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Seanad Éireann debate -
Tuesday, 24 Mar 1942

Vol. 26 No. 10

Central Fund Bill, 1942—Committee and Subsequent Stages.

Bill passed through Committee without amendment, reported and received for final consideration.
Question proposed: "That the Bill be returned to the Dáil."

I do not want to take advantage of the Fifth Stage of the Bill to deal with the many questions referred to in the Minister's speech with which I agree or disagree. I want, however, to raise a matter which I would have raised on the Second Stage had I been aware of the circumstances. I want to raise it now in the hope that any comments I may make may be passed on and considered in the proper quarter, because I honestly believe that the particular Order to which I desire to refer may have disastrous results in a matter in which we are all deeply interested, namely, the obtaining of supplies. An Order was made on the 13th March entitled the Emergency Powers (Importation of Fabrics) Order, 1942. I was unable to get a copy of the Order, though I wrote to the Ministry of Supplies, but I have succeeded in getting a copy here to-day. The substance of the Order was published in the newspapers, and the actual Order, as I discovered when I read it to-day, does not contain anything of very much importance that did not appear in the newspaper announcement, so that I am not in this case complaining that I could not get the Order when I applied for it, though I think it is rather unfortunate, in regard to a number of Orders, that it is almost impossible for people vitally affected by them to get copies other than an abbreviated statement in the newspapers, for a very considerable time.

This Order, according to its preamble, is necessary for maintaining supplies and services essential to the life of the community, and the effect of the Order is to prohibit the importation, except by special licence, of almost all kinds of fabric. The word "fabric", for the purposes of the Order, means "woven or knitted goods of every description in the piece other than floor coverings made wholly or partly of cotton, linen, wool silk or artificial silk". The word, therefore, covers practically all fabrics.

It is not, of course, very clear from the Order what exactly the Minister had in mind but I shall assume that he had no intention of trying to prevent supplies from coming into this country even though he proposes to prohibit the importation of these fabrics except under licence and that therefore his object must have been to control importation for the purpose of getting more control over the stuff available so that it might go to the right quarters. It is quite probable that he had also in mind, though I do not think he will achieve his purpose by the methods he is adopting, the desirability of keeping the limited supplies available for import in a form most useful to the country having regard to the present emergency. If these were his objects — and I have reason to think they were — I would suggest that every manufacturer and trader who is at all reasonable, and I think that would apply to the overwhelming majority, would have been perfectly willing to have met him, to have consulted with him and to have endeavoured to achieve the objects which he had in mind. Actually, as far as I can ascertain, and I have been able to consult the majority of both manufacturers and distributing agencies immediately concerned, the Minister for Supplies did not consult with any of these persons as to the best way in which his object might be achieved.

On Saturday last a document was issued from the Department of Supplies in the following terms:—

"In order to facilitate the negotiation of transactions by importers, the Minister for Supplies hereby gives notice that the grant of licences for the import of fabrics under the above Order will be conditioned by considerations of type and price. For the present, licences will be issued on application for the classes of goods set out hereunder, provided the prices are within the limits shown. Applications for licences for fabrics other than those set out below, or for fabrics of the types set out below at prices higher than the maximum prices set out below, will also be considered and licences may or may not be granted."

The effect of that is that anyone trying to negotiate supplies from the other side, if the supplies come within this rather extraordinary list, will know that he will get a licence to import and that if they do not come within that list, he may or may not get such a licence. I should like to draw the attention of the Government to the fact that supplies of this particular type on offer in England — and it is the only place outside this country that they can be obtained at present — are extremely small and that when the goods are on offer, you have to take them at once or you do not get them at all. Any doubt as to the possibility of your being allowed to import them means in 99 cases out of 100 that you do not get them. I speak not only of my own experience but as a result of consultation with responsible members of the trade who are very much perturbed about the Order and who have consulted me.

