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Seanad Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 18 Jan 1984

Vol. 102 No. 11

Appropriation Act, 1983: Motion (Resumed).

Debate resumed on the following motion:
That Seanad Éireann notes the supply services and purposes to which sums have been appropriated in the Appropriation Act, 1983.
—(Professor Dooge).

Last night in a very brief introduction to what I had to say in relation to this Act, I was dealing with the question of the delay in producing audited accounts of the Departments and indeed the various local authorities, county councils and health boards around the country. This leaves people in the position that they are dealing with matters that took place some couple of years previously and, therefore, make it infinitely more difficult to evaluate and sometimes to eradicate wasteful expenditure.

All contributors to this debate have singled out public expenditure as an area for much closer scrutiny for the future and therefore we must have the opportunity to examine in detail matters which take place on a regular basis.

To think that we can deal with this problem on the basis of reports being presented to us some years after actions take place is very regrettable. That is why we have had, as was mentioned yesterday, expenditure on the leasing of office blocks where the occupants for whom these offices were originally intended did not take up occupation for as many as three years. It is economic suicide to try to stand over that kind of delay in the context of our difficult economic problems.

Reference was also made to the disease eradication programme and I have the Comprehensive Public Expenditure Programmes which the Minister produced last year. On page 71, dealing with the bovine TB eradication scheme, it states—

Animal incidence which stood at 17% in the 1950's was reduced to 0.2%, with herd incidence standing at 2.76% at the end of the last yearly round of testing. However, virtually no progress has been made in recent years. Accordingly, additional measures have been introduced this year and further measures are under consideration, with a view to achieving greater cost effectiveness and combating abuses and illegalities.

It is fairly clear from what has been said about this programme and what is known about it in recent times that it is, regrettably, a national scandal. For the farmers concerned, and particularly for the vast majority of those who have tried diligently to co-operate with this scheme since its inception, it is a major disappointment and has cost the farming community as well as the taxpayer very considerable amounts. It is, therefore, very regrettable that the Minister has chosen to cut back on the intensification of this eradication scheme. I am not asking him directly to spend more State money on the scheme. I have always accepted that farmers should contribute to it and they have done so in the past.

The necessity to impose levies for the eradication of this scheme is essential. However, we have the figures before us to indicate that since 1966 the lowering of the incidence of this disease has been infinitesimal and we are, therefore, faced with continuing the kind of half-hearted effort that has been part and parcel of that programme in recent times. The investment of that money at this time is actually a waste of very scarce national resources.

It is well known that this bug is far tougher to eradicate completely than the brucella. Fantastic progress has been made in terms of the eradication of brucellosis but unfortunately this final step in eradicating TB has been a major stumbling block. Various reasons have been given for this but we have not got down to researching the real problem as far as this eradication scheme is concerned. We will have herds this year that will not have any test at all. We have evidence regarding water supplies and different other matters where local veterinary personnel have indicated to the Department that they consider that these are adding to an already difficult problem and yet there is no intensification, no research, no scientifically based programmes to try once and for all to rid the country of this disease. We continue to deal with it in a piecemeal, half-hearted way. It is no wonder that it is becoming a matter of public debate and of concern and, indeed, embarrassment to many people who are directly involved in the implementation of the scheme. I share the worry of the veterinary profession, particularly as enunciated by one of their members representing the Department of Agriculture last evening, when he said he was disappointed that they did not have the resources available to them to combat this problem in the way that they should.

In this comprehensive public expenditure programme, I want to refer to the fact that 96 per cent of passenger traffic in this country is carried on our roads. Almost 90 per cent of freight traffic is carried on our roads and yet the investment in our roads is less than the estimate, or the grant to CIE. These percentages illustrate the magnitude of the problem before us. Córas Iompair Éireann have available to them a sum of money greater than the State is providing on our roads as they carry 4 per cent of passenger traffic and less than 10 per cent of freight.

In relation to receipts from road taxation generally, we spend a paltry 25 per cent of those receipts on road improvements compared with European countries, where the average expenditure is 56 per cent of road taxation, or America where almost 100 per cent of road taxation is spent. We have a very difficult problem ahead of us. I am not proposing that the State should involve itself in increasing direct expenditure on roads completely from its own resources. In recent years efforts have been made to try to pump in private finance and toll roads and bridges have been considered. To tackle this problem we will have to involve private finance and try to generate and make available more finance, because many of our roads are disintegrating. They are creating bottleneck problems for the development of commerce here and for our exports.

In the past two years, with the development of the Naas by-pass, we have shown what is possible in that regard but it only scratches the surface of the problem. Most people involved in commerce point to the additional burden of transport because of the bottleneck problems which involve accidents, damage to vehicles and costs of hospitalisation. A significant percentage of accidents are caused by bad road surfaces which are not capable of taking the axle weight of many vehicles. I would ask the Minister of State and the Government to ensure, before this network disintegrates before our eyes, that additional funds are made available. Some kind of tax incentive should be devised which would enable the Government to have available to them private finance for this purpose. It is fair to admit that in the current economic strictures we are not going to have available to us directly from State funds adequate finance for this purpose. Huge amounts of money will be necessary. When we note the statistics which indicate the percentage of traffic carried by our road network and then compare the amounts of money spent on the road network with the amount made available to CIE, it is quite clear that much more investment in that area is required.

The fundamental and underlying problems in our economy still remain despite optimistic reports in our newspapers. I hope more of these reports will be forthcoming, because the whole country needs an injection of confidence to grapple with its very serious problems. However, even with these partly optimistic reports, there are still over 208,000 people in our dole queues. There are five times that number under 14 years of age who will be coming on the employment market in the near future. Every 100 people working are expected to carry 200 others whether on social welfare benefits, young people still at school, people who are ill or in hospital. With the lowering base for taxable income, the increasing number in our dole queues, the growing population compared with our European partners and the fact that any improvement in world trade will, because of those reasons be slower to combat our problems, it is easy to understand why there is such an outcry against the levels of taxation both from employers and employees. An effort must be made to change our tax system in order that the load which is by any standards — European or world — very substantial is more fairly distributed. I am not going to bore the House with statistics. They are readily available to anybody who wants to read them. The percentage of people employed in the upper tax net is ten times greater than in most other developing countries. The Minister, undoubtedly, has to live within constraints because, as I have indicated already, for every 100 people employed there are 200 literally depending on them. That lowering base could on the Government's own estimate be even worse at the end of this year, because provision in these estimates caters for an increase of an additional 25,000 to 30,000 people coming on the dole queue this year. Whatever constraints are on the Minister we would all urge him to try to make a start. It may not be very significant in the context of our difficulties, but he should start on the road to making a radical change in our tax system which will allow people a greater disposable income, but, more importantly, to try to get a greater commitment from the employers and the workforce generally towards the greater development of our country.

There are those in society who have no chance of getting a job, who do not know what it is like to go to bed tired at night because they have been working, who cannot look forward to the following day and anything positive to do and who may be faced with looking at members of their families following down the same tunnel with no light at the end of it. That is the greatest problem facing us at the moment. It is far beyond politics. It may be as a result of some political failure, but now that it has happened there is no room for politicking between major parties. It is an area where the greatest national concerted effort should be put together in a dynamic effort to try to cope with this problem in a new way.

It is all right to have a target for full employment but it is false to indicate that we can have full employment in the near future. You can stretch your imagination as much as you like, let this economy improve on the basis of the Central Bank report, let national income increase by the percentage points that they indicate it will but they still say unemployment will continue to rise this year. Many of the old ways of approaching this problem are not going to be successful. We are not going to be able to find additional jobs in the public sector because the percentage of our national cake which has already been devoted to that sector is, by any standards, too great and has to be reduced. Therefore, we have to look to the manufacturing and the processing sectors in a new way. I have said here before, and other speakers have also said it here and in other places, that the food sector is not going to produce all the solutions, but for God's sake let us try to look at it and find some other way of increasing jobs other than on the primary processing on which we have concentrated all our efforts up to now.

We import £800 million worth of foodstuffs annually. It is reasonable to say that half of it could be substituted by home products. Many jobs are involved in £400 million worth of produce.

We have concentrated on the primary producing sector. The problems of seasonality of supplies, downstream processing and added value have been neglected. I am sorry to say that in our programme again this year no great emphasis is placed on, and no extra funds are being made available for the vital research and development that have to take place in order to develop new products and in added value to existing downstream processing for the future. We do not have the research and development or the investment that our cooperatives and our major food processing concerns in the country have. Research and development are only slightly over one-half per cent of their total output. We sometimes tend to ignore the value of the home market. Other countries — far distant from here — have sought to penetrate our market. They have seen it is worthwhile to come thousands of miles with their products into our home market.

As well as looking for exports — we export about 70 per cent of what we produce — we cannot neglect the possibilities which are undoubtedly on the home market for import substitution. It is claimed that 96 per cent of the product is produced locally. We have to import raw materials from other countries for most of our manufacturing. Currency fluctuations and other factors, over which we have no control, can increase the cost of raw material overnight. In the manufacturing area about 16 per cent of the raw material is produced in this country. On average we are importing more than three quarters of what we require for a big proportion of our manufacturing units, yet we still try to make that profitable and against a lot of odds manufacturing output increased this year.

Córas Tráchtála, the workers, the trade unions and everybody involved in this effort during this economic recession are to be congratulated. We have been able to do that in the existing climate. Yet as far as our natural resources are concerned, where our own basic raw materials are concerned, we can produce 96 per cent of what we require for most of these products which are being produced elsewhere and transported and sold here. We neglect to do the fundamental research and development which needs to be done if we are going to find many more jobs in that area. I am not saying that it is going to solve all of our problems, but it is the effort that we make in a variety of areas which will contribute to the fundamental, underlying and desperate need to grapple with our unemployment problem.

We can build more jails, we can increase our prison space, we can have more courts, we can send more trainees to Templemore, all of these help in their own way, but they are trying to cure a problem that is already there and they do not deal with the fundamental, underlying necessity that people have to use their energies in gainful employment. Until we try to deal with that problem, the expenditure on social welfare, and in many of these non-wealth producing areas, essential as they are, are not going to solve the problem.

Figures have been trotted out — 89,000 homes robbed last year and those figures are estimated by the Garda authorities to increase by 20 per cent this year. When canvassing in Dublin Central, people would not open the door to us after 8 o'clock in the evening. These are features of Irish society. I am a member of the Mid-Western Health Board. There are 500 children on our books in that area for non-accidental injury. There are symptoms all around us of a society and a social order that are breaking down. We have fabulous sums of money available to us — overnight if you like — to try to deal with drugs, security, prison space and courts. What have we available to us to try to motivate people to do more research into what we can do ourselves? We walk down supermarket aisles and we see on the shelves the simplest of products coming from far-Eastern countries and nearer places. Heaven knows, we have all said to ourselves that it should be possible to produce those at home, but we have not succeeded in doing it. It is about time that we made that change. I say this in all sincerity as a politician to this Government. We are faced with having to come forward with new ways of dealing with that problem. We cannot see a society grow sick because so many channels are open to people who do not have the normal expectation of employment available to them.

