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Seanad Éireann debate -
Thursday, 6 Aug 1959

Vol. 51 No. 11

Disposal of 1959 Barley Crop—Motion.

I move the motion standing in my name and that of Senator Barry:—

"That Seanad Éireann views with concern the proposals of the Minister for Agriculture regarding the disposal of this year's barley crop."

First, I should like to thank the Minister for attending this meeting at such very short notice. I should like it to go on the records of the House that he has attended here and that we appreciate his attendance. I hope it will set a good headline for some of his colleagues who have not been so prompt in that respect.

I move the motion because of the great importance of this matter to the agricultural industry. Barley growing, which has been developed over a short number of years, is the most important industry in the country. Millions of pounds have been put into it by the ordinary Irish people, small farmers and big farmers. Senators are aware that even the smallest farmer has bought a tractor, a plough, implements of all kinds, combine drills for sowing and other purposes, binders, moving machines, and combine harvesters. I would say that more native money is put into this industry than into any other industry in this country.

If a foreign industrialist came in here with the intention of establishing a small factory, everybody would run after him. He would be wined and dined. He would get big grants from the Industrial Credit Company and from the State and he would be facilitated in every way.

These matters hardly arise on the motion.

I am ploughing the ground and preparing the seed bed now.

He will be putting in the barley after a bit.

Well-tested barley.

I am merely drawing attention to that fact. Grain growing for a number of years past has been developed in a very big way and a great deal of native capital has been put into it. I think there is agreement on all sides of the House on this very important question. One of the largest committees of agriculture, the Cork County Committee of Agriculture, a few days ago asked the Minister to consider this matter of agreement again. I am sure the Minister has the motion on his desk. In that committee we have every shade of political thought and this was a unanimous decision.

This industry has grown up since the new varieties of barley were introduced into this country. At present the industry is able to supply all the coarse grains needed for feeding stuffs and so on. That, in itself, is reducing our balance of payments by sums of up to £4,000,000. Not so many years ago we imported at a certain period up to £4,000,000 worth of coarse grains. Is it not a great advance that from this year's very promising harvest, with an increased acreage of barley and given another three weeks of fine weather, we shall, with God's help, probably produce the most bountiful grain crop ever sown or grown here?

We are now asked to take a price for that crop that will hardly pay the cost of production and that will leave the farmer little, if any, profit. In 1955 we were getting 40/- a barrel for barley. In the meantime the cost of production has gone up considerably. The price of seeds, manures and wages and the cost of everything the farmers wants to put in his crop have increased. But now he is asked to take a lesser price than he got in 1955. We all know why there is such an increase in the acreage of barley this year. After last year's harvest, when the farmers had taken a thoroughly good beating on their wheat, they decided that wheat was no longer a profitable crop and they put in this increased acreage of barley.

This is the position with which the farmer is faced. He has been thrown out of the wheat market and now he is asked to produce his other grain crop, barley, at a price that will not give him even the interest on his money. This 37/- a barrel is the top price that this powerful and influential combination of industrialists, millers or whatever they are, will pay for barley. You can deduct from that at once cartage and sack hire and that reduces the price to 35/- per barrel.

We have a moisture content clause in this agreement whereby the dealer will get his barley at 37/- per barrel, less cartage and sack hire, at 20 per cent. moisture content. Over that the dealer will pay 9d. per barrel less up to 24 per cent. moisture content. He will pay 4/6d. per barrel less from 24 per cent. to 25 per cent. It is easy to make up the price he will get if he has barley over 24 per cent. moisture content.

If barley is cut in the morning, before 10 a.m., that is bound to have a big effect on the moisture content. The position will be likewise if it is cut in the evening. It is bound to increase the moisture content even with the driest harvest. That means that the man cutting it in the morning could very easily have 24 per cent. moisture content, whereas the man cutting it in the middle of the day, when everything is dry, could have the moisture content down to 17 or 18 per cent. in very fine weather. But there is no incentive to market barley under 20 per cent. moisture content because the farmer would not get a halfpenny extra for it.

One can see the way the miller is safeguarded in this agreement. It is quite apparent that he has had the best of the deal and that when he is buying barley with a moisture content of under 20 per cent. the lower moisture content is all profit. If the weather is very fine and the crop is in right condition when harvested, it could very easily be harvested at 18 per cent. or 17 per cent. moisture content, or even down to 16 per cent. if the crop is ripe. But when a farmer has to hire a combine harvester, the owner of the combine will not sit down after 6 o'clock and wait until the grain is quite dry.

The protest we are making is on behalf of the farmer alone. I do not stand up here to propose this motion in order to put one halfpenny extra on the price that must be paid by the pig feeder and the cattle feeder who buy this grain. I come from a part of the country which grows a considerable amount of barley, but there are certain areas in that part of the country in which barley cannot be grown. I want to make it quite clear early in my speech here this evening that I am in favour of giving this barley grown in my part of the country—indeed, barley grown anywhere—to the pig feeder and the cattle feeder at the lowest price possible.

Hear, hear!

I repeat, at the lowest possible price. Last year barley was bought at much the same price; perhaps it was slightly lower. The harvest was bad, and the moisture content was high. But, last year, barley was bought for 30/- and 28/- per barrel. The pig feeder and the cattle feeder expected when they went to their merchant to buy 1 cwt. of barley that they would get it at a price related to the cost. I have here, dated 17th January, 1959, the price for a ton of ground barley in the City of Dublin. From this it is clear that there is some group in between the producer and the feeder, a group which is capturing the entire profit on the grain industry of the country.

These were the prices on 17th January of this year: cash quotations for one ton lots; barley meal, £29 per ton; bran, £24 10/- per ton; pollard, £24 10/- per ton; flake maize and barley, £34 10/- per ton. Those figures speak for themselves. Obviously neither the Government, the Minister, nor anybody else need be worried about making an agreement on behalf of the miller. The miller is quite capable of taking care of himself. He does not need any help from any source. From the figures I have given, it is clear that he has stepped up the price considerably. It is an easy calculation to find the cost from those figures of 1 cwt. of straight barley ground in the miller's own mill.

The harvest last year was not a good harvest. As a matter of fact, last year's harvest put a great many farmers out of commission completely. I am not speaking here for the rancher, the man who came in here and bought up a lot of land, going into farming purely as a sideline to make a profit out of growing cereals and then leaving the land derelict after him. We know that happened. We saw it for ourselves. I do not speak for that gentleman here. I am speaking for the ordinary working farmer, the man who produces wheat or barley on his own land and then brings that land back again into good heart to produce another crop.

In this agreement — paragraph 2 — we have to pay a price of £22 10s. per ton, ex-seller stores, to merchants and co-operative societies, and others, who have dried the barley to 15 per cent. moisture, and this price is operative up to 31st December, 1959, with certain additions on storage and interest for deliveries made from that date. This is subject to merchants and co-operative societies being prepared to sell the barley they have in stock when offers to purchase it are made by the millers.

In the South, in my part of the country, farmers have gone, in a big way, into the co-operative movement; the co-operative societies buy and store the farmers' barley. The co-operative societies are constituted of the farmers themselves who have banded together and put their money into the society for the purpose of doing their own business and the business of the community; these societies deal with the community and give the people goods at the lowest possible price while paying the maximum price for the poods delivered to them. That is the policy behind the co-operative movement. Farmers have banded together, put up grain driers, storage facilities, mills to grind, mixers to mix and compound. These farmers are now left in the position that if they do not inform the miller immediately the miller says he has an order for 100 tons of barley and if they do not send on the barley immediately, the contract is off. If, on the other hand, they send it off immediately and find later in the season that they want more barley themselves, they must approach this group.

We do not know who the group are. There are no names given in this document. It is a pity they are not given; if they were we would probably recognise them. Possibly we shall get that information later on. It states that all inquiries are to be sent to the Secretary of the Council of Maize Meal Millers. Mark that: Maize Meal Millers! They should be thinking of changing that title now. Probably after this year, they need not bother; they can hold on and trade under the old name. The address is 36 Dawson Street, Dublin. Someone went to the trouble of ringing up this address, but he could not get any answer. Probably they are not in the office at the moment and will not be there until the harvest starts. It states that local inquiries are to be directed to the secretaries of the district groups, whose names and addresses will be published separately. Obviously they are a very important group of people, but they are not too anxious apparently to put their names on paper. Of course, if one makes inquiries, one will get them. These are the people who have been given control over the finest harvest we have had in this country for a number of years.

The barley produced this year will be in excess of requirements. We know what happened to wheat last year. It was in excess of requirements. The millers had not the storage facilities for it and the Department of Agriculture had to put the wheat on the market. Fine, sound Irish wheat was exported to the Six Counties and to Britain, and the price paid for it was £18 10/- per ton. At the very same time we were importing pollard and bran from the flour millers of Argentina and Algeria at a price somewhere in relation to the £24 10/- a ton being charged for it in Dublin. I could not give the exact figures and could not tell what rake-off the millers had.

Soon we shall be told that you can make an all-Irish loaf out of Algerian pollard and the Argentinian mix. We sold the best Irish wheat at £18/10s. a ton but our farmers paid £24/10s. a ton for this foreign pollard. I have heard a lot of people say that there is great value in pollard to balance the ration but even the rats only amuse themselves with it. If anything better were available they would not touch it.

Professor Sheehy in Dublin, one of our experts, has informed us through the medium of the Irish Wholesale and Co-operative Society's paper that one half ton of Irish wheat could be put into a ton of ration and it would make as good a ration as the most expensive mixtures that could be imported.