If a fabric comes within the very narrow range specified in this circular, you know that you can buy because you are promised a licence in anticipation, but if it does not come within this list, you will have to apply first for the licence and, if you succeed in getting it afterwards, probably in 99 cases out of 100 the fabric is not available by the time you have succeeded in obtaining the licence. If Senators realised the extraordinarily small quantity of goods that comes within these categories, they would know how grave the effect of the Order may be. As a result of consultation with Irish manufacturers of cotton fabric, I can state that they could not supply these materials in anything like a sufficient quantity to meet the demands of the country at the present time. They are doing their best at the moment, and the position may not be as bad as it was represented in the newspapers a short time ago, but the fact is that they could not possibly supply all the demands for these materials in the country and they have no wish that any effort should be made in their interest to prevent the importation of any supplies that can be obtained from outside the country.

I should like Senators to consider the items covered by this particular Order. It covers all cotton piece goods, woollen and worsted piece goods, artificial silk or rayon piece goods and all knitted fabrics. I want to deal with the question of cotton piece goods first. It deals with only eight varieties, the first being flannelette or winceyette and the maximum landed price of materials of this description, for the importation of which a licence will be issued on application, is set out at 1/4 per square yard. On behalf of the distributing drapery trade, I am prepared to offer a full Ministerial salary to the gentleman or official in the Government who is prepared to get us supplies at the price mentioned in this list from England and it would pay us to do so.

I cannot find anyone who could import flannelette at 1/4 per square yard. I have made inquiries from the Irish manufacturers and I have been told that the lowest price at which they can offer flannelette is 1/8 per square yard. Flannelette is a material that it is very hard to get at the moment. It is used very largely for children's underwear. The Red Cross and St. John Ambulance Brigade also find it very necessary for their work. Why the Minister at this stage should place difficulties in the way of its importation by putting a price limit of 1/4 per yard on the quantity for which an importation licence is promised, I simply do not know. Before the war, it was possible to get a very cheap type of flannelette but that very cheap flannelette is not now available. I cannot find anybody who has been able to obtain it recently and if they could, it would not be as good in quality as is required for the urgent needs at the moment.

We come next to shirtings. I do not know the exact position with regard to what may be obtained, but you still have the 1/4, though the cheapest Irish shirting is 1/10½ a square yard. If anyone is able to get some in, why place a difficulty in the way? Then we have overalls and dress cloths, which covers a lot of things. I do not know exactly what it means. It could be interpreted strictly or widely and there is hardly anything which could not be used for a dress in an emergency but if it is used in the trade sense it is not a wide term. The price there is 1/7 and the cheapest Irish cloth is 1/9½. There again I do not see any reason for a limit to the imports.

The next item is No. 4. It says: "Sateens for Women's Underclothing." Since Saturday I have not been able to find anyone who understands or has heard of an undergarment made from sateen. I am told that about 30 years ago it was so used. Maybe they were too shy in the Department to ask about it, or it may be that someone has knowledge not generally known in the trade. At any rate, I cannot explain No. 4. No. 5 is: "Linings for Garments, 1/8." Sateens are used as linings for garments. Sateen is a mercerised cotton. It is now almost unobtainable from England. If it is a lining it will be allowed in up to 1/8, but if anyone suggests to use it for underwear — which I do not suppose they will — they would not be allowed to pay more than 1/3. Then there is No. 6: "Gabardines for Raincoats, up to 3/6, and Rubberised Waterproof Cloth, 2/4, or Double Texture, 4/4."

What about fabric for towelling, which, in its white form, is extremely important for children's clothing? There is not enough produced here, and the little that may be obtainable can only come in after a special application, for which one has to wait, and waiting is fatal. I speak with personal knowledge and after consultation with others. What about white drills, also important for clothing? Calico is not mentioned here, and it might be squeezed in under other headings if not too strictly interpreted. Calico is required for a great many purposes for clothing, and is very hard to get. I could mention a lot of others. There is cotton blanketing, of which there is only a little available, and Irish manufacturers cannot manufacture the total required. Yet, you could not say you could buy it definitely until you had been to the Department, and I think that is a mistake.

