seven or eight or nine acres in Dublin or Meath provides paying employment for 34 weeks in the year, then the Minister's justification falls. He may have been justified in his five weeks in the spring of 1935 and his 11 weeks in the autumn of 1935 —that might pass for this category— but certainly there is not one word to be said to justify the extension from 16 weeks in 1935 to 34 weeks in 1936 and, until it can be proved there is a reasonable profit-making employment on a man's holding of that size for that period, then there is no justification for the assumption that all these people are employed for gain on their own holdings and that is the case the Minister makes but has not proved.

Question put.
The Seanad divided:—Tá, 5; Níl, 18.

  • Cummins, William.
  • Farren, Thomas.
  • Johnson, Thomas.
  • O'Farrell, John T.
  • O'Neill, L.

Níl

  • Bigger, Sir Edward Coey.
  • Connolly, Joseph.
  • Fanning, Michael.
  • Fitzgerald, Séamus.
  • Garahan, Hugh.
  • Healy, Denis D.
  • Honan, Thomas V.
  • Kennedy, Cornelius.
  • Lynch, Patrick, K.C.
  • Moore, Colonel.
  • O'Connor, Joseph.
  • O Máille, Pádraic.
  • O'Rourke, Brian.
  • Phaoraigh, Siobhán Bean an.
  • Quirke, William.
  • Robinson, David L.
  • Ruane, Thomas.
  • Toal, Thomas.
Tellers:—Tá: Senators Johnson and O'Farrell; Níl: Senators Fitzgerald and Honan.
Motion declared lost.
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