Having said so much, perhaps the Senator would now come to the terms of the motion with regard to the disposal of this year's barley crop.

I am afraid it is disposed of already but I hope we can change the minds of the Department, the Minister, and the Government. At the bottom of this barley agreement it is stated that licences for the importation of wheat offals will be granted without restriction as to quantity, and I suppose there is no need to get a licence to export wheat. Even if we have an excess of barley this year it would be good business on the part of the Government, and the Department, to keep it in store. We may not be in as fortunate a position next year. We imported a considerable amount of barley in 1958, 53,000 tons of it, at a cost of £1,230,000 and in 1957 we imported 16,000 tons at a cost of nearly £500,000.

In what year?

Is that for the 16,000 tons?

Yes; to be accurate 16,400 tons at a cost of £410,000. The case I am making is that when all the trimmings are taken off—by that I mean the cartage, the sack hire and the excess moisture content—the price the farmer could get for his barley could easily be reduced to 32/- or 30/- a barrel, which is not an economic price, and the sooner we recognise that fact the better.

The new varieties of barley imported into the country some few years ago are known to farmers up and down the country as "Dillon's barrel" because he happened to be Minister for Agriculture at that time. These new varieties considerably increased the yield and it is only because of these improved varieties that we have arrived at this position. We are now able to supply all the coarse grain required in this country but the people who put their money into that work are being put out of commission. If this agreement is maintained I can tell the Minister and the Government that next year they will have a situation somewhat similar to what happened in the case of wheat this year.

In this document it is stated that the Minister is anxious to encourage the home production of feeding barley to the greatest possible extent and to ensure that dependence on imported coarse grains is kept to the minimum. If this is the way he is to do it, I am afraid it will have the opposite effect. It also refers to licences for the import of coarse grain other than oats, which can be imported, and I take that to mean freely imported. As a matter of fact there were imports this year and on the 10th and 11th of July, after landing a lot——

I do not want to interrupt the Senator but really he is not right in saying that oats could be imported freely, nor is it the intention that it will. It is not dealt with in this motion. I do not want to interrupt the Senator nor do I want to limit the field but, when a statement of that nature is made, I do not like to allow it to go unchallenged because it does harm and creates confusion in the public mind. It is not right.

I should like the Minister to repeat that statement. I did not catch what he said.

He said it clearly enough.

On the question of the importation of oats, oats is not, has not, and will not be imported freely.

I should like to tell the Minister that on the 10th July this year, after a considerable amount of oats had been imported, I took up a paper, the Cork Examiner, and looked through the advertisements in it. It is a good paper, a good solvent paper, read by a big number of people. I am sure Senator Mullins read it this morning because he is a Corkman too. There was an advertisement in it from a man named Farrell in Youghal: “For sale, 300 barrels of good feeding oats.”

A Chathaoirligh, are we to have a discussion covering the whole field of cereals? If you decide that this motion permits freedom to say what one likes, and deal with what one likes, I am perfectly prepared to accept that.

The Senator has been asked already to confine himself to the terms of the motion.

With all respect, I am merely reading from a copy of the agreement on the barley question made with a group of people whom I do not know. There are four associations named here, plus the Department and the Minister, and in it we have all these things mentioned.

It is excluded, in fact.

The whole policy of oat production and oat prices may not be discussed on this motion.

On a point of order, I should like the Senator to quote the names of the associations he mentioned.

I should be charmed to give the information but I am not in a position to do so. I am sure if the Senator asked the Minister he would give him the names.

I am not asking for the names. The Senator mentioned that certain associations would discuss the price of barley in conjunction with the Minister. What associations?

The Minister did not even tell us.

Senator O'Sullivan referred to them.

Let the Minister tell us.

I cannot supply the Senator with the information. This document is all I have. As I said, before the development of the production of feeding barley, this country imported coarse grain. In 1956, we imported over £4 million worth of coarse grain and that is not so long ago. At that time we exported only £2 million worth of pork, bacon and hams. This year, please God, with another three weeks of fine weather, we shall have the most bountiful harvest ever. I ask the Minister and the Government, in the interests of the farmers, of the feeders, and of the country, to scrap this agreement and to raise the price of barley to 40/- per barrel on the percentages given, and to give credit to the farmer for the lower moisture content where it is less than 20 per cent. They are now giving the millers the advantage of 9d. per barrel cut on every percentage increase in moisture content.

Mine is a very reasonable suggestion. I do not know whether or not the millers have experts in the weather bureau—they may have; they are wealthy enough, or they should be to have experts—who can tell if the weather will remain fine, in which case the moisture content of the barley will be under 20 per cent. They cannot say that, but probably they hope that by getting the barley down to 16 per cent. it will be 37/- per barrel.

Barley can now be grown, and is grown, on a wide variety of soils. As a matter of fact I have seen somewhere that in Glenamoy, on reclaimed bogland, barley has been yielding up to 30 cwts. per acre. That means that a wide range of counties in future will be able to go into barley production, and keep their grain at home, and supply their own needs. At the moment, after the barley has been given into the co-operative society and handed over to the millers, the farmer must then go to the millers and buy his barley at their price. I do not see any price mentioned in the agreement. No price is mentioned. It could be anything up to the figure I have named, £29 a ton ex-store in Dublin. There is nothing in the agreement to stop the millers from charging that price.

Why do not the co-operative societies dry it?

If Senator O'Reilly will take his holidays and come with me I shall show him plenty of driers.

Why do the co-operative societies not grind it and cut out this fictitious big profit?

They have not been given an opportunity under this agreement.

They have.

Farmers are allowed to dry their own wheat?

So long as they like.

It says here "to make available for sale"——

The English farmers can do it.

——"throughout the year dried unground barley in any quantities at a price related to the price of £22 10s. per ton." Nothing is said about the price. The farmers and the co-operative societies are told what they will get, but the miller is free to charge whatever he likes. That is the position.

I am sure there are other Senators who would like to speak on this motion and the time at our disposal is short. As a matter of fact, I thought that we could profitably meet next week to discuss it and spend a few days on it. It would be very good business—we could do worse—if we could get the Minister and the Government to agree to an increase in the price, and to the handling of the barley on the same lines as it was handled last year by the co-operative societies and by ordinary traders, the small millers, and everybody else. As I said, the price started in January, 1958, at £24 and jumped suddenly to £29. I do not know who made the profit, but somebody made it. I should like the farmer to get from the millers, when he requires it ex-store, any barley he needs at £22 10s. per ton.

He will.

There is nothing in this document to suggest that he will.

I am telling the Senator now.

I should like to take the Minister's word, but I should like also to have an assurance that it will be incorporated in the agreement that has been made.

That is an announcement.

I should like a positive margin fixed for the resale of dried barley.

Is that not fixed?

It does not appear that it has been fixed and, if it is not fixed, it will be too bad for the farmers who grow the barley. If I were assured that the feeders' interests would be considered, or if any reference were made in the agreement to the price of the ration, this motion would not be pressed. We have taken a beating in many directions.

On which side is the Senator? Is he in favour of the growers, the feeders, or the millers?

As a grower and a feeder, I want to hold a proper balance between all. I have said before and I state again here publicly, that I am against anybody getting more than his proper cut out of the handling, the grinding and the mixing of the ration. That is my position, clearly and plainly. The price has not been defined in the agreement and the miller is free to charge any price he likes.

In conclusion, I would ask the Government, the Minister and the Department to consider this very carefully and not have the position obtaining next year as obtains this year in regard to wheat. Otherwise, the same thing will happen in the growing of feeding barley, as sure as we are here, as happened in relation to wheat.

I second the motion. The handling of barley prices this year by the Minister and the Fianna Fáil Government shows how quickly, irrespective of political morals, they change their tune when in Government as soon as an instrument of their accession to power either has done its work or has turned against them. We all realise that a change has taken place since 1957 when they made their specific promises to the tillage farmers. We all remember the concentrated attack at that time on the then Minister for Agriculture, Deputy Dillon.

The Senator will now come to the terms of the motion.

We all remember what we were told in 1957 about the cruel and unjust cut in the price of cereals.

The Senator will come to the terms of the motion.

I am trying to do so. It is only fair to say that at that time there was an average of 40/- per barrel for barley. Now the price has dropped to 37/-. Growers at that time were getting up to 48/- per barrel for feeding barley. This year, we have roughly 240,000 acres of barley and the crop will be worth anything from £6,000,000 to £6,750,000. What do we find that the Minister did in this case? Let me quote the Press statement which has been released:

"The Minister for Agriculture has considered various proposals that have been made to him for the handling of the 1959 crop of feeding barley. After careful examination of these proposals the Minister has approved of the arrangements made on the following basis by four associations engaged in the grain and feeding stuffs trade."

In other words, the Minister is creating a monopoly. Why did the Minister not adopt the scheme suggested to him by any of the other people? The other proposals, I daresay, were made by people who had the interests of the nation at heart, the interests of all sections, the interests of the growers and of the feeders. Instead, the Minister has accepted the proposal of the millers—people who are interested in nobody but themselves.

We know what the millers have done in the past and what they are capable of doing. They will give the lowest possible price to the producer and they will charge the highest possible price to the people who have to buy the feeding stuffs. They have done it in the past. I dare say they are quite prepared to do in the future what they have been allowed to do in the past.

The Minister asked Senator J.L. O'Sullivan whose interests he had at heart—whether it was the feeders' interests or the growers' interests.

Or the Fine Gael Party.