When you come to woollen and worsted piece goods, I am told by a gentleman in touch with the group that the prices are all wrong and will not work. I am not going into that, because I have not first-hand knowledge. When you come to artificial silk it beats me altogether. In the first place, there is no restriction on the export of artificial silk fabric from Great Britain. It has been getting less, however. In cotton there has been a restriction and I am sure it will not be long until the artificial silk is restricted, too. Twenty per cent. of cotton fabrics used to be allowed, but it is down to 10 per cent. now. If the Government want to get in the cheapest article and not the better class I would have sympathy with that point of view, if I were sure it would be possible. The manufacturer who offers you the 10 per cent. or the 20 per cent. insists on your taking it over the range and if you do not take the higher class as well as the lower it just means that you will get so much less. In view of the fact that it is allowed out of Great Britain, I think we should get all we can of the lower classes and that it is a mistake to refuse to take anything. In artificial silk there is not the same restriction but, according to this Order, you must not import artificial silk over 3/6 if it is for dress or lingerie cloth, or if it is for linings it must not be over 2/11. There is not an artificial silk which could not be used as a lining and there are no linings that could not be used for a dress, or, if there are, they are few and far between. Let us assume it is 3/6. I made inquiries from a manufacturer to see what a cloth costing 4/3 would mean in the price of the dress made up. A reasonably good type would sell at, after allowing retail profit, about 30/-. If you cannot get in more of the cheaper cloths by getting dresses that would cost over 30/-, why on earth not take that? If it were a question that they were over 3/6 and they would not be suitable for dresses unless they were £10 or £12, I might have sympathy with it. Why there should be any limit at all I do not know, as there is no restriction. It is merely a question of whatever manufacturers have to sell. I think there will be restriction very soon.

The same applies to knitted fabrics, but this is not in my direct trade and I did not have time to study it. I only got this on Saturday and I was out of town on business and so could not look into it. I am convinced that, as it stands, the Order will not work and needs immediate revision. Between this and April 20th, during which time things may come in, if any retailer or manufacturer here is able to get some cloths from England or has the chance of ordering goods, nothing whatever should be done by the Government to prevent them from coming in. It is also probable that the Government have in mind the possibility that luxury materials or expensive curtains or clothes of that kind may come in as cotton goods and thereby prevent a certain amount of cloth coming in which could be used for clothing. If that be so, I am entirely with them and would say that the trade is willing and anxious to help them.

What is wrong with this whole thing is this, to my mind. The Minister for Finance described the present Minister for Supplies in very glowing terms. He did not say anything about the Minister for Industry and Commerce, who happens to be quite a different person though bearing the same name. I am prepared to be quite complimentary to the Minister for Industry and Commerce, but cannot be complimentary to the Minister for Supplies in the same way at all. Deputy Lemass, as Minister for Industry and Commerce, has a habit of getting leading officials of his Department, when there is a problem relating to trade, to call together responsible people in confidence and put the problem to them and ask their views. They are not told what the Government is going to decide and do not know until afterwards. I have been at a number of these conferences and at those, in every single case, the people concerned were friendly and tried to be helpful. I know of a great many other conferences at which I was not present and have no reason to think any different about them. The result was that, in the last two or three years, in relation to quotas or changes in tariffs, while decisions were not by any means what the trade had in mind, they did not show any technical blunders.

Deputy Lemass, as Minister for Supplies, does not adopt that practice, and here is a case in point. This Order comes into force on April 20th. Therefore, there was no reason why the trade should not have been consulted. There could have been no forestalling, as you cannot get more in anyway, but if you have until April 20th this was a clear case where there could be no reason why responsible traders could not have been consulted. I would urge the Minister to get into touch with representatives of the Drapers' Chamber of Trade and of the manufacturers who make up garments. I am not one of them. I am a manufacturer of fabric who ought to be delighted if supplies do not come in but I know we cannot supply the needs of the country and we would not want anybody to be prevented from bringing them in.

There is one other matter which more directly concerns the Minister for Finance. Applications were made by various importers here for importation free of duty of various articles of wearing apparel. Letters were sent out in stereotyped type form saying that the Minister for Industry and Commerce had requested that the Revenue Commissioners should license the free importation of these articles. Up to a week ago, that has always meant that the Revenue Commissioners would issue the licence and you might buy your goods on that belief. I am not concerned in this myself but responsible firms have informed me that they bought the goods and they showed me the actual letter stating that the Revenue Commissioners had been asked by the Minister for Industry and Commerce to grant the licence but the Revenue Commissioners refused to grant the licence because of a new order which had changed the position. I think it is now at 25 per cent. I am not voicing a personal grievance but it is not only the Government that is working under difficulties and tension. Every honest person engaged in trade is doing his best to deal with an awkward situation. How are we going to organise trade if you get a form stating that the licence is to be granted and it is later withdrawn?