It is possible to notice a drift away from the political system as we know it. Many politicians are obviously worried by the attitude of the public generally to politics and indeed to politicians. Therefore, in our interest — but more importantly in the national interest — we have to be seen to be closer to these problems than we are. The crossfire and the "opportunity knocks" type of attitude which is sometimes taken up are all right in the heat of the battle, but many people looking for solutions are growing more apathetic when they see this kind of posturing which does nothing to get closer to the deep-rooted problems that affect our society today.

I would like to ask the Government to consider having a single Department to find out what is wrong with our system of food production. At farm level there is the seasonal problem to battle with and at co-operative level there are problems of development, research, consumer market orientated products and so on. We cannot afford to waste much more time trying to deal with that matter. If one looks at our food imports, one will notice that our imports of meat and meat preparations have doubled since 1977. That is just one example but there are many other statistics available which indicate that there is a growing opportunity for outside interests to penetrate our markets. We cannot rely on spasmodic "Buy Irish" campaigns which peter out after a few weeks but must get down to the real problem. We must be competitive; we must have new products; we cannot say the old ways will do; we must give the consumer what he wants. We are not going to be able to do that in all areas, but we should look at the areas where we have the capacity, find out what can be done and then come forward with new solutions.

In the public capital programme reference is made to the farm modernisation scheme. Just before Christmas we had a song and dance about the reintroduction of this scheme. No sooner was the scheme reintroduced than we had a statement from the bureaucrats in Brussels that they were abandoning certain sections of that scheme. This will invitably mean that about half of what our Government had proposed for this year cannot be implemented. I understand that about half of that was proposed was to be geared towards the dairy sector and that the 50 per cent proportion of those grants which was normally paid by the EEC would not be possible under the new régime in Brussels. I would like to ask the Minister whether the Government will be making up the difference or whether this section of the scheme, which has only been reintroduced, has been abandoned.

I ask for this information because the majority of farmers involved in the farm modernisation scheme are in the dairy sector. The majority of those who want to be involved in the scheme are the smaller to medium-sized farmers who could not afford to do this work earlier. I would like to know if the restriction on the scheme is going to be imposed on this band of farmers who have come late into the modernisation stream, who had not been using the technical and scientific services that are available from the Department of Agriculture through ACOT and An Foras Talúntais, but, who now find themselves in a position to carry out modern development, and who, inevitably, unless they are grant-aided will be unable to meet all the costs.

This scheme has been misinterpreted by the media and by people outside agriculture because no money is paid until schemes are properly designed and completed. Off-farm employment is created in many of the service areas, in particular the sand, gravel, cement, timber and hardware industries. We have seen Kellys of Portlaoise and a number of other companies in the steel area go to the wall. One of the reasons for this has been the abandoning of that scheme because many companies depended on farm development for their existence. Not only had this scheme the advantage in the preparation of in-winter facilities, particularly land improvement, for small and medium-sized farmers who have not developed their holdings up to now, but it also had employment potential which is so badly needed in many rural and outlying areas that have little or no other prospects of alternative employment. I ask the Minister to say whether the Government will be making up the difference, or what is the position arising from a decision which has been taken in Brussels with regard to one side of the scheme.

I would also like the Minister to ensure that during the negotiations this year both the AI subsidy, which has been of immense benefit to AI societies around the country, and the lime subsidy, are maintained. These schemes do not cost the Exchequer very much but their implementation has a major psychological effect. A couple of years ago, An Foras Talúntais indicated that in order to have the Ph in our soil at proper levels the normal expected usage of lime would be two million tonnes a year. We saw that figure drop as low as .7 million tonnes, which is a little over one-third of the normal requirement if we are to get land to full production. Two years after the implementation of this scheme in 1981, the annual output has increased to 1.8 tonnes, almost the normal requirement. All the people involved in the lime industry and in agri-business are satisfied that the stimulus the subsidy gave was an important factor. I do not have the exact cost — it is not more than £4 or £5 million — but the advantage in employment terms and in keeping our land at the proper fertility level is immense.

The same would apply with regard to the AI subsidies. If we want to improve the quality of our stock, have the proper progeny testing and increase our milk yields, the best progeny tested bulls must be available. The AI subsidy has been instrumental in halting the decline of AI and in stimulating the increased national growth of between 10 and 12 per cent. Again, I ask the Minister to ensure that the provision of these services is maintained this year.

I do not like to be too parochial, but I would like to make a plea for a young Nenagh committee dealing with children at risk, which was established last year, and is chaired by the local CEO. There is a population of 6,000 in that area and it is said that as many as 36 young people have had brushes with the law. They have come up with a scheme which arranged employment opportunities and training for these young people, together with other young people in the area who were at risk. Employers, having seen how this scheme operates for 12 months, would then be in a position to employ the young people. This is a very worthwhile scheme arranged through the Youth Employment Agency and AnCO. Unfortunately a letter received last week indicated to the committee that it may have to be abandoned. Since this is of particular concern to the Minister of State present, I would ask him to ensure that there is no fobbing off of this committee, because this is a very well organised and very worthwhile scheme, and at a time when there is available considerable funds for such a scheme, I would ask the Minister to ensure that sanction is granted quickly to this committee to proceed with that scheme.

I would like to congratulate Senator Smith on his very reasoned contribution. The figures provided are so spectacular and so staggering that the ordinary man in the street finds it impossible to comprehend the totality of the cost of running the country. Yesterday the Minister for Finance, when speaking on this motion, talked about figures in the region of £10 billion. Nobody comprehends how it costs so much money for a country to survive. Looking at the appropriation accounts, local representatives find it very difficult to understand just how much it costs to run the country. Yesterday the Minister said he was gratified that by his efforts the Government had achieved some semblance of reality as to how they collected revenue, who was eligible to pay this money and how the Government spent it. Unlike previous administrations which had very large deficits, for the first time in many years this Government are almost on target and have brought inflation down to manageable proportions and we hope inflation will continue to fall. Economists, those involved in industry, agriculture, employment and job creation, complain about the inflation rate which makes it impossible for us to compete with other European nations, with America and so on, who are fortunate enough to have their inflation rates running at 50 per cent lower than ours.

It can be said that Britain have been successful because they have reduced their inflation rate to 4 per cent or 5 per cent, but at what cost? If one is interested only in balancing the books, one can run into endless problems, particularly in the employment area. We all have a responsibility to ensure that job creation is our first priority. I am not suggesting that it is the responsibility of a government to employ everybody because that would be socially unacceptable and economically indefensible. When formulating budget policy we have a responsibility to ensure that there is an incentive for people to create productive employment. In the past the State increased employment in the public service, but economists do not regard that as productive employment because it does not generate wealth, although it provides a service.

This morning the Central Bank issued a report which I found very heartening. They said the economy is picking up and that there will be an improvement in growth rate. Today we also had a tragedy in Cork where Fords are closing down. We are no longer able to compete on the international market. This raises the question of whether the lowering of our tariff barriers and the opening of our markets to all and sundry since our entry into the EEC has been to our advantage. On paper we appeared to be net beneficiaries because of our membership of the EEC, particularly in the area of agriculture, but the advantages we gained from our entry are negligible when we take into consideration the problems that have arisen for our traditional industries which have been subjected to outside competition for which they were not prepared. Fords of Cork are a typical example. It is a tragedy for that city, which suffered other losses, to be faced with a further 800 people out of work because factories in Belgium or Britain were more competitive. The decision to close appears to have been made at local level but the Minister will be in touch with the parent company and will try to ensure that Fords will not pull out of this country. During the period of our accession to Europe concessions were afforded to that industry. While one can balance the books and reduce inflation, if that is done at the expense of jobs, the social consequences should be looked at and with particular consideration being given to employment for young people.

I am pleased to see the Minister of State, Deputy G. Birmingham, here today. He had responsibility for youth employment and must have got a great deal of satisfaction from the schemes suggested by young people — with the help of local authorities, county development officers, AnCO and other agencies and the Department of Education — for creating jobs for small groups of young people and proving that they can produce commodities which are required in their localities. That is a very welcome step. In the past incentives were given only to the private sector to set up firms in many areas. Many of us agreed at the time that the Government could not create all employment, but it was always agreed that Government policy should stimulate employment. But the private sector did not meet the challenge. Because of tax incentives many private firms set up new businesses but within months they came back to the Government saying it was their job to make profits, and it was the Government's job to create employment. If that is the attitude of the private sector, I can see no future for the country. Everybody, including the private sector, has a responsibility to create productive employment, particularly in the manufacturing area.

Agriculture is very important because it can make a major contribution to the processing of industry and creating a great deal of employment, while exporting to the EEC. This is an area in which the Government could be involved. The industry as a whole does not seem to have been able to achieve this. That is why I would like to deal with the Agriculture and the Health and Environment Estimates.

For example, in Germany major incentives were given to the private sector to stimulate employment, approximately 10 billion Deutschemarks, and the people who benefited immediately invested in the money and speculative markets outside Germany. This in turn created further unemployment down the line. We have seen here that the price of oil shares can rocket one day and drop another. Many people appear to manipulate these markets, but no employment is created and vast profits are made by people who speculate in this type of enterprise instead of putting their money into industrial job creation which could produce goods to sell abroad.

We have much to learn from the Japanese because they have managed to achieve that philosophy. They have a pride in their work and in the products they produce. They have a specific department that identifies where the market is, what the market requires and they produce to meet that market. That is the kind of philosophy we must adopt, not just to produce for short-term political gain and then have the problem of repaying foreign borrowings. We should follow through to ensure that jobs are created.

When new firms were established many people were pleased for short-term political gain if they were set up in their constituencies, but many of these enterprises turned out to be white elephants. We all had to contribute to the maintenance of those white elephants as could be seen from the Estimates of previous administrations.

I am extremely concerned about agriculture because of the attitude that has been adopted by the European Community to the only policy they have managed to achieve — the Common Agricultural Policy. There is no doubt that the Common Agricultural Policy is in need of review and overhauling but the nations who appear to be net contributors to the Community are prepared to freeze the assets of the Common Agricultural Policy. This could have disastrous consequences for this country. We have the threat of the super-levy hanging over us. Our dairy industry is dormant because farmers do not know whether to progress or to sell their stock. It is no wonder they are having problems with the lending agencies. There is a lack of confidence in our milk production area because doubt is being created by the threat of this super-levy. The commissioner in charge of agriculture has made a decision to freeze payments due to this and other countries under this heading.

Agriculture is as important as all other sectors put together but because of this doubt people will not decide what their projects will be for the coming 12 months. People need a certain amount of confidence in agriculture. Businesses can go out of production overnight because farmers doubt they can repay their borrowings. This could create tremendous hardship for our economy if confidence in agriculture is not restored.