I would ask the Minister whose interests these four associations have at heart. I claim they have nobody's interests at heart but their own. The Minister should not have given a monopoly to these four associations. There is the possibility, and even the probability, that the monopoly group will set high standards in the purchase of barley. I would refer Senators to the Farmers' Journal of 1st August in which one member of the group has sent out a circular from which I now quote:

Open to purchase barley of good milling quality. In this connection we can only accept barley that is sound, sweet and in fair marketable condition, commercially clean as regards admixture and screening, commercially free from moulding grain or abnormal small grains, objectionable taint and does not contain excessive moisture.

I hope the major portion of the barley will reach that standard though I very much doubt it, even in this good year which is the best year we have ever had. Perhaps 60 or 70 per cent. of the barley this year may reach that standard but in a year such as last year 10 to 20 per cent. of the barley could not reach the highest standard. The moisture deduction is 9d. per barrel for each 1 per cent. moisture from 20 to 25, and it is 4/6d. per barrel from 25 to 26 per cent.

As Senator J.L. O'Sullivan said, if you take into account the cartage, sack hire, and other incidentals, you may find that instead of the good price the farmer was promised, he will get perhaps from 10/- to 15/- per barrel less for his barley than he got two or three years ago. Undoubtedly there is dissatisfaction with this barley marketing arrangement. The dissatisfaction is widespread and I claim rightly so. The Government have again shown their contempt for the farmers. It is further proof that the more you produce in this country the less you will get for it.

What chance have the farmers in the future? Calls have gone out from the present Government and the past Government to increase production. The moment the farmers increase production the price is cut. Farmers have to pay rates and to meet overhead expenses. In the past few years, civil servants and other sections of the community have received increased remuneration. Is it right that the farmer should have to take less for his barley when everybody else has got an increased income?

Practically all groups associated with barley production have expressed disappointment at the fact that the Minister has handed over the marketing of the crop to a group of large maize millers. A Fianna Fáil Senator asked us to name the four people. They have not been named in the Minister's Press release. I suggest that the Senator should ask the Minister that question. All of us would be delighted to hear the Minister's reply.

The Senator is making the charge. It is up to him to give the names of the firms.

We cannot. We have not got them. The Minister has them.

How does the Senator know it is four firms?

It is published.

Although this is not "The Truth in the News", it is a Press release from the Minister in which it is stated that the number is four. We shall take it that it is four.

On a point of order, is that insinuation to be allowed to pass?

The Barley Growers' Co-operative Society, the merchants and the pig and poultry feeders, especially those in the Northern Counties, all find strong objection to the action of the Minister.

May I draw your attention, Sir, to the insinuation made by Senator L'Estrange?

What insinuation?

That the Senator in question did not tell the truth.

The Chair is not aware of any insinuation.

I did not make the charge against any Senator that he did not tell the truth.

The Senator said: "Even though you do not always tell the truth."

No, Sir, I did not. I was saying the Press releases of a newspaper that claims to have: "The truth in the news" do not always tell the truth. I did not mention a Senator at all. Last week the representatives of the Co-operative Society met officials of the Department of Agriculture to obtain some clarification of the Department's proposals as regards the sale of barley this year. Their fears have in no way been removed. They have expressed these fears quite plainly. Their objection is that this group of millers, whom we do not yet know, have a monopoly in the import of maize and they may use this to the disadvantage of the Co-operative Society and the smaller merchants in producing the compound feeding stuff. There is no control so far on what they can charge for the compound feeding stuff. I have read the Order and it is nowhere in it. I think it is agreed by everybody that pig and poultry feeders in Cavan, Monaghan, Donegal, Mayo, Galway, Kerry and other such counties have come very badly out of the new arrangement.

Why did the Senator want to raise the price of barley on them?

They have lost the pool transport charges arrangement they had enjoyed since 1948. We did not want to raise anything on them.

The Senator advocated increasing the price of barley.

I am not advocating anything.

The Senator advocated increasing the price of barley.

In the past whether you lived in Donegal or on the shores of Kerry, Mayo or Galway, where you could not grow barley——

The Senator cannot ride two horses at the one time.

——you paid the same price for it as if you were living in Louth, Cork, Wexford or any of the other tillage counties where barley was grown. If they have to pay an extra £2 10/- per ton, which they may have to pay and which the miller can charge them under this arrangement, it is the Government the Senator supports that is raising the price on them, not I.

The Senator advocated an increase in the price.

They are going to increase the price on them by £2 or £2 10/- per ton. Those are areas from which there is emigration, areas into which we are pouring millions to promote industrial projects and where there is a scheme called Sceim na Mac and other schemes such as the Glenamoy grass meal scheme to try to keep the people on the land. You have one Minister giving them money and the Minister for Agriculture taking it away from them. This proposal will definitely increase the price of barley on poultry feeders and on those who produce pigs in these northern counties where farmers cannot grow barley on their own land. That is a draft policy.

The estimated acreage under feeding barley this year is 240,000 acres. Taking an average yield of 1¼ tons per acre, and with the good weather, that acreage should be achieved. The Minister's price of £22 10/- per ton at 15 per cent. moisture means that this year's crop will be worth approximately £6½ million or £6¾ million. It is altogether wrong to give the complete handling of that crop to any monopoly and especially to a monopoly of millers.

Great credit is due to the farmers for the fact that they have increased barley production from 62,000 acres in 1954 to 240,000 acres this year. Great credit is also due to the former Minister because it was his idea, and it should be the idea of any Government, to increase production. As has often been stated: "one more cow, one more sow, one more acre under the plough." The best possible way for the farmers to get a fair return for their barley is to feed it either to pigs or cattle which they can send to the market. That was the policy of the last Government. The acreage of 240,000, worth almost £7 million, was achieved not by filling the fields with inspectors—Senator Lenihan may sneer——

Senator L'Estrange must come back to the terms of the motion.

——but if the farmers do not get a fair price for their barley and a fair return for their labour that acreage of 240,000 may diminish and we may go back again to the 1954 acreage of 62,000. Our balance of trade is going against us and if we have to import, as we may have, £4 million or £5 million worth of barley that would have a very serious effect. It is one of the greatest dangers of the Minister's action.

It is not a danger arising out of the proposals of the Minister for this year's barley crop.

Fianna Fáil have always tried to keep down the price of barley. That was their policy away back in the past when they had wheat on the brain and did not want barley production. In 1942 the price of home cereals was controlled by an Emergency Powers Order. For the first time in history a maximum price was placed on a product of the Irish farmer. The legitimate price at which a farmer could sell barley at that time was limited to 30/- per barrel.

The Senator is again going outside the scope of the motion.

He is reading the wrong speech.

The reason the Minister is making this proposal is that the amount of wheat sown has dropped. Now he wants to reduce the price of barley to an uneconomic level so that the farmers will switch over from the growing of barley to the growing of wheat. I think I am entitled to mention that. If the Minister has reduced the price to 37/- there must be some reason for it. At that price it will not be an economic proposition to produce barley and it his belief that the farmers will go back to the production of wheat.

We are also entitled to ask what is the attitude of the Government towards barley production. Is the price they are paying this year and the agreement they have made with those four millers, a reflection of the attitude and of the future policy of the Government and the new Taoiseach? Do they think the growing of barley it not important? I believe it is important to our economy and security. The Government thinks it is something to be discarded or, at least, very seriously curtailed. That is the only conclusion one can draw from the fact that they have reduced the price of barley this year. The growing of barley should be encouraged by giving the farmers a fair price for their produce.

What is a fair price?

All I can say is that if 40/- was a fair price in 1957, if we were told by Fianna Fáil at that time that it was cruel and unjust to ignore the farmers' pleas, considering the rate at which expenses have increased surely even the Senator, with the mind he has, cannot imagine that 37/- is a fair price in 1959.

Is it fair for the Senator to make insulting references to the mind of another Senator?

I am not insulted. It is a great thing I have not his mind.

I did not say anything about the Senator's mind.

I would remind Senator L'Estrange before he goes further, that it is not in order to make personal reflections on other Senators.

Who is to judge what is a personal reflection? I do not deem that to be a reflection on the particular Senator. I should like to ask the Minister that question of representatives, say, of the farmers' organisations, the pig producers and all the barley growers in this country. I should also like to ask the Minister whether he thinks the farmers' profits are too high or is it a touch of the new policy we are to get in this country? Do people think that the farmers are feather-headed and make too much profit out of the growing of barley? I think it will be admitted that it is the smaller farmers who will be the hardest hit by this new Order. Farmers growing barley are to get less. Due to the fact that they will have to pay cartage to all parts of the country, the small farmers engaged in pig production and the feeding of poultry will also be hard hit. If the area under barley decreases next year, as it will, because this is an uneconomic price, have we the dollars at the present time to pay for imported barley? I think it is very unfair to the farmers at the present time above all.

The farmers have been in the front line trenches in every war in this country in the past, national, social and economic. When the call went out they answered it. The call for a number of years has been to grow an increased acreage of barley so that we shall not have to import maize. I see Senator Lenihan smiling at that. I know he will ask what Deputy Dillon is supposed to have stated.

We are not interested.

It is no harm to say that, for the first time in history, in the year he was going out of office we had sufficient barley to do us for ten months of the year.

If the Senator persists in going outside the terms of the motion, I shall have to ask him to resume his seat.

If the Government persists in reducing prices to the farmers of this country, we shall not have even enough barley grown for the coming year. You cannot have one policy for the industrialist and another policy for the farmer. You should not make them hewers of wood and drawers of water. They have occupied that position long enough. They are entitled to a fair deal. They are entitled to a fair price for their produce and to a fair price for barley. They are certainly not getting a fair price now. They are certainly not getting a fair price now when barley is 10/- a barrel less than it was a few years ago. Everybody knows that the farmers' costs of production have increased. I should like to warn the Minister and the Government that the farmers are not going to become pack mules or sweated coolies for this Government or any other Government.