I am not suggesting that the Minister should know about this. All I ask is that the Minister should make inquiries. If there is a change, before the letter is issued, I know we should not have bought the goods, but if you buy the goods, having got the promise that the licence will be granted, I think it is unfair that it should be withdrawn, and I think it has had a bad effect on trade. I did not mean to speak at such length, but I feel rather strongly on this matter. That is probably the reason why I kept the House so long.

Before I sit down, may I make one other remark? I don't think the Minister was fair in his criticism of persons who are advocating the use of the community kitchen. I have not taken any part in that. I am not clear about it, and I do not want to be taken as discussing the attitude of the Government; but there are some very sincere social workers of an excellent type who have advocated it openly, and they think they are doing right. They are not acting as a left wing of the Labour Party, or of any particular party. I felt it my duty to say this, because some of those people who are not interested in any particular Party might feel hurt at the Minister's criticism. I know the Irish Times has been advocating the use of the kitchens, but I am not an advocate for the Irish Times, and I do not mind anyone accusing the Irish Times of being the left wing of the Labour Party.

I wish briefly to refer to one matter mentioned by Senator Douglas on the question of Orders. I have done quite a considerable amount of research in regard to these Orders, and I have discovered that when an Order is in only one language, the common tongue, or whatever you like to call it, you get it in about four or five days; but if it is in the two languages, it takes anything up to six weeks. If it is in one language, you are likely to get it within a week, but if it is in two languages you have to wait up to six weeks. If you want to get the exact wording of the Order, you have got to go to the Dáil, and by courtesy of the Clerk see the Order in manuscript, or rely on the epitome that appears in the papers. Surely it should be possible to expedite the official translation, or if that cannot be done, which seems to me extraordinary, would it be possible to let the Irish version follow later? The whole aim should be to get these Orders in the hands of the people who are concerned with them as quickly as possible.

The Minister purported to reply to a number of remarks which I made and I may say I am not satisfied with the reply. I did speak about the Army. I just chose that because it was the largest Vote. I said that it was apparent to everybody from a recent debate in the Dáil that the members of the so-called Defence Conference were not aware of certain things which they should know if they were to function for the purpose for which the Conference was formed. The Minister may tell me — and I would not challenge him — that they may ask questions about anything and that questions will be replied to. But in any case there is a good deal of non-publicity as I might say about these matters. Obviously the Government should make information about these things available to the conference. From the debate in the Dáil it was apparent that they were not known to the Conference. I happened myself in the most accidental way to become aware of a certain thing and I nearly put my foot into it by assuming that members of the Defence Conference would also know it. I found that they did not. I was talking to one member of the Conference and he did not know. Members of the Defence Conference have made available to them the detailed sub-headed Estimate that the Dáil normally gets. Since the last debate here I did ask one member of the Defence Conference about certain questions and he was not able to tell me. In ordinary times every member of the Dáil and Seanad has the right to get up and discuss these sub-heads and to ask for further information about them. I am not making a great grievance of this but what I did suggest was that the Government should examine a certain system that they have in the American Parliament whereby the two Houses are formed into committees specialising in certain aspects of Government activity. We would then have a way by which the Dáil and Seanad could have the same powers and rights with regard to such Estimates as was previously enjoyed by the two Houses in that locality, and at the same time secrecy would be maintained. I still say that if the Defence Conference is to function and at the same time secrecy is to be maintained it can only be done by Government representatives there making available to the other members all the information that might affect their views. I spoke also about the police and it appears that I made a mistake. I plead guilty if that is so.

I mentioned a time a number of years ago and I indicated exactly the time by referring to the fact that the excuse given for making an addition to the police was a fire that occurred at the Dáil premises. I said that later on in the public courts men who had then been taken on admitted in court that they had belonged to what I call a criminal organisation, at the time when they were taken on, which was some years after the present Government took office. I mentioned that I had seen that the non-normal part of the force could be taken into the permanent police force. It may be that I made a mistake in regard to the body that was referred to in the notice that I saw in the paper and that I thought it was referring specially to the addition to the police force that was made when the fire occurred here. It appears that a number of men were then taken on who were members of a criminal organisation and if the Minister had told me that these undesirables had been removed that would have been a complete answer.