I would like to congratulate the Minister on the attitude he has adopted in the discussions in Europe but I condemn the Community for not having reached some consensus of agreement in Athens because, as net beneficiaries — at least on paper — that weakens our case as a negotiating partner. To the other member states we always seem to have our hands out when it comes to agriculture, but this was the price of our entry into Europe. If the European Community are not prepared to pay the cost of political unity, the original concept in the formation of the Community will have been lost. The benefit of political unity to the Community has been immeasurable in terms of peace. If agriculture benefited that was a plus for us.

If a farmer read in the Estimates for Agriculture that £263,054,000 was required to run the Department of Agriculture in 1984 he would possibly have a seizure. He would ask immediately where that money is going and how it is being spent because he has not seen any of it, he still owes the bank some money, and so on. We should look at some of the headings in this Estimate. Salaries and wages in the Department of Agriculture for 1984 will amount to £52 million. It is impossible to quantify that but it includes all the administrative grades in Dublin, throughout the country in the DVO offices, and the scheme to which other Senators referred.

You can really understand the problem when you get down to a figure like £150,000 for the county committees of agriculture. That is a very important part of the operation of the ACOT programme at county level and the involvement of all various political representatives, nominated farming representatives and voluntary agencies within the county. That figure for the whole country, which is the same as the figure for last year, is minute. I contend it is insufficient to run properly a county committee of agriculture which has a specific statutory role under the ACOT Act to formulate a policy for the operation of the agricultural programme within each county. I would go so far as to say that figure also includes the responsibility of the county committees to keep in being the General Council of County Committees of Agriculture which is also a statutory agency of which I am vice-chairman at present.

Previously I was chairman and I know it is a co-ordinating body for all the county committees in Ireland. It is a vital voice in the Department of Agriculture. It has a liaison directly with ACOT and with the Minister for Agriculture. On that small allocation the county committees must survive and also subscribe a small amount of money to the general council. That is an impossible task. Some of the committees are unable to carry out their statutory functions. The Minister has a responsibility to look at this area and I made this case to him personally on a deputation.

Under subhead A.5. in the agricultural programme we see a figure of £360,000 for advertising and publicity, which is an increase of £10,000. I contend that the county committees are the greatest advertisement and publicity agencies for the Department of Agriculture, for the board of ACOT and for all the schemes initiated by the Department. They get local publicity for their meetings to discuss their schemes. Some of that money could be usefully reallocated to the county committees of agriculture. They would give a much better return in the area of advertising and publicity to the Department for the various schemes. That would be an extremely useful exercise in local democracy and also in achieving the desired results for any programme initiated at county level.

I am pleased to see an increase in the grant-in-aid for ACOT. ACOT, who were subjected to a lot of unfair criticisms throughout the country, are getting an additional allocation of some 6 per cent. Taking inflation into consideration that is less than the amount they would require to carry out the responsibilities given to them under the Act which set up the board of ACOT. The board have democratic representation and also a statutory role given to them by the Houses of the Oireachtas.

I am pleased that at last the Department have accepted the staff scheme which gives power to the staff to deliver a client-orientated service in agriculture in the various counties. I look forward to the correct results being achieved in the area of agricultural advice and education which is specifically the role of ACOT. With this new concept about the delivery of a service I hope they will be allowed to develop along the lines suggested. I commend their previous director, Dr. Walsh, and I commend especially their new director, Dr. Liam Downey, for the enthusiasm he has shown in the mammoth task he has taken upon himself to rejuvenate this most important sector of our economy, agriculture.

A four-year plan has been prepared for the development of agriculture. The Minister who has read through the four-year plan has commented favourably to me on its contents. It provides an opportunity for this tremendous industry of ours to get up off its knees and develop to the maximum possible degree. This will create employment, particularly family farm employment which is vital to the development of rural Ireland, and will give employment in the area of processing in this industry. Any incentive that can be given to the industry to add as much value to its products before disposing of them to the EEC — which now apparently is a doubtful market — must be given instead of exporting many products which could have this added value for us. The board of ACOT and all those involved in agriculture will meet that challenge. The county committees can also play a useful role in this and I hope their importance will be recognised by the Department of Agriculture and by the Minister. Before the Christmas recess I spoke about the eradication scheme. If we spend £12½ million this year on bovine tuberculosis eradication we have a bounden obligation to ensure that it is spent in the best possible way. We must come to grips with this major problem. As I said before Christmas, identifying the disease is not enough. We must identify the cause of it. The farmers who are now contributing quite a bit to the programme and the veterinary profession who have the technological and professional responsibility, have a specific and very responsible role to play.

The farmers are the guiding lights in this matter. If they see any malpractice, either by their colleagues or by the veterinary profession, or any lack of responsibility on the part of the Department in this area, they must report it. The farmer who in the long term has paid much into the scheme and has got relatively little out of it by way of compensation will want to know how this money is being spent. As legislators we must ensure that the expenditure of this money is justified by the results. You can get results if you find the source of this infection whether it is by cross-infection, lateral spread, or lack of hygiene at any level of the management of farm animals. The increase of 186 per cent in the payment of compensation under the hardship fund is an indication of the Department's concern about the hardship created by the scheme for the owners of diseased animals. The farmer must be ready to face up to the challenge of having disease in his herd eradicated but he must be compensated to enable him to remain in business while the disease remains in his herd.

For the Department of the Environment we have an Estimate of £248,926,000. Most of us would agree that how the Department is funded is an area that needs a total and complete overhaul. The financing of the local authorities is the specific responsibility of the Minister for the Environment and it is a major challenge to his expertise and ingenuity to come up with a scheme whereby local authorities can be self-financing. They deliver a most important service to the community, a service people were prepared to pay for in the past whether through the old rating system or through rates on houses. Now only business premises are contributing to this source of funding, which leaves a tremendous charge on the Department of the Environment.

The Acting Chairman is a member of a local authority and I do not have to remind him that an increase of 1 per cent in local authority grants in lieu of rates on agricultural land is not sufficient to run the service at anything like the level we have been hoping for. Unless proposals are forthcoming fairly quickly in this area, local authorities will lose the confidence of the people who have traditionally voted for them, who have always looked to the local authorities for the provision of important services, whether they be roads, sanitary services, or housing grants. Unless the Department can match that by a total reorganisation we will have lost touch with local democracy and it will be in danger if we are totally dependent on the State for all the money we need.

The State has responsibility to provide houses for people. I am glad that in this Estimate there is an increase of 24 per cent in the local authority housing subsidy. It is almost impossible to relate that increase in subsidy to the increase announced in the recent differential rents scheme. We should look at the cost of our houses. I am glad the standard of house building has improved beyond all recognition. In most counties the houses being built by the local authority are comparable to, and even at times surpass the standard of houses provided by speculative builders, or private builders, or even private individuals. There is no doubt that we have made a major advance in the quality of housing provided, but it is worrying that there still seems to be such a tremendous deficit in the subsidy for local authority houses in spite of the very high rents being paid by the tenants.

I am glad to see that there are substantial increases in the headings for water supply and sewerage, public water supply, water and sewerage grants to local authorities. I am disappointed that there is a reduction in the grant for local improvement schemes. This is a tremendously useful scheme, implemented by local authorities, employing young people and paying them the correct rate and doing tremendous work within the local authority areas at amenity level and for minor road improvements, all to the overall benefit of the county.

The first benefit that comes to mind is the tourist industry. People are employed to tidy up areas and make them pleasant for visitors to come to and spend money. There is a spin-off. It is not employing people for the sake of employing them. I do not accept that the money we spent under that scheme was misspent. I saw evidence in my county of the benefits which accrued from the local improvements scheme.

I hope that when the reorganisation of the local authorities and their financing is finalised, county councils will have power returned to them to be self-financing. Whether it is called a taxing system or a rating system is immaterial, so long as the local representative has the responsibility to generate money from property, or from land, or from dwellings, or whatever it is that needs to be serviced by local authorities. Until we grasp that nettle, we will never get out of the dilemma of this type of budgeting in the Department, which will leave local authorities in a deficit situation in 1984 which service charges will not make up.

I do not share the disquiet expressed about charges. People in rural areas were always subjected to water charges and charges for other services. It is only since they were extended to cities, urban areas and the corporation areas which had all these services free since the abolition of domestic rates, that we have heard all the squealing about these charges. If one section of the community has to pay for some services, all sections should pay for those services. I do not accept that the funding expected from the charges can make up the deficit. I am not in favour of increasing charges to make up that deficit, because we are penalising people without recognition of what use they make of the services provided. Unless the service can be measured, it is very difficult to have a fair system of charging.

I should like to deal now with health. I am a member of a health board. Over a number of years I have been confronted by Ministers for Health with a request to review our spending estimates. This year is no exception. We have been asked in the south-east to try to effect a saving of something like £3½ million. The Minister suggested in a letter to us that we should try to ensure that that saving was made in the non pay area. I have a proposal before my own board that there should be no job losses arising from this economy. There are areas where you can effect economies, particularly in a Department like the Department of Health with an astronomical budget. It is now in the £1,100 million bracket. When I started on the health board the estimate was £8 million. Ten years later it was £80 million. I do not know whether the level of health service provided is any better. I know facilities within hospitals have improved. Staffing levels within hospitals, particularly in my own area at consultancy level, have improved. A hospital in my own county has a full complement of consultant surgeons for the first time in the history of the health services. We have two consultant surgeons, a consultant orthopaedic surgeon recently approved, a consultant radiologist, a consultant anaesthetist, and all the people involved in the delivery of the health service where it matters.

Economies can be effected in the non-pay areas. I am talking about energy saving and rationalisation of transport for people. Done correctly this can achieve economies. In some health board areas staffing levels are extraordinarily high. In my region — and this is why I have a proposal down for no staff losses — we have not been filling vacancies that were not essential. We have been responsible over the past number of years at the request of the previous Minister and this Minister. We will continue to be responsible. There should be no further job losses in my health board area because the levels of staff in the south-east region compare very favourably with the levels of staff in any other health board area. The Minister of State, Deputy O'Brien, has been involved with the Department of Health. If he looks at the levels of staffing in the Eastern Health Board region or any other region he will find they are much higher than ours. In the psychiatric services they could be as much as 100 per cent higher than they are in my area. We all have to effect economies but it is unfair and unjust that one health board region with very low staffing levels should be asked to cut back when their staffing levels are lower than they are in other health board areas.

We must have a standardisation of the rates of nurses per patient in geriatric hospitals, psychiatric hospitals, acute hospitals, maternity hospitals and so on. There must be an accepted norm in agreement with the nursing organisations. The patient-nurse ratio and the ratio of consultancy services to the population must be similar in each area. Otherwise health boards at regional level will feel they are being asked to make major cutbacks while others are not. In the south-eastern region, where we hope to achieve some of the economies requested by the Minister, I will be asking the board to accept my proposal that we should have no job losses arising from them. That immediately puts the responsibility on the administrative element of the health boards, the CEO and his programme managers, to look at the other areas where economies can be effected, such as the areas of energy and routine maintenance.