I wish to intervene in this debate for a few minutes. First of all, I should like to point out to the Senators in the House that the question we are discussing at the moment, as far as I can understand, is that of our surplus barley. The price that has been arranged for surplus barley has been stated to be 37/- per barrel for this year's crop. In case anybody might think that that was the highest price paid to the farmers, it is no harm to mention that most of the good grain is produced under contract for the maltsters and that the price of that barley is 52/6 per barrel. I think that is correct. If the moisture percentage of the main crop of barley produced by the Irish farmer is of a certain figure the price is 52/6 per barrel. That is a big difference from the quotation repeated in this House this evening of 37/- a barrel.

Does the Senator deny that the price of barley is 52/6?

I do, of course.

That is malting barley.

I shall come to that. I make this statement.

The motion related to this year's barley crop.

Not malting barley.

Am I in order to relate the price of malting barley to the other price?

In the midlands—I do not know what the position is in Cork and other places—most people produce barley for malting purposes and the price for this year's crop is 52/6 per barrel with a certain moisture content.

We agree but relate it to the price of 37/-.

The Minister's advice to the farmers more than a year ago was that people, who wished to do so, should sow barley outside that for the purpose of providing feeding stuffs for their own stock. That was sound advice. I believe that most of the surplus barley is produced by the farmers who sow an acre extra to have it for the purpose of feeding their own stock. I think it correct to say that this year they are guaranteed a price of 52/6 and that there was no guaranteed price previous to that.

Is that right?

They were guaranteed 37/-.

Yes, 37/- but it was 40/- when Deputy Dillon was in office.

In actual fact, all the talk this evening is about the surplus barley the farmers are asked to produce and which they do produce.

On a point of order, in relation to what Senator Hogan said about feeding barley and malting barley, everybody is aware that only a certain variety of barley——

That is not a point of order but a point of explanation. Perhaps, Senator Hogan would give way to hear the Senator's explanation?

Senator Hogan should be aware that only certain varieties of barley are grown for malting.

I am perfectly aware of that.

He stated that it is the surplus malting barley that goes into feeding. Anyone can see that the variety sown for malting is not used for feeding.

I am perfectly aware of that. The surplus barley is not of the same standard as malting barley. It is an inferior type of corn if you like. I do not believe any hardship in the world will be inflicted on the people who sell the surplus barley at 37/- per barrel. If you increase that figure— and Senator O'Sullivan did not explain this—beyond 37/- per barrel, you increase the price of feeding stuffs to the person producing pigs and poultry. You put up the cost of living further and then we shall have another full dress debate in the Seanad on the Adjournment or in some other form.

I have heard in this House—and I have heard many times over the past 20 years—people talk about the millers and the maltsters and refer to them in all sorts of terms. I never encountered a single man who could prove that these statements were true. I do not believe a single word of what was said. The people under the control of the Minister for Agriculture are a hardheaded set of business men and I, for one, have so much confidence in the Minister that I know he would not allow them to do what has been insinuated this evening—to rob the farmers and get excessive profits.

It has been consistently the policy of this Government to urge the farmers to produce the things we require, foodstuffs for the people and feeding for animal use. That has been their policy since they came into power over 20 years ago. No farmer need be annoyed by the statements made here this evening, that the whole place will be flooded with foreign maize and so on. I believe the Minister will handle the position properly in the best interests of the farmers.

In this motion we come down to earth from the millions of pounds for industry with which we have been dealing in the past few weeks and we find ourselves concerned with the price of feeding barley. As far as I can gather, the facts are that the price of barley, dried, was guaranteed in 1957 at 48/- and is now down to 42/6d. No other section of the community has suffered a similar reduction. I do not want to take sides in this matter but I am concerned with the fact that the Minister's proposals will have the very same effect as the proposals for wheat, milk and so on last year. There will be the great achievement of reducing production.

I wonder where we are going when the price of any single crop that seems to give hope of increased production must suddenly be reduced? I have no doubt whatsoever that these proposals for barley will have the effect of reducing production and that next year we shall not have anything like the acreage we have this year. Yet we all realise that the whole future of our pig industry depends essentially on home-produced feeding. Consequently I view with alarm any proposals that may in any way endanger the progress we have been making in the past towards attaining a certain amount of self-sufficiency in coarse grains.

We all agree that there is much leeway to be made up and that we could feed many more pigs and that consequently we need much more barley grown in the future than in the past. Only less than 12 months ago we had proposals for dealing with surplus wheat and, after very protracted negotiations, a Grain Board was eventually evolved. While it was not completely satisfactory in every detail still it has filled the bill. After all, we can judge by the fact that the people concerned, the farmers, have not been critical of the activities of the Grain Board.

The first measure of the success of any policy must surely be the reaction of that section of the community affected by it. The Grain Board is not likely to be called on to do anything this year but that very same machinery was capable of being adopted to handle the barley position. That is why I view with concern the proposals of the Minister because he could have agreed to the recommendation of the organisations concerned. He could have got the Grain Board into action. I think an Order would have been sufficient to do the task, to maintain full transport, regulation of imports, and everything else that has been achieved in the Grain Board itself.

That board at least marked one big step forward in that it is controlled by a group consisting of the producers, the consumers, four representatives of the grain growers, the pig producers and the trade itself. It was undoubtedly a step in the right direction. It was a step towards getting what we need, a marketing board representative of the interests concerned. I think it is a very retrograde step, as is proposed in the present year, to hand over this work largely to a certain group with which the farming community, the grain growers and the producers have no direct contact.

Contact?

I feel their activities in the past——

They have been dealing with them for the past 100 years.

——have not earned the confidence of the farming community. For instance in 1954 when the same people were responsible for importing maize—the people who had to do it under the Minister's proposals —they tacked on some £13 per ton for the handling of the product. Again we find in 1957, when the price was guaranteed at 48/- per barrel, there was a rise, on the taking off of control, of £6 per ton in six weeks in the early part of the following Spring. These examples give little reason in the future for confidence.

Again, as far as I can understand this Order—and it is a view that is shared by the National Farmers' Association—there is no provision for the control of prices after the 1st January. It is to be left to what is called competition and it is very doubtful if you will get effective competition when you have only those few groups concerned. In fact, I think the whole business is a vote of no confidence in the farming community and in the co-operative movement, both of which we need to develop if we are to get out of the morass in which we find ourselves. We have been voting millions and have been assured blandly that it does not matter if these millions do not ever return a dividend. Who is to pay the piper if these industries have to be carried on our backs? Surely it is the farming community?

It can be stated without contradiction that the farming community have suffered a very severe reduction in income over the last two years—a reduction in income which, unfortunately, has driven home the very point we should spare no expense to avoid, that is, the idea that increased production does not pay, that the more you produce the less you get. If we cannot get away from that heresy, there is no future for this country. That means the farming community and their responsible bodies must be treated with a full sense and measure of responsibility by our State Departments.

The Department of Agriculture should set a better headline in their work. If these bodies are not given the opportunity to develop, to handle the products and to co-operate in doing so, to be advisers with the Minister and to share his difficulties, and to present united plans for our increased production, how is it to be achieved? I was shocked last week to open the Farmers' Journal and to see there, in the official N.F.A. organ, that “Political Dictatorship Must Go.” In other words, that was their summing up of their reactions to this year's Barley Order. Again, I happened to see the Farmers' Gazette, the organ of the other major farmers' organisation, the Creamery Milk Suppliers' Association, and they speak in a similar vein. In other words, we just cannot make progress if those are to be the relations between the Ministers and the farmers' organisations.

It looks as if the lack of a flat price, as conveyed in this year's Order, will penalise the farmers in the backward areas, where the only hope of small farmers is to feed some extra stock and keep pigs. If there were any case for a subsidy, surely it is to subsidise the transport costs of those people? As I understand it, they can buy at a fixed price ex-store, but it is at a store of one of the maize dealers who are to handle the business.

Not necessarily; not at all. I do not accept that statement.

Again, we have this business—and this puzzles me enormously—of exporting barley in the Autumn and importing maize in the Spring—no doubt, to get over certain storage difficulties; and this group have full control over that. That seems to me to be an extraordinary situation. The N.F.A. say in their literature that this carriage to and fro will add at least £6 per ton to the price of the product in the Springtime. If that is so, surely there is a case there for diverting some of those millions we used last week, to provide additional grain storage facilities in our co-ops, and other local regions, to handle the storage not alone of this year's barley crop but of the crop in five years' time, when our pig numbers, we hope, will have considerably increased. After all, when we were voting £9½ millions recently to Aer Lingus for jet planes, we were assured that there was no scarcity whatsoever of capital. Let us have an implementation of that assurance, by hearing what is to be given to erect the grain storage at our co-ops and in other regions which is revealed to be necessary by this policy of exporting and importing.

Again, we have the question of the percentage which is set out. In other words, the price is to be set for a moisture content of 20 per cent., the lowest level. There are deductions above that, but there are no premiums below it. In this dry year, that will obviously militate very much against those who are harvesting their crop in good condition. It should be possible this year to harvest it at 17 or 18 per cent. moisture content. If that is the case, it is two per cent. under the level of 20 per cent. It will actually pay that farmer to turn hoses on it, or to have some means of bringing his moisture content up to 20 per cent. That seems very ridiculous. What seems more ridiculous is that the Government still persist in refusing to allow the Irish farmer to dry his grain at home, despite the fact that English farmers and other farmers are allowed to do so.