That would not be relevant to the Central Fund Bill, 1942.

What I did say on the last occasion was that, as we are voting a sum considered and decided by a relationship of proportion to the total Estimates, the only way to follow the action we are doing now is to be aware in our minds at least of the Estimates and, therefore, I referred to the Estimates. With regard to the police, I say the primal function for which the police exist is to protect the lives of citizens. I do not want to go over long past history, but taking any year since the present Government came into power, it has happened that murders have taken place; it has happened that on certain occasions men have been arrested although a big organisation was there to prevent the possibility of their being arrested; it has happened that they have been brought to trial; it has happened that they have been duly sentenced; it has happened that members of the police have been murdered. Here we are paying men for the very first and eminent duty of protecting the lives of the citizens in this country and part of what we are voting here to-day is for that purpose.

That matter has been sufficiently ventilated and, in any case, it is not relevant to the Fifth Stage of the Central Fund Bill, 1942.

I am well aware of that.

I suggest the Senator should pass from that line of debate.

We are voting here money for the Government to carry out its policy. I am all for the policy of maintaining the police. I am all against the policy of allowing the police to be murdered and then letting off the murderers. I am all in favour of a Government strengthening the police with all necessary powers for protecting the lives of the people in this country. Another matter that I referred to was what we are doing here for broadcasting. I just mentioned that my criticism of the Taoiseach's statements was merely illustrative of what I was really dealing with. A member of the Government within the last fortnight or so got up and publicly stated that every Party in this country was agreed as to the desirability of those statements and that the only person who should engage in propaganda was the Taoiseach. That was a statement made by a Minister. At the time I spoke here last week I said that the statement of the Minister was untrue though I did not say it was necessarily stated as an untruth by him for malicious purposes. I object strongly to a Minister getting up and covering his own Party by pretending that what we consider as inept and harmful has our total approval. The Minister did not refer to that at all.

Before the Senator proceeds further I want again to suggest that these are not matters properly raised on the Fifth Stage. He has already ventilated these points on the Second Stage.

I quite agree.

The Minister in replying to the Senator was speaking on the Second Stage which was then concluded.

I am entirely submissive to the Chair.

The Minister was kind enough to refer to Senator Campbell and myself as reasonable people. He gave us credit for having some intelligence too, but he deplored our language on Order 83. The House can imagine the language of the people who are not so quiet or so intelligent regarding it when it is necessary for Senator Campbell and me to describe it in the language we used. There is no doubt about it, the introduction of this Order is the most harmful thing that has been done to the working class of this country for a long time. The Minister went on to quote countries where similar action was taken, but he did not tell the Seanad that in other countries such an Order was coincident with regulation of prices. In this country, prices can soar while wages must remain at a standstill. The conditions of the working class have been worsened by this Order on several occasions. Notwithstanding that, there is no section or class in this community that has been so quiet and quiescent as the working class during the emergency. That must be recognised and admitted by everybody. If you compare the number of strikes and upheavals in the last two years of the war with the number in any two years preceding the war, it will be immediately realised that the working class in this country appreciate the importance of the emergency and the danger of it. Advantage should not be taken of their apparent satisfaction. They resent this Order. It penalises them. It hurts them very severely. The Minister did not mention that the working class put up a very considerable sum of money to help the Government during the emergency, free of interest. It is a pity the Minister or the Government did not see its way to encourage that kind of thing. The working class have done it in a spirit of goodwill.

When some of us talk about a National Government, we are not concerned about people who are prominent in the political field, and we would not bother our heads mentioning the idea of a National Government if we were to be restricted to some of the people who have held important positions in this country. But some of us, at any rate, believe that the emergency will become so serious that it cannot possibly be met by the present orthodox methods of finance and economics. Therefore, when we advocate what is termed a National Government, we believe that there are in this country men of great ability who are willing to place that ability at the service of the Government in order to preserve the future of this country and prevent suffering amongst the people. That is the type of National Government some of us have in mind. Everyone must realise that we are almost up against a crisis in this country. The Minister has emphasised that in his statement here to-night. He told us that in agriculture alone there were 30,000 farm labourers registered at the various labour exchanges in the country seeking employment — 30,000 in the one industry that ought to be thriving in this country. This is about the time when the land is being tilled.