Nobody wants to interfere with the fabric of any hospital, but much work is done just for the sake of spending money under particular headings. I will try to ensure that the delivery of the health service at patient level will not be interfered with in any way. Statements to the contrary for political reasons are unwise, because we have a responsibility to ensure that there is no doubt in people's minds that, if they are admitted to hospital in an emergency situation, or are in need of hospital services, the health boards are in a position to act. Of course they are, and that is our statutory responsibility. The usual demands made on the health services have to be looked at, but where people are in need of hospital services they must be available. I am satisfied from the budget estimate in the south-eastern region that that service will be available, totally, seven days a week, if required.

I join with the Minister in expressing the opinion that many people are admitted to hospitals at weekends when the hospitals are not in a position to do anything for them. They are being prepared for surgery the following week. Much of that kind of thing can be eliminated. There is no need for it. I do not know who got the idea to do it, and whether the responsibility lies with the people in the GMS section of the health board, the local referring doctor, or whoever. The staff should be available during the week when essential matters are being dealt with. To have people admitted two or three days before they are required creates demands on the services that are not necessary and could, in fact, reduce the number of services that could be available when really needed.

As I said at the outset, the figures are so staggering that it is very difficult to comprehend them. If we are to produce this kind of money — in the region of £10 billion — we have a responsibility to ensure that there is tax equity and that the tax base is broadened to make as many people as possible contribute to this pool. It is a pool, and not a bottomless one. It is doing a useful job and we have to try to ensure that it is done correctly and effectively with the kind of money available to us. The sources of this money, the PAYE and PRSI sectors, feel they contribute more than their fair share and, if that is true — the facts seem to indicate that it is true — then all other sectors the self-employed, farmers, industrialists, bankers, or whoever, must accept that they will have to pay their fair share, based on their ability to do so, of course. As a socialist I would say nobody should be expected to pay if he is unable to pay, but every sector must be prepared to be assessed on their ability to pay. There must be an agreement by all sectors to contribute.

The balance can come from foreign borrowing only. Too much of that was done in the past for projects I felt were not justifiable. If we borrow in the future we must ensure that the money is used for productive purposes, and for the benefit of the country as a whole. I hope the Government will continue to ensure that a reasonable estimate is struck each year, that the budget will be seen by the public as ensuring that people pay their fair share across the board. At the end of the day the Government will be judged on how they dealt with tax equity, the creation of employment, and incentives for employment. The job done by the Government will be subject to the decision of the electorate at some future date.

Yesterday when the Minister for Finance was speaking in this House I listened to him and I was not quite sure whether we were in the same country because he was telling us that things were going quite well and would get better. Perhaps his bookkeeping is paying off in his own mind, but I would like him and his Government to know the effects all the cuts across the board are having on this small nation of ours. It is not his responsibility alone; it is the Government's responsibility. The Minister said that the Government are now firmly in control but I say "at what price?" The Minister and his Government seem to be patting themselves on the back because they are on target for their budget of next week. I wonder what pressures were put on them and whether the Minister has finally decided on his budget. While telling us how well he and his Government have done during the past 12 months, it would be wrong if he forgot that one in every six persons at the moment is out of a job.

I wonder whether any of our suggestions here today are even taken seriously because, with all due respect to the junior Minister who was here earlier and for whom I have a good regard, he was here on his own, a junior Minister responsible for youth without even an official flanking him, and we still have not seen the Minister who is in charge of the Appropriation Act. I suppose he may read our contributions if the Official Report comes out before the budget next week. I wonder if we Senators are taken seriously by the present Minister for Finance. Some of us have attended in spite of illness or inconvenience due to certain members of our families being ill. I wonder if anything we have to say is really taken seriously.

I was glad to hear that Senator Ferris now understands that it costs money to run a country. When we were in power he was forever telling us that we could run the country nearly without money or telling us the amount of money that we were overspending in running it. Now the boot is on the other foot and Senator Ferris has to toe the line to keep the Coalition in Government and he is well in there and intends to stay there. He is not quite sure yet how much Deputy Dukes has overspent but he will find out next week. It will not make any difference, they will stay there anyway. He also said that there were no white elephants in South Tipperary or North Tipperary. I am delighted about that, because they are two constituencies very close to my heart. I would like to tell Senator Ferris we have not any white elephants in Clare either.

What about Scarriff?

Minister O'Toole is going to re-open that. We should even at this late stage be prepared to review critically the methods of all Governments because of the state of the country today. We must consider the provision of finance to deal with crime, unemployment, as well as the mistakes of State agencies and the levies on workers. All the tax burdens seem to fall on one section of the community. I would ask the Minister to examine the effectiveness of all these taxes and levies and whether this money is being well spent for today and the future.

The figure of 208,000 unemployed has been mentioned. All politicians in this House and in all political parties know we are never going to have full employment. We must be honest and admit that it is a myth that we are going to have full employment and a job for every person. It is our responsibility collectively to see that we get as many jobs as we can for the people who are unemployed.

Let us take a look at Norway, a small nation like ourselves. They have done very well in encouraging their own native entrepreneurs to get factories going. As I have said again and again, such people cannot pull up their roots and get going if things get tough. They have to stick in there. I have very strong feelings on this. It was an early mistake of past Governments to encourage foreigners all the time to get the large grants in industry. We did not encourage enough of our young Irish entrepreneurs. In fact we adopted an extraordinary attitude in this field — the foreigner seemed to be always better than the Irishman. As the years have gone on the Irish industrialist who has stuck in there and made it has proved to be a very good employer.

Regarding the Youth Employment Agency and AnCO, I would like to ask the Minister the exact amount of money the 1 per cent levy is bringing in. I would like to ask the Minister how much of that 1 per cent levy which we and all other workers give to the Youth Employment Agency is now being transferred to AnCO. There are two direct questions and I want answers.

We have had cuts in the field of health, and Senator Ferris, because of his long years serving in the field of health, is well aware of the sections where there is spending that can be rectified. The emphasis is being put on nurses and the personnel in hospitals. I know that the CEOs and the programme managers should take a closer look at the administrative side of health. In years gone by when the late President Childers brought in regionalisation I never agreed with it. I still think it is wrong. It has been proved to be wrong. I hope that no Minister for the Environment will be daft enough to regionalise local authorities. That was on the mat at one stage too until pressure was put on the Minister of the time. I think he was one of our own. He saw the light before he did it. Regionalisation of health administration has not worked and it is costing a bomb. It is removed from the ordinary person on the ground, whether you are a member of a local health committee as I am or a member of a senior health board. There are problems, and we do not seem to be listened to. There is no use anyone talking about cuts and the effect. If three nurses leave a hospital they will be replaced by one nurse. Two doctors, whether they be consultants or otherwise, will be replaced by only one.

Changes do take place amongst top men in the medical profession; they move when it suits them. It may not suit the place they are leaving because they may not be replaced. There is a dreadful situation regarding clinics providing a dental service. They will not get their complement of staff because of these cuts. They have had to compete with private practice which brings in tremendously more money for dentists than health boards can offer. The cuts mean that we will not have a proper dental service.

The Minister present has experience in the field of health. He has been in the hospital situation and has seen staff. I would ask him to take the Minister for Finance out for a spin some day to some of the hospitals which have beds in the corridors. The Minister, where hospitals, health and dental care are concerned, is with the birds. He is a new type politician coming into the rough field of politics with all the academic and economic answers. That does not work when dealing with human beings.

I am worried about the reaction of people losing heart. It is not really our style to throw in the sponge and give up but we come across these problems every day. Senators from country constituencies know that it is a little different outside Dublin. There is an attitude in the country which is worrying all of us. It may be what is affecting our image of politicians. It is difficult to meet people in the street and expect them to be on top of the world when nobody in the household has a job.

Tax evasion has cost over £200 million in the past year. The penalties for such evasion have not been enforced vigorously. No tax evaders have been prosecuted. I ask the Minister why. Why have the Government failed to index tax allowances with inflation? Their failure to do so is leading to increases in the real rate of tax on workers. I again ask why.

Regarding new local charges, I ask that powers not be given again to county managers but to local councillors. If he has not finally decided, I would tell the Minister to make sure not to hold local elections, although if they were held it would be great for us. We would then have an extra Senator elected on every panel in the next Seanad election. We would have the extra councillors to get one extra on each panel. It is fair judgment that the elections are not to be held. If the Government had to make the decision again to put on the charges, they might never put them on. These charges cut right in at the bone. At the moment to sit on a council all you have to do is listen because the Fine Gael and Labour members are belting it out between them. The local charges have not been sorted out. There are some housing estates in Ennis where no councillor would be brave enough to knock on the doors looking for votes in the local elections in March.

I refer to Senator O'Leary's magnificent contribution yesterday — I am sure it is on the front pages of all the newspapers today, it should be if it is not. From sitting in the Chair, it was my opinion that that was the speech that was going to be published. He asked the Minister if the money given to SFADCo was being properly spent. I can tell him that the money in SFADCo is being well spent. Government money in SFADCo is being spent a lot better than Government money in Cork.

Regarding tax on Irish industry, I understand if the worker is to get an increase of £1 it will cost the employer £3. Because of high taxation on salaries of senior people in the supervisory section in industry, we are losing people to the North of Ireland.

I spoke before the Christmas recess on a Bill allocating money to CTT. I understand that because I used a few phrases that were not my ordinary phraseology, they were nearly asking who wrote the speech for me. Nobody ever had to write a speech for me. I said I was concerned whether CTT were getting the money that they should get to train the proper people to send them out into a very highly sophisticated world of marketing. The Minister misunderstood me and thought I was speaking about the IDA. I was not speaking about the IDA. I am still asking whether CTT are getting the amount of finance which we think they are getting for aggressive marketing. There are three parties involved here. There is CTT, there is the industrialist himself — who also has to spend time out selling — and there is the very good worker on the factory floor who produces the goods. I am still asking if CTT are getting the money that we in this Chamber think they are getting for that aggressive marketing abroad.

It is sad that there is a lack of confidence right across the board at the moment. Perhaps if we all work together we will instil confidence back into the people. It is not easy. Unemployment benefit or dole — a word I do not like — is costing this nation a large amount of money every week. The Minister for Finance comes across well on television. He says all the right things and he is completely in control of his Department. I did think we would have some new thinking in the Department of Finance, so that rather than having this colossal amount of dole money being paid out weekly we could take some of these people off the unemployment queue and give them some work. We have agency after agency and board after board. The Youth Employment Agency and the other State agencies have not worked out as well as we had hoped. AnCO still seem to be the bosses.

I refer now to the cost of crime. I ask why the Conroy or Ryan Reports were never implemented in any way. I understand that the Government decided to do away with the Garda Task Force. I understand also that if they do disband it there will be £11 million left. Have they decided where that is to go? I do not think the Task Force should be done away with at this time. But of course we had an example of this in the Youth Employment Agency. Money was taken from the workers for the Youth Employment Agency and then transferred. We have it here again. I understand that there is £11 million left. There are so many task forces since this Government came into office that I am confused. They have done away with the task force in the Department of Justice. Where did the £11 million go? Has it been spent?