I would go so far as to say that some of those grants we dealt with here recently, where you can get two-thirds of the cost of buildings and one half of the cost of plant, should be given to the Irish farmer to enable him to buy a grain dryer and put up the necessary storage that goes with it.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

I think the Senator has developed that point sufficiently.

It is a very intellectual argument.

The proposals of the Minister, as I understand them, range over all these topics. One other bad feature, to which I adverted before, is lack of control, after the 1st January, on the prices. We have had the unfortunate experience every year of prices rising substantially in the Spring and early Summer. There is one really effective means which can be used to increase our pig supply. That is, to let the pig feeder know what he is to pay for his feeding barley all through the year and, if necessary, to subsidise to a certain extent the price in the Spring, so that in effect there will be a level price for the producer the whole year round. If we are to export up to something like 50,000 tons of barley, surely the cost of putting up additional storage for that would not be enormous?

Finally, the whole future of the country depends on building up our farmers' organisations. I would appeal for a more positive approach by the Department to this very important task. Also, I would appeal to the Minister to adopt a far more co-operative and positive approach to the organisations concerned. He did that in the case of the Grain Board last year. I regret to say that that attitude has not been continued into the position in relation to barley. I hope that in the future we shall have far fewer of these screaming headlines showing the open conflict between the Minister and the farmers' organisations. The country cannot progress while that situation continues.

I rise to put the point of view of the small farmers who produce pigs and poultry in the West and the North West. These people at all times have a hard life and a hard lot. They have to work much harder than most other sections of the community and get the lowest return for their work because of the smallness of their unit of production. Therefore, I was originally, and I hope I still am, prepared to take the view that the mover of this motion was honestly putting the point of view of those who grow grain for sale. Having regard to the area from which he comes, I can see that, because of the organisations of grain growers, fairly well-organised pressure could be brought on a public representative in the South, in Cork, say, to put a viewpoint similar to that expressed by the mover of the motion and I would have sympathy with that viewpoint even though I might not agree with it. But I was rather appalled when I saw the Senator who seconded the motion. In my view, that took away a lot of the merit from the case made by the mover.

I was prepared to take the view that there was no political injection in this matter, that it was a point of view of the grain growers, until I saw the seconder. The motion could have been seconded by a person such as Senator Donegan but, probably because the millers had to be attacked, Senator Donegan did not feel disposed to take part in the debate so far. Neither did Senator Burke take part in the debate. Senator Burke could very ably and comprehensively deal with the matter. I regard him as a man who takes a fairly wide view of all the aspects of a matter like this. He tries to refrain from mixing political venom with his remarks on an issue such as this. It is a pity, therefore, that whatever merit the motion might have in so far as it expresses a point of view, should be destroyed by the seconder.

Now come to the motion.

Exactly.

I want to be as brief as possible but it is difficult, in view of all that has been said on the other side, to put the point of view of the small producers.

It is hard to put down the truth.

I shall not be like Senator L'Estrange, the seconder of the motion, in trying to make a case for an increase in the price of barley while at the same time advocating a reduction in the price of a finished article of the balanced ration for pig producers. That is another attempt to ride two political horses simultaneously.

It was your Government who cut the guaranteed price of pigs by 5/- a cwt.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

Senator L'Estrange must cease interrupting.

I want to put the point of view of the small producers. The people who produce barley for sale want to get a price higher than makes it economic to use on their own farms but hope to sell the product, which is really the raw material of the pig industry, to people in Cavan, Leitrim, or Longford, to be processed. I suggest to the mover of the motion that these people dare not use the barley that they produce on their own farms because they want to get a price so high that it would not be economic to do so. That is the reason there is a problem.

It is time that somebody put the point of view of the unfortunate small producers of pigs. Up to now they have been unable to put their point of view by way of pressure group organisation, such as the grain growers. I suggest that somebody at some time will have to take their side. I hope the Minister, in so far as he can, will take their side. I do not know what his view is on this issue. A Minister, unfortunately, has to consider every side of a case but, since other groups can exercise such well organised pressure in this matter, I hope the Minister will weigh in on the side of the people who have not an organised pressure group to look after their interest. I refer to the small pig producers in the West and North.

If the mover of this motion wants a real solution, let him go to his own people there and advocate that the barley should be used on the farms and fed to animals so that more pigs can be produced there. Then we would all be much better off and this problem would not crop up year after year. I know the Senator will not do it. It is not confined to any Party, either the Fine Gael Party or the Fianna Fáil Party, but there are people who are prepared to make a case for a vested interest like grain growers and they do not seem to have much regard for the interests of the other sections of the farming community. It is my convinced view that their sole desire is to get their pound of flesh, the greatest amount of money they can get, irrespective of whom they may damage. I hope these people will learn the lesson and, instead of using Parliament for an argument like this, will go to their own organisations and tell the grain growers there to produce more grain, to process it on their own farms and feed it to animals. Then we shall be all better off.

Small farmers in the West and North-West, even under Scéim na Muc, have gone to the trouble of growing small amounts of barley and they are to some degree independent of that monopoly in the farming industry. That is a healthy tendency and one that will grow. The small farmers will not always be held up to ransom and mortgage by a group of grain growers.

Are not the grain-growers farmers? Everybody grows grain.

I feel there is a duty on me to say a word for the unorganised people. Everybody wants to get as much as he can out of them because they are not sufficiently organised or do not belong to a pressure group that would look after their interests. It is a terrible thing that a pistol can be put to the head of a Minister or a Department to ensure that a section of the agricultural community get more than their due share of the national income. That is wrong. I am standing four square with the small producer, not trying to take the side of the big producers and the grain growers, like some people who see fit to interrupt.

The mover of the motion did talk about co-operative societies and the great work that they are doing. Has it not occurred to these barley groups, including co-operative societies, that it was within their capacity to go into this matter? They are well capitalised and they were in a position to grind the barley that they bought. They could get grants, under an Act which was piloted through the House by the present Minister for Agriculture, if my memory serves me correctly, for the provision of storage facilities. I am not aware that any applications for grants under that Act have been turned down but if Senator Quinlan says that they have been, I shall be prepared to accept his word.

I feel certain that some co-operative societies engaged in the milling of compound rations. I am not here to make a case either for or against millers. I do not know much about them but there has been an attack made on millers. The ordinary law of supply and demand is the best way of regulating these matters unless there is a ring, and I am not aware that there is a ring amongst millers to exploit the public, the farmers or the rest of the community. If there were, we would hear more about it. On the assumption that there is not a ring, the law of supply and demand should regulate the price. I wonder for how much less than the £24 per ton quoted by the mover did those co-operative societies engaged in milling sell their barley? I should like the Minister to answer that question. I believe the mover was acting in the interest of a pressure group, but I do not think he had the political motives the seconder seemed to have.

I suggest to the Minister that it would suit the interests of the people by whom I am prepared to stand that the law of supply and demand should operate in the case of barley. What would happen if the Minister or his Department exercised no control at all? The grain growers should be in the same position as the people who have to grow potatoes or any other crop. I do not see why the grain growers, as such, should always get protection from the Department. To give them such protection damages other sections of the farming community and oftentimes the consuming public. My interest is with the small farmers who have no groups like the grain growers to argue their case.

Malting barley is grown under contract and therefore does not arise under this motion. However, under the terms of the motion as worded, malting barley could reasonably be dealt with. But there does not seem to be much purpose in that.

It may not be within the terms of the motion, but I suggest the co-operative societies could do much more than they are doing. If there is any substance in the case that the millers are getting too much profit, why can the co-operative societies not go into this business? If there is a monopoly, then they could succeed in breaking it, and it could not be argued that they would be hamstrung for want of capital. Instead of trying to run a retail business, selling anything from ladies' corsets to horse nails, in competition with family businesses, they should engage in selling Irish products properly packeted in such places as London, Manchester and Birmingham.

I know the Minister may not agree with much of what I have said but I believe there is a duty on somebody to put the point of view of the small farmer. I am not speaking on behalf of a pressure group, like the mover, or on behalf of a political Party, like the seconder. If anybody is to be subsidised it is the person who produces the finished article. How can we ever have an exportable surplus if the raw material outprices the finished article?

I support this motion as a fairly large grain grower and as a pig feeder as well. I do not think Senator O'Reilly can tell me anything about pig feeding since I come from the Longford-Leitrim-Cavan border which is an area in which pigs are produced on a large scale. I do not think any Senator can tell me anything about the cost of production or anything else about pig feeding. I issue a challenge to anybody inside or outside the House to tell me anything about the cost of grain growing or the cost of production of the finished article.

In supporting this motion I am under no political influence. Everybody will remember that the last harvest was the most depressing in our memory. There was no such thing then as grain-growers being a pressure group; everyone had to stand on his own feet. I do not think the grain growers have anybody to represent them. In general they have not any organisation. I think that is where the grain grower falls to the ground. He must stand behind his corn whether it is good, bad or indifferent. Last year everybody growing grain came to grief. Many farmers had to go to the merchants supplying them with seeds and manures and ask them to bear with them for as long as possible in the hope that this year would turn out just as it has, thank God.

Reference has been made to malting and feeding barley. To my mind, they are two very different things altogether. The growing of malting barley concerns only the brewer and the farmer. It is up to the brewer to give the farmer a contract for any or no amount of barley. Therefore I do not think the price of malting barley arises at all. It is a matter outside the scope of the Minister and his Department.