I hope the Senator will resist the temptation to re-open the Second Stage of this debate.

I am only referring to what the Minister said. Am I not entitled to do that?

That is re-opening it.

The Minister said there were 20,000 men willing to go anywhere in Ireland to get employment. When one realises the wages and the inducements that are offered to them, one must realise their predicament. Unfortunately, in the Minister's statement he made no reference whatever to the reorganisation, or the organisation, to put it correctly, of transport in this country. I sincerely hope that the Government are keeping a close watch on this important branch of our communal life — transport. I do not want to say any more, or to go back on what I said on Second Reading.

On a point of personal explanation, the Minister has left me in a position in which I would appear to sit down under the statement made by him which implied that I organised for a body which is indistinguishable in character, organisation and purpose from an organisation which is known by its murder of innocent Irish civilians, by its promotion of perjury, by its attempts to bring enemies of this country in here. I wish to say that the suggestion of the Minister that I belonged to any such organisation is completely devoid of truth.

The Chair has not ruled on that, simply on the point of orderliness in debate.

I wish sincerely to thank the Minister for his promise to consider the scheme I asked him to consider. My colleagues who are interested in the scheme and I will feel quite satisfied when the conference is set up and the scheme considered.

Has the Minister promised to call a conference to consider the scheme? What Senator Counihan wants is to have a conference called to consider the matter to which he has directed the Minister's attention.

That is so. I think that the Minister promised to have the conference called.

I do not think so.

I do not know anything about the details of the Order to which Senator Douglas referred. The new Order, and its subject matter, are entirely foreign to me, personally. I shall call the attention of the Minister for Supplies to the remarks and criticisms of Senator Douglas. I do know something about the licences. The free importation that was promised——

I am not referring to that at all. I am not referring to the general promise. I am referring to the actual promise of a licence in a letter from the Minister to the individual firm. I know that there was a general statement that the policy was to allow certain things in free. I should have no objection to the changing of policy but, before the change, this promise was made and, when the goods came in, the licence was refused.

A promise should be honoured and, if the Senator will send me the particulars, I shall have the matter investigated.

I shall get those concerned to send the particulars.

Senator Fitzgerald seems to revel in the use of the word "murder."

He is following a good precedent.

Senator Fitzgerald seems to lick his chops every time he mentions that word and he mentions it every time I come into the Seanad.

It used to be a favourite word of the Minister.

There is no use in going back over what the Minister may have said.

I quite agree.

Senator Fitzgerald has retreated in disorder.

I made a perfectly true statement about Senator Fitzgerald having been an organiser of illegal organisations — and a successful one. Unfortunately, in those days, murders were committed. That is the unfortunate history of this country for the past 20 or 25 years and will you, for God's sake, leave it so. Let us try to do everything we can — you and I and the two Houses — to stop it. I think the Senator would not be happy if it were stopped——

The Minister knows perfectly well that that is untrue.

That is the impression I got.

I want the Government to do its job.

That is the impression I got.

There is a weakness in your mentality.

I shall not say any more on that subject. To Senator Foran, I should like to say that I agree in toto with what he said regarding the behaviour of organised labour, and labour generally, since the emergency came upon us. They have plenty of grievances, plenty of reasons to get noisy and clamant and make demands. In my experience, they have been reasonable. They have not kicked over the traces or misbehaved. In many cases they have been a good example to other sections of the community — to some sections that are profiteering at their expense. They have been quite orderly and disciplined. Though their spokesmen have not agreed with the Government regarding Order No. 83, still the intention was, and still is, to do everything possible to prevent inflation, which would have disastrous results, particularly for the poorer classes of the community. That was the inspiration of Order No. 83. Senator Hayes is quite right in saying that I did not promise to set up the conference for which Senator Counihan asked. I did promise to examine the matter sympathetically.

Question put and agreed to.
The Seanad adjourned at 9.40 p.m. until 3 p.m., Wednesday, 25th March.
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