I do not know what figure has been given for the Department of Justice. I wonder if it was in order to save money that recruits from Templemore were in Leitrim instead of fully trained guards or fully trained Special Branch men with years of experience. It was revealing to me — and I am sure to a lot of my colleagues — that there were young recruits from Templemore in a combat situation in Ballinamore in recent weeks. If that was put to the people of this country I do not think anybody would approve of it. I firmly believe — and I have said it to former Ministers for Justice — that the training, as it stands, in Templemore is not long enough, nor is it comprehensive enough for what they are dealing with when they come out onto the beat in the Ireland of today.

This morning the Central Bank told us that things were improving and were going to get better. It was a repetition of what the Minister said yesterday. That is cold comfort to the 208,000 unemployed. The Central Bank — with their big cars and their big houses — talk about things improving, yet there is not one more job for the ordinary person down the country.

I cannot and will not accept the harshness of this Government. There are cuts everywhere in the social and the human fields. There is no use telling us about what we spent or the mistakes we made in Government because, with all due respect to the Government, they have still spent more than was planned. We will not know until next Wednesday — and perhaps not even then — how much more has been spent. The misery which has been created is not fully seen yet. We have factories closing down. We have more cuts in health. Medical cards are being taken from students. The Minister for Education, Deputy Hussey, is taking the buses from them in Clare and people do not know which road the school buses are taking at the moment. When we got all the whizz kids into this Government I thought we were going to have new thinking. If there is a cut to be made now, what is done? The bus from Kilmaley to the Christian Brothers school in Ennis is stopped. Medical cards are taken from people who have a child in Dublin receiving third level education. Then when that person at home has not got a medical card you presume he has plenty of money and can look after his children's health. That is not the case at all with many people who are sending their children to third level education. They are not wealthy people. There was a day when it was only the wealthy people of this country who could become academics. Thank God it did not happen in my day that I did not get the chance. May the Lord deliver me from ever being one of them or thinking as some of them think.

I will conclude my remarks on this Appropriation Act motion by urging the Minister — before it is too late — not to put any more tax on the people who are already overtaxed. I am delighted — even if it is only for a short while — that those opposite have got a taste of Government. It takes money to run a country. They were so critical of the mistakes they claimed we were making when we were in Government. If we go to the country in the morning then the Government will answer to the people. It does take money to run the country. Fianna Fáil were not too bad at all and the ballot box would prove that. The people of this nation will decide that we will be on that side of the House and that the present Government Senators will be over here.

I welcome the opportunity of making a short contribution on the Appropriation Act. I should like to refer to the speech of the Minister for Finance in introducing the debate and in which there were probably two dimensions. First, the impression came across that there was a certain measure of satisfaction that his budget targets for 1983 had been almost achieved. He laid considerable emphasis on the fact that a Government of this State were once again in control of public expenditure. There was perhaps another dimension in his speech: in reviewing the prospects, as he did quite briefly for 1984, he conveyed a certain measure of encouragement. He emphasised that progress for 1984 was possible provided that we built sensibly and effectively on the achievements and success that have been obtained to date.

He spoke of other significant improvements and developments that had taken place in the economy in the course of the past year. He referred to the improvement in the balance of payments, to a very welcome and substantial reduction in the rate of inflation and to the decline in interest rates. These, with other factors, are indications that we have reached the bottom of the recession and that the policies pursued by the Government for the past year have been successful. They are beginning to show the course back to reasonable success and achievement in the future.

When all these factors are taken together they are in a sense remarkable achievements, especially when one has regard to the appalling state of both the economy and of public finances when this Government came into office a little over a year ago. During the past 12 months one of the things with which the Government have had to contend is — as somebody quite recently described it — a vicious triangle of borrowing, taxation and expenditure. The Minister said it was vital that we would maintain momentum and continue the progress we have had in industrial production. Indeed, there has been a substantial improvement in production in the manufacturing industry. We have also had a somewhat lesser improvement, but nonetheless an improvement, in agricultural output. The Minister said it was necessary for us to maintain and develop that capacity and to take advantage of that situation in the light of the improvements that we see taking place in world trade. I would summarise what he said to us as being a reflection on the commendable progress which he and his Government have made during 1983 and the projection of a measure of cautious confidence in relation to what we can expect in 1984.

I should like to refer to some of the contributions from the other side of the House. As far as speaking on Appropriation Bills is concerned, perhaps I have spoken more often from the other side of the House on these measures and I know the safety and luxury that a person can enjoy, if he or she wants to avail of it, from that side of the House and the temptation that exists to be negative in your approach to the issue. There is freedom there not to be positive. I am sure Senator O'Toole will not disagree with me.

I will in a minute.

It is easy to find fault and criticise when one knows that you or your party have no responsibility for finding the answers to the problems that may beset the nation.

During the discussion last night, and again this morning, some people on the opposite side of the House fell victims to that temptation. I respect and admire the positive and objective contributions which also came from the other side of the House from those who recognised that this Government faced formidable problems with courage and achieved an acceptable measure of success during the course of the past year. There were a few observations made that I now want to deal with very briefly.

Senator Lanigan dealt with the Minister's reference to the fact that there was a volume increase in manufacturing industrial output of about 5 per cent in 1983. He said that was nothing at all when one compares it to the 6, 7 or 7½ per cent that we had between 1977 and 1979. Surprisingly enough, while he had the figures and was prepared to present them to the House for 1977 to 1979, he shied away from giving us the figures in the years since then, especially in relation to 1980, 1981 and 1982. Let us acknowledge that Senator Lanigan's party were in Government in those years. He went on to say that while we had a volume increase in industrial output of 5 per cent in 1983, it did not bring with it any improvement in the unemployment situation. He went on to say that a 7 per cent volume increase in 1977 was responsible for a 3 per cent increase in employment.

I disagree with that analysis of what gave rise to an increase in employment in 1977. I would go so far as to say that in no way was that 3 per cent increase in employment at that time related to the 7 per cent in manufacturing industry which he spoke about. That improvement in employment was achieved as a result of the massive pumping into the economy of money borrowed from the Germans, the Japanese the Swiss and the Americans. It was borrowed recklessly and pumped into the economy, resulting in the creation of artificial jobs that could not be sustained.

We witnessed in these years the swelling of an already over-manned public service. The money was borrowed and it was spent. If I sound a little political on this point I have no apologies to make because I want to put the record straight. The massive sums of money that were borrowed in that year are at the root of the problem that we face this year, that we faced last year and that we will face for a number of years ahead. That money was borrowed and spent, not for the purpose of improving or building a better economy, but for the purpose of buying short-term political popularity.

In 1983 and, indeed, in 1984, the repayment of that money is falling on our people and Government. The Government have no choice but to provide for these repayments and they must continue to provide for these repayments for many years to come. These repayments represent a substantial drain on the financial resources of the State and on the finance available to the Government. It is draining away from the State money that could otherwise be used, for example, to develop our economy, to create jobs and to deal with other pressing problems. The unemployed, the old, the young and the sick are being deprived of services they expect to have in normal circumstances, because of the strain that the repayment of these vast sums borrowed in those years is creating for the economy and for the public finances of the State.

I recognise that there is a duty on the Opposition in any democracy to oppose the Government of the day, to criticise and so forth, but if their contribution is totally and continuously negative, as it has been throughout most of 1983, it is a sterile and futile exercise. It can also breed rejection and cynicism in politics and in politicians, which is dangerous for democracy.

I am glad that at least some people on the Opposition side have had the courage to admit and to recognise that there have been solid achievements by this Government in the past 12 months. They recognise that unpopular decisions were made and courageously faced and that we are now beginning to see an improvement in the economy and our public finances. The Government set formidable targets 12 months ago. Many of these have been achieved or progress has been made towards achieving them.

I referred to what the Minister said in the course of his speech regarding the prospects for 1984 and to the measure of cautious confidence that — and all the indications are that the worst is over — perhaps with the right effort we can now start on the long haul back to progress. The Minister — and Senator Honan did not deny it — is supported by economic experts — maybe some people would prefer to use the term economic forecasters — including the banks, and in several other projections that we have seen recently and all indicated that recovery is on the way and that it is following on the trail of industrial recovery that we have seen in the leading industrial nations during 1983, particularly the latter half.

Senator Smith dealt with this point this morning and I emphasise that it is important that we all play our part in creating the right climate so that development can take place and the greatest possible potential attained. There is much to be done and it is important that we regard as a top priority the removal of anything that acts as a disincentive to work or to the creation of employment. I should like to say to management, as well as to all other levels down to shop floor level in industry, that we must face up to situations that act as disincentives to industry and deal effectively with them.

We have to examine industrial costs because too often, particularly in recent times, we have seen industrialists emphasise the handicaps that industry here has to contend with as distinct from other countries in terms of the high cost of energy. In that regard, I should like to compliment the Government for having set up an inquiry into electricity costs during the past few months. Industrialists have also drawn attention to the high cost of telecommunication services, transport costs and to taxation in its various forms, including PRSI and PAYE where the work force is concerned. In this regard — I say this in all sincerity — there is an urgent need to look at the situation where as a result of the tax regimes that we have followed in the past number of years, many firms consider it better business to substitute a machine for a worker. Unfortunately, this is true right throughout the industrial scene, even down to very small firms. The view is that by replacing a worker by a machine, once the capital cost of installing the machine is paid, you do not have the recurring weekly payments which you have in relation to employees. This is to the detriment of the creation of jobs and the Government and all concerned should look at this very seriously.

Throughout 1983 industry has shown that it has the capacity to expand and to respond to an improvement in the overall market situation. It was also a reasonable year for agriculture and this is one of our most important industries. Output was up, certainly not on the same scale as in manufacturing industry, but up nonetheless and of course the drop in inflation was of benefit to the agricultural industry also. Milk increased in volume by roughly 7 per cent and in price by roughly 8½ per cent and its value at the farm gate was roughly £850 million. Cattle were up by roughly 7 per cent, with a farm gate value of roughly £800 million.

Part of that improvement, particularly in the price aspect, was as a result of the very successful negotiation which the Minister for Agriculture, Deputy Deasy, carried out on behalf of this country in the Brussels price negotiations of 1983. He very effectively represented the interests of our farmers and he returned with an increase which was a few percentage points better than had been anticipated. I have confidence that the same Minister can represent the interests of the farming community effectively in the negotiations dealing with the crucial issues at present in the agriculture field — super-levy, price reviews and the crisis in the CAP. It is an acknowledgement of his commitment and the success that he has in that field that it is now apparent that many of our partners in the EEC, while having a hang-up about conceding very much on the super-levy, nonetheless have publicly acknowledged the fact that Ireland has special problems in regard to that proposal.

At a demonstration some weeks ago in Thurles, in connection with the super-levy, a platform, composed mainly of farm leaders also included a national trade union leader who is a former Member of this House. I regard that as a very important development because it is a recognition of how the interests of both urban and rural Ireland are intertwined. It is possibly also a recognition of the capacity of agriculture, with the right incentives, the right climate and the right opportunities, to create employment both at input level in the service field and at output level where processing is concerned.