Feeding barley can be grown on some land where wheat or other crops cannot be grown. A farmer may grow a large or small crop of barley, according to what he himself thinks is best. I do not think the law of supply and demand would have any effect in that case. Light land is generally suitable for barley and it may not be suitable for wheat or oats. Certain lands which are cropping well go to the ground in early July. They will grow some of those barleys with short, hard straw which have come into this country recently. That is the farmer's own business and, as I have said, I do not think the law of supply and demand would have any effect whatsoever there.

It would regulate the prices. That is what I mean.

At the moment, as far as farmers are concerned—I am not holding the Minister responsible for this—the farmers are not having a good time. Cattle bought last spring are not making the money they should. Sheep prices are as bad as ever they were. Added to that, the farmers are gravely perturbed—I am surprised Senator O'Reilly did not make reference to this—by the recent trade agreement entered between the Danes and the British.

I kept to the motion.

I cannot see what is facing the farmers. If they do not get a chance this harvest and if they do not get some compensation to tide them over losses both this year and last year, their outlook will be a very grim one indeed. If an agreement has been made I appeal to the Minister now to scrap it and to give the farmer at least 40/- per barrel for his barley.

I am a fairly hard man to support. I was just wondering if this contract entered into with me was about to be broken and, if it had been, I intended to suggest we should adjourn to the restaurant.

Now that I am getting in on the stroke of the clock, I feel I shall be able to call upon my own reserves for about an hour or so. This motion and its subject matter could provide ground for a worthwhile discussion were the subject objectively approached. Without reflecting in any way upon the mover and seconder of the motion, I must admit that I did not come here inspired with the hope that we would have such an objective discussion. I was, of course, prepared for the latter eventuality. Those supporting the motion were speaking from the same brief and, while I do not want to censure them in any way, they did not seem to understand the brief too well.

What brief?

I shall pass from that now, and turn to Senator Quinlan. I should have expected Senator Quinlan to have had an objective approach. I should have expected him to give a little more time to understanding the brief before debating something which he apparently did not understand at all. Let us clear our minds now as to what is involved here. The Chair has endeavoured to point out, if not actually to rule, that the motion was limited to a discussion dealing with the arrangements approved for the marketing of the 1959 barley crop and that it had nothing whatever to do with the price of feeding barley for 1959.

The price of feeding barley for the year 1959 was announced by me on the 5th November, 1958. The conditions as to moisture content were announced at the same time. The conditions and the price were exactly the same as those which prevailed in 1958. Indeed, as far as conditions are concerned, the conditions of sale were identical with those which had prevailed for several years. The moisture content condition has been the same all down the years.

What about the strong and the sweet, etc., etc.?

The Senator will not divert me. Those who attempt to misrepresent the position, either here in the Seanad or outside, are deliberately misleading the public—for different purposes; some are inspired by political motives; some of them are inspired by purely selfish motives. Selfish motives are at least understandable because they are governed by a purely human reason and a purely human inclination.

This year we have had the highest acreage of barley in our recent history notwithstanding the fact that in November, 1958, the farmers knew exactly what price they would get for it. Anyone may make as much capital as he likes out of that. As Minister, where do I stand? Where do the Government stand in this regard? Some Senators have tried to prove that the acreage increased because of the disastrous wheat season last year and because of the failure of the wheat crop due to weather conditions last year. Senators may use those arguments to show why the acreage has increased, but the fact remains that, in the full knowledge as far back as November, 1958, of the price they would get back before an acre of ground was turned, the farmers have this year put down the highest acreage under feeding barley in, as I say, recent history.

Where was my concern then as the harvest was approaching? I had two concerns. I shall state them clearly. I know them well. Remember, I am not confused by political considerations or by a partisan approach. I stated them very clearly in reply to a question in the Dáil during the course of the debate on my Estimate. First, a guaranteed price had been offered on 5th November, 1958, and it was my responsibility to ensure that that guarantee would be honoured. Secondly, I had to make arrangements at the same time to ensure that the feeder would get this barley and compounds at the cheapest possible price.

We heard these Senators talk about a scheme I turned down, a scheme that, according to them, would give the grower more, give the feeder the barley at a cheaper price, and give the handlers a greater profit margin. These three wonderful propositions were supposed to be in a scheme which I rejected, and about which the Senators never said a word.

Not a single Senator who spoke in favour of the motion, a motion of censure, more or less, proceeded to outline what the scheme was that I was supposed to have rejected.

"Various proposals."

You are proposing to censure me because I refused to accept a scheme submitted to me by the N.F.A. for the handling of the 1959 barley crop.

And Senators, without going into details or without analysing that proposed scheme, criticised me. It was supposed to be a scheme that would ensure a higher price to the grower, a lower price to the feeder, and a safer margin to those who handled the grain and brought it to the state of 15 per cent. moisture. That is a point we should dwell upon.

We never mentioned that.

All things to all men.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

Order.

The Senator did not read his brief properly, not that that would have made much difference.

I want to inform the Minister that I have no brief, except his own brief. On a point of order I want the Minister to accept that. I have no brief from anybody.

This is a point of explanation.

I dealt with the Minister's own words in regard to various proposals.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

The Senator cannot make a lengthy statement on a point of order. I do not think the Senator has a point of order.

Is it not a reasonable assumption on my part to feel, when I face a motion like this in a deliberative assembly, if my proposals for handling this year's barley crop are not satisfactory to the movers of the motion, that those Senators must be in favour of another scheme which was submitted to me and was rejected?

No. The Minister said "consider various proposals". These are his own words.

I am not talking of that. I am talking about the brief the Senator had.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

I think the Minister should accept the Senator's statement that he did not get a brief.

If he did not get a brief he did not get a brief, but he could not be more confusing, as far as this particular subject is concerned, using a brief or not.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

The Senator has stated he did not get a brief.

It would be a relief to me to feel that he did not, and, if he says he did not, it is all right with me. What was this scheme submitted by the N.F.A.? Roughly it is this: a Grain Board was brought into existence, and I got a fair share of pounding, from people who are now apparently enthusiastic about it, when I was endeavouring to bring it into existence. That Board dealt with a very exceptional situation that arose in regard to wheat and at that time I did not find the same sort of enthusiasm for it as there appears to exist now. The proposal made to me by the N.F.A. was that this Grain Board, having done a reasonably good job in regard to the work that was entrusted to it, should be called upon for the purpose of giving effect to the guarantee which I gave last November to the barley growers.

How did they propose to do this? The Grain Board is composed of a number of individuals. They have a staff but they have no buying organisation of their own. They have no network of people or premises of their own throughout the country for handling grain and this business is in fact conducted by private traders. Therefore, the Grain Board, if I were to approve of their handling this particular matter, would have to say to every person and firm, compounders, grain merchants, co-operatives and every kind of individual and organisation engaged in this business: "Knowing as you do the floor price that has been fixed for barley we entrust you with the purchase of all the barley that is offered; you will pay for it, store it, dry it and, if and when you have it dried down to 15 per cent., we will take it from you at a price of £23 per ton."

Note that, having taken it from all these compounders, these cartels, these vicious people who rob everybody, these co-operatives who are saints in the land at £23 per ton, dried down to 15 per cent., they were going to sell back whatever quanities of barley in their own stores were required by these compounders, at £22 10s. a ton. who was going to pay the difference? Who was going to make up the difference in price, buying it and selling it back in an hour's time, half an hour's time or three-quarters of an hour, at a loss?

I shall tell you what their scheme was. Having sold it back at 10/- a ton less to the very people who bought it, dried it, handled it and had their profit for doing that, they were going to sell some undefined quantity of barley at a higher price, maybe £24, £25, or £26 a ton, to anybody who would want to export it to other lands for the purpose of importing maize or whatever other coarse grain they decided to import.

These are the bones of the proposals which were made to me and about which there has been all this scorching publicity and all the flaring headlines to which Senator Quinlan referred. Do Senators know that, if I were so foolish or so lacking in commonsense and judgment as to allow a scheme of that nature to be forced upon me, I certainly would feel that I was not entitled to be here as Minister for Agriculture or to be in any other Department? I do not want to deny to anybody any prestige value associated with the establishment of the Grain Board, but I should like them and everybody else to remember that, while I have no objection at all to letting them have any prestige that is going, I certainly will not commit myself, the Department or the Government, to acceptance of a scheme merely for the purpose of continuing the existence of the Grain Board, and all associated therewith. That is not commonsense. I am positive that, were I to make myself responsible for any such scheme, it would not have received my approval for 24 hours, if the Dáil were in session, before I would find myself confronted, and rightly so, with a motion calling upon me to explain how I could justify giving such a tremendous advantage to people who are denounced as sharks and, if you like, almost as criminals.

I have no belief in those denunciations. Just imagine what would be said if, having given them freedom to buy barley in the green state, and to store and dry it, they, having got their profit margin—and it could be the difference between £18 10s. and £23 per ton—could buy back whatever amount they wanted, not at £23 per ton but at £22 10s., and the Grain Board would make good the difference by selling a quantity of barley at a higher price, to be exported for the purpose of importing maize on a ton-for-ton basis. Suppose there was not a sufficient demand for that barley at the excess price to warrant the importation of that quantity of maize which would enable the Grain Board to meet the losses sustained on the sale to which I have referred, where was the money to come from?

I examined these proposals. I examined proposals made by the trade. After all, we have a Constitution and, while I do not profess to know it very intimately, I think that it provides that our society is based on the idea of free enterprise. I believe in free enterprise where it is at all possible. Suppose the people who were engaged in this business found themselves during the war years in the position that other traders in other businesses found themselves— because of the difficulties at the time of securing imports of one kind or another—squeezed out of business by the establishment of a semi-State concern such as Grain Importers; if a reasonable proposal emanated from them why should they not be allowed to get back into the legitimate business in which they had been engaged all down the years? Senators can think what they like and say what they like in this privileged place——

We never had the barley in the past.