Senator Smith laid emphasis on that point this morning. Somehow or other we have never successfully managed to harness the full potential in agriculture. It has a capacity to respond to the right incentives, the right opportunities and to the possibilities of creating jobs at both ends of agricultural production. When agriculture is thriving you succeed in maintaining young people on the land who would otherwise be flocking on to an overcrowded labour market. I regard the presence of John Carroll at Thurles as a very significant development, a recognition that with a combined acceptance by urban and rural interests of the value of agriculture to our economy, a lot could be achieved which has not been achieved in that sphere.

There is one aspect of agriculture in relation to 1983 on which I want to comment. It is the situation that has arisen in relation to farm borrowings and to the repayment difficulties with which quite a number of farmers are now contending. In the good years, in the mid-seventies, progressive people in agriculture were advised, and they responded to that advice, to develop their holdings, to expand their production and to borrow to achieve these ends. That advice was given to them from every authoritative source then. Not alone did they accept it, they also accepted the invitations of the financial institutions to lend money to them. The people who did that and who did it freely were the more progressive or the more enterprising people in the farming community. They borrowed heavily and developed their holdings at a high cost. Then things began to go wrong. Inflation caught up, the progress in prices of agricultural produce slowed down and at the end of the day a number of these people found themselves in serious trouble.

The Minister for Finance, during his time as Minister for Agriculture, set out to resolve this difficulty. Interest subsidies and other solutions were proposed. However, this matter has not been satisfactorily resolved. I am not suggesting that the people who borrowed should be relieved of their total obligations in the circumstances but there is also an obligation on the financial institutions to recognise the havoc that they can create by pursuing to the very limit the recovery of this money. There is also an obligation at Government level to try to have the matter resolved because I fear that if it goes wrong — and the indications are there that it may well go wrong — we will have destroyed for at least another generation that type of enterprise and progressive attitude that was so prevalent in agriculture six or eight years ago.

In 1983 there was also progress on a number of other fronts. I welcome the re-organisation of the public service. It is interesting to note that the numbers employed in the public service have been reduced by approximately 4,000 during the past 12 months. The public service has swollen at an alarming rate. My colleagues also referred to the fact that efficiency and performance within the public service by no means kept pace with the growth in numbers that we have witnessed over the past few years. The public service had become a very expensive outlet and it is a real burden on the taxpayers. I welcome the decision made recently by the Government, and announced by the Minister for the Public Service, Deputy Boland, that the top positions in the public service will now be filled by having regard to merit and performance rather than seniority, as has been the position up to now.

There have been many other successes by the Government in the course of the year and it is important to recall them. The manner in which the PMPA situation was handled so effectively solely for the benefit of those who were PMPA policy holders was an example of an effective and determined performance on the part of the Government. We have had the introduction of the Criminal Justice Bill, a long-awaited and overdue measure. I compliment the Minister for Justice for introducing it. There are many other aspects of his performance and functions and duties as Minister for Justice over the past year that deserve compliments as well.

I suppose I may be permitted to look forward to the coming year. I do it particularly with reference to one aspect of our economy, perhaps the third or fourth greatest industry that we have here and that is tourism. I sincerely hope that tourism will be given a high priority in the Government's thinking for 1984. We had excellent weather during the past year and that may well be the base on which we can start to rebuild what was once a very thriving industry. I hope that the recovery will come but I think we have to work towards it. Tourism is vital to our economy in many ways. The extra money that comes from outside is an assistance to our balance of payments. In addition, many jobs are created as a result of tourism and tourist activity in the country, some of a permanent nature but very many of a part-time nature which are also very useful during the tourist season.

We have very few advantages as a holiday location in comparison with the Mediterranean or other places. However, we have a pleasant countryside. We have uncrowded roads. We have friendly people and we are recognised throughout the world for that. We have, on the other hand, the uncertain weather. For many years we had one great additional factor, one great selling point, that as a country we were very good value for a holiday. It did not happen last year or the year before, but if had happened over a number of years that different Governments have chipped away that great advantage that we enjoyed as being good value for a holiday. The result is that we have become one of the most expensive locations in Europe now.

We are now adjourning for lunch. The last Government speaker will be called at 4.30 p.m. Agreed?

Agreed.

Sitting suspended at 1 p.m. and resumed at 2 p.m.

Before lunch I was suggesting that in 1984 the question of tourism should be given a higher priority. As a tourist country we do not have many natural advantages: we have a pleasant countryside, pleasant and friendly people, and uncrowded roads. For many years we had one great advantage — a holiday in Ireland was good value for money but we have lost that advantage. If we are in earnest about promoting tourism and the advantages it can bring to the economy, the way it can help our balance of payments, the jobs it can create — mainly part-time, but there are quite a number of full-time jobs in the tourist industry — then we have to look seriously at it and start from one basic point. The tourist industry will never recover as long as we continue to have the dearest petrol and the dearest drink in Europe. Recently I attended a meeting dealing with tourism which was addressed by a number of people with experience in the industry. They put particular emphasis on a strategy that has been adopted in Sweden in recent years. When a tourist is leaving Sweden the VAT he has paid will be refunded to him. As I understand it, he is not refunded all the VAT he has paid but he is refunded the VAT in relation to where he stays, his food, petrol he uses and so forth, and he can get a partial VAT refund on certain goods purchased in Sweden. We were told that the net effect of this measure is that Sweden has come to be recognised as having moved from the highest priced holiday location in Europe to one of the lowest, and this is having a very substantial impact on the number of tourists going there. I have not done research on this information but on the face of it it deserves serious consideration. We had an exceptionally fine year last year and I hope we can look to a growth in the tourist industry this year, and I hope that whatever steps are necessary to promote that growth will be taken in the months ahead.

I am satisfied that the Government have made valuable and substantial progress in many areas over the past year, and I accept that much remains to be done. I recognise that the Government, the country and the economy, have been caught in this vicious triangle of borrowings, taxation and expenditure. To try to get the right balance is not simple but I am satisfied that the Minister for Finance and the Government have taken the right steps, and that the base has now been created from which we can progress. I hope that the indications we have got from so many independent sources who say we are on the first rung of the ladder climbing out of the recession are true and that when we assemble here in 12 months time to debate the Appropriation Bill, 1984, we will be back on the road to success.

When I thought about the Appropriation Act and the extraordinary range of ideas, plans and schemes that one can raise and discuss, parse and analyse under it, I intended doing a philosophical analysis of some of the ideas that do not often get a chance to be aired here. In particular I had hoped to talk about violence in Irish society in all its forms, because there is a problem there. I also wanted to underline the extraordinary fact that we decided to increase our defence expenditure this year by a sum of money which is almost equal to our entire overseas aid programme. I wanted to talk about the fact that we would want to be more specific in our concepts of violence and life and I think many people would agree with me, for instance, when we find it difficult to understand how in one case the Roman Catholic hierarchy can be absolutely certain about the wrongness of a woman having an abortion in any circumstances, irrespective of the pressures or fears, but can show great sympathy and understanding for the dilemmas under which people can vote for mindless violence and terrorism. I do not understand this and I think many practising Christians trying to work out their own attitudes to violence do not understand it either.

I would be dishonest if I were to talk in those terms today coming as I do from a punch-drunk city which is almost intoxicated to a state of total apathy by the shock upon shock of industrial closures that have devastated the city that ironically enough in the present circumstances was good enough to give me "a blow in", a good job. I suspect that if I were coming now they would find one of their own to fill the job more than adequately. But I have a loyalty to that place, and I do not often talk in local terms because I do not see myself, and never have, as a local representative, but it would be dishonest not to talk of the shock and the apathy, the fear, the worry and the sense of hopelessness that my home city has reeled under.

I do not want — and I do not intend — to identify specifically either this or the previous Government because I do not think it is some sort of positive neglect, lack of planning, or lack of policy that has devastated Cork any more than it is a lack of policy or a lack of planning that has devastated large parts of Britain. It is an inevitable consequence of an economic system, of economic values and of a system of economic development which is based on a different set of values from the human values that people here would claim to support. I do not want to suggest that all my colleagues in public life in Cork, in what I would call the two Establishment parties, are being dishonest — they are not — in their condemnations and regrets about the closure of Fords or Dunlops. It is just that they are wrong. I would not suggest that they are dishonest, they are just fundamentally wrong, because there is a fundamental contradiction in their thinking.

There is no doubt that the Irish people have voted overwhelmingly for two parties that proudly and vigorously espoused the free enterprise system as the system which best suits the needs of the people and they have built their political reputation in defence of that free enterprise system and so be it. That is what the people chose to do. I do not believe the system is loaded against the left. I do not believe the media could stop a left-wing Government taking power. Ultimately, it is a matter for those of us on the left to persuade the Irish people that that is the way forward. But it is a bit much for politicians of the Establishment parties who have gloried in the successes of private enterprise, in its efficiency, in its capacity to innovate, in its vigorous and sturdy independence from State influence, in its flexibility in responding to changing demands — and they are all characteristics of that economic system and the private enterprise system — and who have supported that system vigorously and consistently for the best part of 60 years of independence apparently to be shocked now when employer after employer, and capitalist after capitalist, follows the natural logic of that system and closes down industry after industry because they are no longer viable or competitive.

I must inject a note of realism here. I am not talking from the position of some sort of mindless, ideological straitjacket. I am talking from the position of a practising engineer with a fairly good idea and grasp of the realities of production and the market place. I am not persuaded that Fords closed down in Cork because it was a non-viable operation but because there was a way of making more money out of cars in Ireland than the way they were doing. It was not that they could not make money in Ireland, but that a different logic of their ethic and their market place suggested that by doing it differently they could make more money. That is the truth of the system that most of the Establishment parties support.

It is extraordinary when people talk about unemployment and employment that people who expose the logic of the market place and the free enterprise system pretend that capitalism has national loyalties or that capitalism has values other than its own aggrandisement, because it does not. That is the ethic of the market place and that is what has created the positive values and the positive achievements of capitalism. But the negative side is equally true and is part and parcel of what people who back the capitalist system support.

Capital moves to the area of maximum profitability, not to where it can make a reasonable return or a decent return, but given our position in an area of free movement of capital it will inevitably move to the area of maximum profitability. That is what is beginning to happen in this country as industry after industry becomes less and less dependent on cheap labour and more and more dependent on intensive capital investment and robot-controlled manufacturing units. Appeals to generosity, to sentiment, to justice and so on, cannot and will not interfere with the logic of the marketplace. It is not correct, and it is inconsistent, for people who have supported the free enterprise system to pretend now that values that are inconsistent with that system can be invoked to persuade company after company to change their mind about what is happening here.

It is easy for somebody like myself to support the retention of a viable food and milk industry in this country because I recognise that two-thirds of the world are hungry and that we belong to that part of the world which can produce food easily and efficiently and in quantities that the rest of the world has failed to do. But for those who espouse the logic of the market place to suggest that vast sums of European money should be used to support an industry for which there is no market within the European Community — which is what is being done by the super-levy — and for those who believe that industry should be competitive, that jobs should be there because they are real jobs based on productive capacity, is a contradiction of their own economic logic which is motivated by the fact that there is a large farming vote in this country. It is economically inconsistent on the one hand to espouse free market economics and on the other hand insist that the direct negation of that which is the European Common Agricultural Policy, must somehow be sustained. Whatever my criticism about Mrs. Thatcher, at least she is consistent.

The closure of Fords is part of the logic of capitalism, as much as all the goodies were in the good days of the sixties and seventies. It is a necessary consequence of recession and there will be many more. The truth uderlying all this, and one that we as politicians have got to address ourselves to in great detail in the future, is the fact that the old relationship between capital and labour, which was the justification for private enterprise and for all that we have done in this country, was that the aggrandisement of capital by the generation of wealth inevitably generated more employment. That relationship no longer exists. It is now quite feasible and true to say that capital no longer needs labour. It is only a matter of time until most of the huge industrial production units in this world will virtually operate without any human requirement. That wealth will be created without any employment being generated. Therefore, when we talk about waiting for growth and for a return to growth to generate employment, we are being dishonest with ourselves.

The structure of the Irish economy now is such that we have two independent economies operating. One is the recently introduced IDA-sponsored high technology companies who are producing competitively and in vast quantities for the international market place, but they are not taking up large numbers of employees. They are successful, they are efficient and they are growing very rapidly. Our 10 per cent or 12 per cent increase in exports last year must have been among the highest export growths of any economy in the world. That took place in an economy which is stagnating and going backwards and which everybody acknowledges has major problems.

It is extraordinary that those two things can take place at the same time. But what else can we expect? That growth sector of the economy employs relatively little labour and pays virtually no tax on its profits. Therefore, the wealth created by that sector is not being, and will not be, available to the rest of the Irish community. It will be used as the owners of those companies see fit. It may be invested in this country to create more wealth, without any increase in employment, or it may be invested outside this country because they are perfectly free to do what they wish with it. There was a logic in that philosophy when we could relate economic growth and the generation of wealth to further employment, but that logic no longer exists because the old link between capital and labour has been broken and the extraordinary naivete of employers' organisations, industrial organisations and of the trade unions in the face of the fundamental change we will have to face in the future, amazes me.

I am amazed by some of the almost Pavlovian responses of people in industry to the present crisis, what I could only describe as a juggler instinct to tackle every problem they see on the labour side in terms of wages, welfare, unemployment benefit and so on, because people at work feel threatened. I was amazed in particular at the pronouncements of a senior member of one of the industrial organisations — I am not permitted to name him — in which he advised the Government to take the American Government's economic policy as the model for our industrial development. I do not know where he got his figures from, but I know the American Government are moving towards a rapidly increasing budget deficit. When we are trying manfully to bring ours under control they are moving rapidly towards a huge surplus of imports over exports, and the American economic boom has been based fundamentally on increased public expenditure in the area of armaments which has generated massive growth in a number of areas which is now reflecting itself through the entire American economy. What appeals to many people in industry, and to employers unfortunately — and this is because they reflect a North American rather than a west European set of values — is the fact that the American Government have made the most extraordinary assault on welfare and social security in the history of the United States. That has not been an instrument of growth because there has not been a reduction in public expenditure in the United States. There has been a redistribution of public expenditure from the poor to the defence forces. If that is the model industrialists want for this country then I think they are kidding the Irish people because I do not believe that is what our people want. That is the core of the argument.

We have heard a lot of talk about sacrifices and the need to make sacrifices, and people have accepted that, but at the end of it all there is nobody who can give us the remotest guarantee that all those sacrifices are going to do anything about unemployment. The leaked document from the Department of Industry suggested that at the end of this decade we will still have close to a quarter-of-a-million people unemployed. It is only an economist who could tolerate the idea of a quarter-of-a-million people unemployed for a decade because Irish society as it is presently structured will not survive if we have 250,000 people unemployed indefinitely. There is no point in people talking about economic realism and economic reality. Neither of those will have any ground on which to base itself because there will be no Irish society as currently understood if we tolerate 250,000 people unemployed indefinitely. That will not work and our society will fall apart. That is perhaps why that extraordinary piece of legislation, the Criminal Justice Bill, is necessary, not to deal with our present, by European standards, low levels of crime but to enable the State and those who own property to protect themselves from the anger of those who will be outside the cosy three-quarters who have jobs. That one-quarter of our society will have to be controlled and hence the need perhaps in the future for draconian legislation.

In good times, as I said, capitalism had its attractions, but those who espouse the system have no right to change their philosophy half way through and pretend to believe that something else motivates that system. All those who preached the merits of free enterprise and in the process belittled the under-capitalised, bureaucratically controlled and often politically interfered with public sector, should now whist, because what is happening is the logic of their economic philosophy. Fords are part of their system, not part of mine and there is no point trying to pretend that they are somehow distant from it. They want that system; they want those economic values. They cannot pretend in times of recession that Fords are doing anything other than following the logic for the market economy. They are their values, not mine. It is their future in that system, not mine.

I have been in politics for only a little over two years, but I am probably more angry now about a whole lot of things than I was before, even more than I was some weeks ago when I had a run in with the Government on my Private Member's legislation because that was part of the normal ins and outs of politics and I can cope with that. I am angry with a political system which seems to want to educate the electorate about the inadequacy of a free enterprise system. As a political system, in various manifestations of Government policy, and in the policy of the major Opposition party as manifested in The Way Forward it seems to be oblivious of the young, of the cruelty that is imposed on the unemployed through the welfare system, through the public pronouncements of people of wealth and property about the unemployed, of a political system which seems to have at this stage a deliberate, ideological bias against the State sector. There is no other way to explain the Government's picking on Bord na Móna and their projected peat factory in Ballyforan and suggesting that that plant must be examined by experts. Who are the experts on peat production in this country but Bord na Móna? Who produced a substantial profit last year? Bord na Móna. To be hauled aside by some sort of ideologically biased Government and civil service and to be told “No, you cannot go ahead with what you, with your record, consider to be a perfectly sound investment until some experts examine it”— and there are no experts in that area outside Bord na Móna — shows a measure of ideological bias that I would not even expect from an entire socialist government. There is no justification for that sort of bureaucratic interference with a successful State corporation.

I am angry, too, with a sloppy news media which I can only describe as a bit like a terrier snapping at the heels of the Establishment, very brave until the Establishment says "boo" or claps its hands, and then it recognises its subordinate role and parrots what the Establishment has to say.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

Senator Ryan, you are not debating the Appropriation Act, 1983. I am afraid I have allowed you to go away from that Act but please return to it. I do not want a lecture to the Government or the Opposition from you.

I am not only coming back to the Act, but I am coming to the end of my remarks. The Act as an instrument of Government policy and public expenditure generally has a fundamental defect, and this is irrespective of my view on the political and economic systems we should operate under, in that it shows a lack of faith in our own people and in our own ideas. We should not have to wait until somebody else proves something is a good idea. We want to start innovating and there is nothing in present Government or Opposition policy to suggest that we know anything about innovation. We want to produce new products, not copying somebody else's products, or somebody here producing their products, but producing new products ourselves. We want to produce new ideas, and we want to produce them now. We should stop copying.

In conclusion I want to make one brief statement. I find it astonishing that the individual who announced the closure of the last major industry in Cork should be the chairman of the Youth Employment Agency. I find his two roles contradictory and I wish the Government would do something about the one job they can do something about, and get somebody who can demonstrate a commitment to this country and to the young people to preside over that agency.

Speaking on the Appropriation Act, 1983, one is encouraged by signs appearing of improvements taking place. At the same time, we have a long distance to go before we see light at the end of the tunnel. Perhaps it is not always realised that the actual management of the State's finances must be related to the requirements of the country's economy and must take definite note of the financial state of the country's finances at any given time. This is often overlooked. With changing economic situations due attention is not given to the management of our finances to take account of the position obtaining at any given time.

The Irish economy at the commencement of 1983 was at an extremely low and sick state. We must look logically and meaningfully at the Appropriation Act, 1983, to see where we started out and what was or was not achieved in the intervening period. Let us face reality. The very weak financial position that existed at the beginning of 1983 did not come down on us suddenly like a fog. It had been growing steadily since 1977. Perhaps it did not manifest itself to a major degree until 1979 and the following years. The position in 1983 was influenced and affected by the serious balance of payments position, the serious inflation rate, the serious interest rate levels and narrowing margins in agriculture, industry, and so on. In that situation the Government had to try to do the best they could.

Two positive factors brought about the serious position to which I refer. First, the total mismanagement of the country's finances between 1977 and 1981. This cannot be overlooked and we cannot run away from it. Second, the serious effects of the world recession which manifested themselves in the latter part of 1981 and throughout 1982. A combination of these two factors led us to this serious position. At the beginning of 1983 it was logical that the Government should set about tackling our economic problems. At no stage in the history of the State did our economy need a boost more than it needed it at the beginning of 1983. Yet there were constraints on what the Government could do at that time. Unfortunately on the question of output and employment, and a stimulus in each of these areas, the Government's hands were tied. At the beginning of 1983 they had to tighten the reins on the country's finances, whereas, given the sort of circumstances that should have existed at that time, an opposite course would have been pursued. There was no way in which that opposite course could have been followed because of the state of affairs.

At the beginning of the summer recess in 1982 the then Government, Fianna Fáil, began to take serious steps to reduce expenditure. The scale of the expenditure cuts suggested in the Book of Estimates published in November 1982 by Fianna Fáil was a positive acknowledgement by the then Government that there had to be a curbing of expenditure and a reduction in borrowing. The targets for borrowing and the proposed deficit in the policy document, The Way Forward, published in October 1982, illustrate the fact that Fianna Fáil saw no alternative to a reduction in borrowing and a curbing of expenditure. That was the scenario for the Government faced with tackling the position at the beginning of 1983.

The Government, with courage, commitment and conviction, set out to do the best job possible, and to do what was unpopular in many instances, in the interests of the common good in the long term. In certain matters things did not work out ideally. One important point already made in this House is that our finances have now been got into shape. There is a certain control on them. Controlling finances and effecting improvements are two different things. When I say the Government have taken control of our finances, I mean they know clearly what the position is. Over the past number of years that picture was not so evident.

At the beginning of 1983 the Government would have liked to borrow more money for certain useful and productive enterprises, but they saw a level of £1,700 million as a figure beyond which they could not responsibly go. It is absolutely vital that the Government should stay on the responsible path they took 12 months ago, regardless of certain unfortunate hiccups that will arise inevitably in the future. The Government must not be inflexible and there may be occasions when certain modifications and alterations of policy programmes should be considered and implemented.

We can see now that there are some signs of improvement. There is one note of encouragement for us, having gone through the year 1983. Our inflation rate is reduced from approximately 17½ per cent at the beginning of the year to 10½ per cent. This, of course, is relative. Our inflation is relative to inflationary levels in other countries to which we export or from which we import. It is going in the right direction. We cannot say that because we have reduced it by X percentage points everything is all right. If our competitors reduce their level by as much as we have reduced ours we have gained nothing.