There is some wonderful prejudice, as I say, on the part of some Senators against certain people who, because of circumstances which existed down the years, were squeezed out of business and who came forward on this occasion, when I was anxious to devise ways and means of ensuring that a guaranteed price would be given, and made proposals which I examined in relation to the proposals made by the N.F.A. Their proposals were on the lines that they would take up all barley at the guaranteed price and on conditions publicly advertised, pay for it, store it, dry it, and sell it direct, or that those who are in the compounding business would use it in their compounds.

The compounders have agreed to take all the barley that is purchased by other interests, by all those who are not compounders, co-operative societies who are only engaged in buying, drying and storing, the small merchant down the country, every conceivable kind of person who buys barley in the green state and stores it. That barley will be taken from them at the price of £22.10/- per ton up to 31st December next. The N.F.A. have been after me because they were in doubt as to whether or not the farmer could buy in the meantime in two, three, four or five ton lots at this price. He can.

The N.F.A. have been discussing with me a point that was raised here— it was not fully made here because apparently the Senator did not understand it—as to the position after the 31st December. I would have regard to the fact that the longer the barley is held the more storage charges, the more costs, the more interest and other charges there are. While I did not specify the amount of the increase after the 31st December I did say in the announcement that any increase would have regard to these factors. They asked me to spell out these extra charges, say, for the months of January, February, March, April. Because I have not fully made up my mind as to whether these charges should be set out, all kinds of people are briefed here about the disasters that will befall——

Who are all these classes who are making accusations?

All kinds of people are briefed here about the disasters that will befall the feeders because of this omission. It may be that before 31st December I might determine what these extra charges would be, and might allow free competition to find the level, always in the full knowledge that if the words of my announcement —the release which went out from my Department—are not interpreted fairly in so far as the pig feeder and the user of the mixture are concerned I can always ask these men to explain why they have not followed the spirit of the arrangement that has been approved.

I never like to fix trading margins. The one thing I dislike about Grain Importers and An Bord Gráin was that when you commissioned people to buy grain for you had to fix margins which usually resulted in much higher margins than the individuals would charge if they themselves were engaged competitively in the purchase, storage and disposal of the grain.

Unfortunately, the criticism of our decision is not based on any knowledge on the part of those who are being critical. One would expect the co-operative movement to behave reasonably not only towards the grower of barley but towards the user of barley and the user of feeding stuffs. We had some difficulty, for example, about the margin to be given as between the price for green barley and the price of barley dried down to 15 per cent. and whether the price of dried barley should be £22 per ton or £22 10s. One had to be fair. One had to have regard to the fact that these men were entitled to a fair compensation for their activity. We have met the representatives of the co-operative people who were interested in this grain business and have erected grain stores, drying plants, and so on. Do you know the reward they want for that operation? The difference between £18 10s. and £22 10s. is the margin allowed. They want a margin of between £5 and £6, and that would be imposed on the pig feeder. Their plea to me is that they have invested large sums of money in premises, plant and so on.

When I meet the N.F.A., maybe today, they are all advocates of co-operation and they are all enthusiasts for the co-operative movement. When I meet the representatives of the co-operative concerns, they are full of enthusiasm for themselves and for raising the margin well above what the much scoffed-at private enterprise would even ask for.

All these people have access to me, and rightly so. They try to confuse this issue by talking about a price announced in November, 1958, for the 1959 crop. They try to confuse that with a scheme approved by me which enables me to keep my word and my guarantee and the guarantee of the Government to the grower. They try to confuse the issue with the plea that the price of 37/- is not enough and a price of at least 40/- is desirable. I meet, with the next breath, sometimes from the same group, such as I have received from the mover and seconder of this motion, a plea for an increased price of at least 40/- and at the same time a plea that the cost of feeding stuffs be not increased. I meet all these rural groups prepared to support the co-operative movement and they all make demands upon me and denounce me. They move about the country seeking the influence and the ear of public representatives in the form of members of county committees of agriculture—whether it be the biggest county of Ireland, Cork, or otherwise —who do not know the story but who will waltz in and say they have been approached by the managers of these concerns. The story, from their point of view, is whispered into these people's ears and, without the slightest consultation or examination, they proceed to condemn the terms of a scheme which they do not know or they praise a scheme which they say has been rejected and about which they know even less.

We were uniform— even the Minister's own supporters.

I am terribly concerned lest Senator L'Estrange should put me off my line of thought. This could have been an objective discussion and should have been an objective discussion. I realise fully the importance of the two interests involved. I realise the desirability of giving a reasonable price to the man who grows barley as a cash crop, always remembering that this is surely a matter in which one cannot afford to be over-generous inasmuch as that barley must be used by some other set of farmers who will convert it into other produce some of which has to be sold with the aid of a subsidy from the taxpayer.

We could have had an objective discussion in order to see what were the merits of the approach suggested to me and the approach of which I have approved. One of the points that was missed and is being missed by those who either did not read their brief or do not understand it was this, that in some way the arrangement approved by me would have a detrimental effect upon the policy of growing feeding barley. I have determined in advance the amount of maize that may be imported here on a ton for ton basis, but was there any limitation provided in the scheme that was suggested to me by the National Farmers' Association? They were going to make good the difference by selling barley at a higher price to recoup themselves for the cost of the other proposal to which I have referred. There was no limitation suggested there; yet I am the person who is being accused of possibly creating a situation that may result in ousting the growing of barley as a policy.

I have been quite conscious of that danger and I have guarded against it. I have guarded against it while those who are critical, those who are denouncing me, those who are misrepresenting us through their Press releases and otherwise, did not so protect the future of barley growing.

I always have regard for Senator Quinlan because I know he has a nonpolitical mind, that he is the very essence of an independent Senator. I really enjoy listening to him for the personal satisfaction it gives me and the pleasant ring in my ear that is caused by the voice of one who can speak from that independent position.

He was independent when he voted for your Chairman.

But he did not do it at my request. He did say something that I thought very wise. I do not know whether it was intended to be helpful but it does give me an opportunity of dealing with a matter with which I think it is no harm to deal here. He spoke of the undesirability of the situation developing here that would justify, on the National Farmers' page of the Farmers' Journal, a general criticism of me and my Department headed: "Political dictatorship must go". I want to say this in a very deliberate way. There has been a good deal of consultation since and before I came into the Department. These consultations have been going on not only with the N.F.A. but with other rural organisations and at no time, as far as I know, was a request for a hearing from any of them refused. These discussions might involve the National Farmers, the I.C.M.S.A., Muintir na Tíre, the Irish Coutrywomen's Association, the Agricultural Societies or any of the many and various organisations dealing with rural matters.

I have met these organisations one after the other and they have largely the same ground to cover, whether it is about bovine tuberculosis, the price of wheat or barley or its disposal. Every one of them has the same sort of proposals to make and naturally the same sort of discussion follows. Some of these organisations can be tremendously critical of public men and politicians because we cannot agree, because we cannot always find ourselves on the same side, because we cannot approach things without the possibility of there developing in our discussions a difference of opinion. It is a strange thing that those who are most critical of the politicians are the people who themselves fail to bring about that sort of cohesion in their own ranks that would enable them to save time and energy and to present a far more solid front.

The article to which Senator Quinlan referred did not escape my notice at all. I thought that heading and that article were completely unjustified and completely misleading. I thought that not only in relation to the article but in relation to the whole campaign on this barley question, which has been a campaign conducted with somebody holding his tongue in his cheek——

Like the Minister's campaign about wheat prices in 1954.

I think I should state here what I regard as the general conditions under which a Minister must operate in relation to these consultations. Before I meet the representatives of any of these organisations—I do not mind telling the House; I do not have to tell my officials—on any particular matter, I give whatever consideration, attention and discussion to it that I can possibly afford. I try to know personally every aspect of the questions about which they have come to have these discussions. One of the reasons why I do that—I do not mind making it public—is this. I have heard all down through the years that a Minister was only a cipher; that he was in the hands of his officials and that, if he had a mind, he was not capable of using it.

I always feel that the time I should have a real showdown with my officials about this is when I and they are trying to arrive at a proper conclusion as to how the problems with which we have to contend should be handled. Once the officials and I have discussed these matters adequately and cleared our minds and pulled no punches as to the wisdom of the course I or they might suggest, when we have agreed upon the way in which a matter should be handled, then, when I go to meet the representatives of the N.F.A., the I.C.M.S.A. or any other rural organisation, I feel that, through all the proceedings, I should keep complete control of the discussion. The officials do, in fact, on occasion intervene to remind me of some particular point or another. I feel that it is my duty to let those who are interested in that business know that they are dealing with a Minister who makes it his business—by work, effort and time— to understand what all these matters are and to be able to know himself why it is he has approved of certain actions.

We have had many discussions in relation to projects that affect our people and this particular industry. Surely I am not expected, as a Minister, to act upon the advice of all these organisations? The co-operative movement would want a margin of £5 or £6 for handling and drying wheat. The farmers would love to support the co-operative movement because they would love to think the co-operative movement is against private enterprise but they could not take the responsibility for the increase that would result to the feeder of barley.

The National Farmers' Association might say: "We think you should give 40/- per barrel" and present me with a case based upon the judgment of a committee composed of representatives of the pig feeders as well as the grain growers. I know as much about the outlook, the mind and the approach of pig feeders everywhere in the country as do the National Farmers' Association. I make no bones about that. While I discuss and reason with them or with any other organisation, surely to goodness those who got that wonderful idea that we must end political dictatorship do not suggest I should abdicate and let the N.F.A., the I.C.M.S.A., the Countrywomen's Association and all the other organisations determine questions of this nature from time to time?

I say to them, in the most deliberate fashion, that I want to preserve co-operation and understanding with every one of these organisations. I would prefer if they could pull their weight together—it would make it easier for any Minister—but, whether they do or not, I want co-operation with all of them. Let no man or organisation think, however, that it is going to be based on the understanding that I am going to abdicate and that they are going to make the decisions in these vital matters—which affect thousands and thousands of people for whom they have no right to speak.

Somebody mentioned here the existence of pressure groups. As far as organisations that I meet are concerned, in the main, they aim at contributing their share to the general welfare of the people for whom they are endeavouring to act. Some pressure groups or some few individuals with an axe to grind will get into an organisation. They will plug and drive and they will get the ear of someone who will give their ideas publicity. They will try to get that over. That will be represented as something that is worthwhile from the point of view of the interests of the community. I think we are reaching the stage when we must beware of these groups. We must beware of what they are aiming at. We must be aware that it is a selfish purpose in many cases that they have to serve.

I have read, in connection with another matter which affects my Department, in some paper or other, an article dealing with this matter and I knew it was written by a retired official. If one were innocent and did not know the background and could not detect in the article itself where it originated, one would think that it was genuine criticism of what the Department had done and was doing— when, in fact, it was an opportunity seized by one individual to get even in respect of some imaginary grievance he had against those with whom he was previously in employment.

In reply to the point made by Senator Quinlan, let it be understood that I want co-operation. I sought it at times. I have had discussions on request. Remember that in these nonpolitical organisations there are people of Fianna Fáil leanings, people of Fine Gael leanings and people of other leanings. I do not wish to be brought into the position of denouncing them by saying that this is a Fianna Fáil or a Fine Gael ramp. I only want to remind them that these organisations are composed of human beings. When they come to see me, you can never be sure what motives are prompting them to take a line of action and adopt an aggressive type of attitude in the hope, perhaps, that they would produce a scene to which they could give some splash publicity in order to put the Minister and his Department on the wrong foot.

I am fully conscious of every danger that arises for me in that regard. I would ask those men who are in responsible positions in these organisations to remember it is in the country's interests that there should be co-operation. It is in the country's interests that there should be no misunderstanding as to the basis of that co-operation. It is in the country's interest that whatever suggestions these organisations make should be considered carefully but at no time can I, or any Minister, concede to them the right to determine all these important matters.

If the harmony that has existed is to be preserved in the future, there cannot be this use of the public Press to misrepresent or attack us in the way in which we have been misrepresented and attacked. They will not be free to dub me or my Department as people who have sold themselves to anybody or to any interest—the Grain Board, the grain trade, grain growers, National Farmers or the I.C.M.S.A. I should like them to understand that they are dealing with a Minister who is, I hope, one who can claim he will keep his word and honour his bond and not take an unfair advantage at any time of any discussions that take place prior to the final determination of any question that falls for solution between us.

Let there be then a reassessment of all this. But I can say, on this worked up matter, that in a paper, circulating in my own county, there was a statement released by the National Farmers' Association dealing with this whole question of the arrangement approved by me for the disposal of the barley crop of this year and every single word of any substance in it was untrue and inaccurate.

That is what the Minister says.

I know that perhaps it was not the intention of the mover or the seconder of this motion to provide me with this opportunity of dealing with this question. The unfortunate thing about it is that the Department has not the same opportunity or the same facility at every turn of the road for making these Press comments or giving these Press releases. There has been a good deal of misrepresentation of the kind to which I have referred. I think that I have dealt with it very fully. Let me conclude by repeating to those who have been responsible for it and who have endeavoured to convey the impression to the people that they submitted a scheme to me that was preferable, more practical and more beneficial to all the interests, that if I had approved of that scheme I would regard myself as being completely and absolutely unworthy to hold this position because the scheme would have been the laughing stock of the countryside and I, having approved of it would, of course, be the central laughing piece.

When I put down this motion I did so as a farmer and as one with experience of working on the land. Thank God when I get home again I can go back to that work. I can assure the Minister, no matter on what pedestal he put himself, and no matter what he said about briefs, that I have not been briefed by any organisation or by any co-operative society. As a matter of fact, I can say that the Minister is the best briefed man in this House——

The Senator may be sure of that.

——and he has the brains behind him. As far as I am concerned there is no need to brief anybody who understands the position. I am a member of the committee of a co-operative society and I do not always agree with some of the policies perhaps of the manager or of other members of the committee. I can assure the Minister that last year, or the year before, I sold corn to that creamery. When I went there I found that they were measuring moisture content with the various implements which are available. I put my corn on the car and brought it home and I am a member of the committee of that creamery. I would do the same thing to-morrow.

As for being briefed by the National Farmers Association, I can honestly say that I have not got any connection with them. I say that in full truth prepared for any investigation into the statement. I put down this motion for the same reason that I took my corn back from the co-operative society—that I am afraid that the middle man in this business is the man who is reaping the most profit. I defy anybody to contradict me on that point and I proved it here when I quoted a report that the barley bought for 37/- last year—or probably less—was selling on the market in ton lots at £29 a ton. That cannot be denied. I am not concerned with any pressure group in any organisation. While I am an elected member of this House I shall speak what is in my mind from consultations with ordinary working farmers whom I meet every day, in my business as a farmer, throughout the country.

I shall say, and I said it at the beginning, that there is a grave danger that we shall kill the growing of corn. That has been voiced from the house tops by members of the Minister's own Party. It probably affected the result of a by-election in Kilkenny. Everybody listened to people telling us that if Fianna Fáil got back to power the price of wheat would be increased——

That was never said.

——and that the price of barley and wheat would be secure if Fianna Fáil were returned to office.

I am very sorry that I had occasion to say that. I did not mean to say it. When the Minister states that I was briefed by somebody outside I can disabuse his mind. If I am not able to do my own business, I have no business here and I have no business as a farmer either I am speaking solely in the interests of the people I represent. While the Minister devoted the best part of an hour attacking other organisations, or his discussions with them, I have no interest good, bad or indifferent, in them. The only question with which I am concerned is what profit margin the miller will get for corn after the 31st of December. No matter how the Minister covered up that—I believe he may be trying to do his best and I am not suggesting any personal motives against him for not making a bargain —why did he confine everything to the line on the other side? When the farmer was there, he was tied to his 37/- per barrel for a moisture content of 20 per cent. Everything in relation to the crop concerning the farmer was in that document, but the other man got time to draw his breath. The millers got time to draw their breaths and make up their minds what to take. They could take the difference between 37/- per barrel and £29 a ton for barley this year, as they did for milled barley last year.

The farmers, I may say, grow a certain amount of barley and they often have to sell that barley to the best customer and they have to buy back twice as much later in the year. In Cork there is one of the greatest pig feeding areas of the country—better than Cavan or Monaghan or any other part of the country. You cannot teach them much about farming, for they farm the hard way. It is a pity to see barley, grown in the Clonakilty area, going to the miller in Cork and then going back down the road to Castletownbere and the lorry lad singing behind the wheel; the tune is being played and more expense is being put on it.

If the Minister or the Government are concerned about the farmers in that area, why do they not put up a silo for them and shift in the grain for them, where they have it in their immediate vicinity?

Why not let the Coop. Society do it?

I have told you about the co-ops. I do not agree with what some of the co-ops. do. I am a member of a Society and I am not a a bit afraid to stand up here and say whether I think they are right or wrong. I have done that before and I have taken all my corn back for it.

The Minister and the Government should be concerned about this industry, which as I said earlier this evening, involves so much capital and labour. It is native Irish capital; it is not anything brought in from Holland, Belgium or any other outside country. It is the result of the hard work of the farmer and his family; he put his hand in his pocket and went out and bought the machinery to sow, plough and reap his corn. I do not want the position to obtain tomorrow that he will have to put that machinery across the gap. That is what I am afraid of.

These sudden changes in the prices of any agricultural commodity are a big mistake. You cannot switch a man from tillage to grazing. He must do it on a scale. He must reduce his tillage; he cannot do it in one year or perhaps he cannot do it in ten years. It is not as profitable as you think. Whatever profit the miller is to get between the 31st December and the next harvest, I can assure the Minister and the House that it will be far more profit than that of the farmer who grew it, the farmer who used his sweat in planting and reaping it.

I would ask the Minister or any member of his Department to take, on an average, one county or one townland and find out from that, from the costings, the cost of producing and reaping an acre of barley, on an average. There may be a better barley yield in one place than another; one may get a yield of two tons, but that is on rare occasions. On the major portion of the land of this country, if it yields 30 cwts. per acre the producers are doing very well.

I am very sorry that the Minister did not consider our proposals and scrap this agreement. I cannot tell who these four associations are. They may be the N.F.A., Macra na Feirme and the Irish Countrywomen's Association, for all I know. There are four associations mentioned here. They probably are in it—they may be going into the milling business now.

I would ask the Minister to reconsider this matter very carefully, in the interests of the ordinary Irish farmer, and so preserve that industry which it cost so much to develop and to build up. I shall not delay the House further. We have made the best case we could, without briefing. I hope the Minister will give it his consideration and I feel sure he will.

Motion, by leave, withdrawn.
The Seanad adjourned at 8.20 p.m.sine die.
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