We saw increases in our exports in 1983. We saw some increase in our gross national product during the same year and have seen some improvement in the balance of payments position. The important thing now is to convert and translate these signs of improvement into something meaningful to deal with the most serious cancer in our society today, that is, unemployment. We have more than 200,000 persons unemployed. This represents approximately one out of each six persons in the work force. That is an extremely serious social and economic position. While progress in getting the country's finances into shape is important — I would not for a moment take from that effort — it is essential that more attention is given to the problem of unemployment. We have had many closures of what were reputed to be very solid industrial concerns. We cannot take this lightly. I am satisfied the Government will give their full attention to it.

Coupled with the very serious position in industry we have an extremely serious position in the Irish agricultural sector. That is unfortunate. As everybody knows, they are related and inter-connected. We have approximately 45 per cent of our work force directly and indirectly engaged in farming. Agriculture at farm level is going through a difficult time, as are the processing and marketing arms of this vital industry. This is having serious consequential effects on the overall employment position. If policies which are now emanating become a reality the position will be much more serious.

Reference was made to the vast numbers of persons employed in the co-operative societies. We have approximately 12,000 persons employed in the milk processing sector. We have 7,000 to 8,000 persons employed in the meat processing sector. With the threat to the Common Agricultural Policy of the EEC, there is a grave danger that many of these 18,000 to 20,000 jobs will be at risk. This is extremely serious, on top of all the other things which, unfortunately, have beset a very sick economy in the past number of months.

It is appropriate to make reference to the proposed changes in the Common Agricultural Policy which will be coming up for discussion at a summit meeting in Paris. The Irish position on the super-levy on milk remains unchanged. The Government are looking for a total exemption for Ireland from this levy. The effect of this levy, not only on the agricultural industry but on the entire economy, would be horrific even to contemplate. The application of the levy, as proposed, with 1981 as a base year, would take approximately £200 million out of the Irish economy.

We are a net beneficiary as a member of the EEC to the tune of approximately £500 million per annum. If that advantage were taken from us our position as a member of the EEC would come into question.

Ireland joined the European Economic Community in 1972, in the firm belief and knowledge that agriculture had unlimited potential for expansion and development. That was one of the reasons why the Fine Gael Party and the Fianna Fáil Party and many others actively canvassed support from the electorate in favour of joining the EEC. Eleven years later, in the middle of 1983 the super-levy became a stark reality. The brakes were being put firmly on Irish agriculture. In joining the EEC with a full knowledge of its potential for agriculture, we were also conscious of the absolute dangers that existed for Irish industry. We knew that with our open economy our Irish industries would not be in a position to compete in the long term. Unfortunately over the past number of years, we have seen many Irish industries going to the wall.

Apart from the super-levy, other sweeping and radical changes are being envisaged — perhaps not highlighted as much as the super-levy on milk — in the whole area of intervention, dairy products, meat products, and so on. There are the questions of export refunds for exports to third countries, calf premiums and many other things of lesser importance than the super-levy on milk. Nevertheless they took up much of the time and attention of the Government in 1983.

We have to make certain that Ireland is not penalised because of its special position. We have a special position in so far as Ireland is an island remote from the mainland of Europe, far distant from the market place, an island that is quite under-developed. We could be compared economically and from a development point of view with southern Italy and perhaps Greece, but certainly not with the rest of the European Economic Commuinty.

We have these very serious financial problems. They existed right through last year. Unfortunately, they continue to be with us. We have the problem of unemployment. We cannot over-emphasise the very serious evil this is to our economy and, indeed, to the whole fabric of our society. We have people with no hope of getting jobs and others bringing up families in an environment where the children will never get mentally attuned to the concept of work. That is extremely serious. It is above and beyond party politics. I urge our Government in the strongest possible way to tackle it with all the vigour they can command. There is no way progress can be recorded until we get our unemployment figures down to a meaningful and manageable level.

Due to the narrowing of margins, inflation and the cost of money — which fortunately is less expensive that it was; interest rates have come down — many of our industries are not in a position to compete. Even with reduced inflation and reduced interest rates our businesses are still in difficulty. We must not ask too much of them. This is of extreme importance.

Apart from people who cannot get jobs and people with businesses, big and small, who are threatened with closures, farmers, too, are in a very serious position. Thousands of farmers are on the verge of bankruptcy due to circumstances in most cases totally and utterly outside their control. This is extremely serious. Farming is in danger of becoming extinct. There is an onus on the Government and on the major lending institutions to look at this problem again. There has been an in-depth study of the matter in the past couple of years but it needs to be looked at again very thoroughly.

While it is dangerous in the extreme to talk about borrowing money, I believe that, provided money is borrowed for productive purposes and channelled directly into productive areas, it is a good proposition. There is a vast potential in the agricultural sector for the creation of jobs. For this, we must have finance that will not get lost before it gets into the actual pipeline of production. There is vast potential in the area of added value and of producing foodstuffs in Ireland that are being imported at present. Imports of foodstuffs amount to approximately £800 million per annum. We could save perhaps £300 million of that figure by growing more food in Ireland of the type the housewife wants. There is need for an overall appraisal of the situation including an in-depth study of what the market wants. The producer could then produce for the market. Unfortunately — and this applies to sales in the home market as well as sales abroad — we have tended to market what we produce rather than produce for the market place. There are many jobs to be found in a more developed agriculture sector and our infrastructure and our construction industries should be positively attended to at this time.

There is an upturn in the world economy. There is an improvement in sight. We want to make certain that the Irish economy can take the best advantage of any improvements in the world scene. The Government are doing an excellent job under extremely difficult circumstances which they inherited and over which they had little or no control. I am confident that, given time, the Government will redress the position. I urge the Government to ensure that the balance of payments deficit is corrected and to spare no effort in trying to resolve the very serious unemployment position.

I am confident that the Government will turn things around. We will be relying on what happens on the world scene. One would be rather foolish to claim that the Government of Ireland of their own accord and without reference to the international situation can achieve the objectives now in dire need of being achieved. Given the indications of improvement in the world economy, coupled with the absolutely dedicated efforts of our Government, I am certain that by the end of 1984 we will be talking about an Appropriation Bill with a different sort of emphasis, with an emphasis of improvement behind it.

I welcome the opportunity to speak on this motion on the Appropriation Act, 1983, which was passed here without debate at our last sitting before Christmas. I welcome also the fact that this motion enables us to comment generally on Government policies and on the spending and administration of different Government Departments. The annual debate on the Appropriation Bill is the only opportunity Senators have for a wide-ranging discussion of various aspects of Government policy.

Last year was the first full year in office of the present Coalition Government and from many points of view it was a disastrous year for the country. Unemployment rose by almost 30,000 to a new record high of 208,000. Scarcely a week passed without at least one major factory closure or a threat of a major factory closure. Local authorities experienced unprecedented financial difficulties, especially in the area of roads, despite the introduction of savage charges for planning and other services. Education and health cuts hit hardest of all the most deprived and disadvantaged sections of the community. The continuing rise in both direct and indirect taxation affected employers and workers alike. The construction and motor industries continued their decline in 1983, while the threat of the EEC milk super-levy, the suspension of the farm modernisation scheme and the advent of the receiver made 1983 a year to remember for the farming community. Violence and crime increased, culminating in the brutal murders of two members of the security forces in the week before Christmas.

For all these reasons and for many other reasons which I have not mentioned, I believe most people will remember 1983 as one of the blackest and most disastrous years in modern times. It is a long time since national morale was at such a low ebb. Our unemployment rate is now the highest in Europe but the saddest aspect of all is that almost one-third of those out of work are under 25 years of age. How many times has it been said that unemployment is now the biggest single problem facing the country and yet the Government have shown no resolve to tackle this massive problem in an earnest and meaningful way? It now appears as if they are resigned to an unemployment figure of 225,000 before the end of the current year. Rather than tackling the problem the Government's priority now seems to be to condition the general public to accept that the figure will rise rather than fall.

If the Government are serious about creating jobs and getting people back to work there are many areas which they will have to look at very hard. The first area they should look at is how we can use our native resources to generate employment. I could never understand the logic of devoting such an amount of effort to trying to attract foreign industry into the country while we ignore, or do not seem to appreciate, or choose to overlook, the job creation potential of the resources that exist within the country.

In my own area there are huge quantities of a very valuable native resource. I am referring to the huge quantities of peat in the Derryfadda group of bogs which straddle the Roscommon-Galway border. This group of bogs in the south Roscommon-east Galway area contains approximately 10,000 acres of virgin bogland. Until a few years ago this bogland was in the ownership of hundreds of small farmers in that area. They sold their bogs to Bord na Móna, in most cases for nominal prices, on the understanding that the bog was required for the development of a briquette factory at Ballyforan. They were led to believe that between the bog and the factory there would be 400 to 500 workers employed in that area for the next 40 years. So it is easy to understand why these small farmers were agreeable to sell their bogland for the very nominal prices that in most cases they received. They saw the prospect of employment opportunities for their sons and daughters and nephews and nieces for many years to come in the development that was proposed and promised and which they were convinced would take place in the Ballyforan area.

The Ballyforan briquette factory was to be Bord na Móna's fifth briquette factory and its first in the west. The development of the bogs and the site for the factory commenced and Roscommon County Council, in anticipation of the employment which would be provided by the project, decided to proceed with water, sewerage and housing schemes in the Ballyforan area. Everything appeared to be going well until June last. It is estimated that by that time Bord na Móna had spent between £5 million and £5½ million on site development and they had entered into contracts for the supply of machinery and equipment.

The first intimation that the people of the area had that there was trouble on the horizon was towards the end of June when the Minister for Finance visited Roscommon on what was described at the time as a morale boosting visit. He certainly did not boost the morale of the people of the Ballyforan area or the workers in Derryfadda when he announced at a press conference in Roscommon town that the Ballyforan project was being reviewed as part of a national review of capital expenditure. This announcement caused shock and disbelief in the area.

A public meeting was held to which all the public representatives were invited and arising from that meeting a deputation met the then Minister for Industry and Energy, Deputy John Bruton, in early August. I was pleased to be one of the public representatives from the area who accompanied that deputation. At the meeting we were informed that a Government decision would be made as soon as the review was completed and the impression was that this would certainly be before the end of 1983. No Government decision was announced in 1983, although I assume the national review of capital expenditure was completed. If it was not, it would now appear to have been given a new name because the 1984 Public Capital Programme, in the section dealing with Bord na Móna, contains the following statement:

Expenditure on the Ballyforan factory has stopped pending the outcome of an economic analysis of its viability.

It is interesting to note that the same Public Capital Programme contains an allocation of £21.3 million for the final stage of the electrification of the Howth to Bray railway line and there is no reference to an economic analysis of the viability of this project.

This whole affair has been dragging on for far too long. The doubt and uncertainty which surround the briquette factory have been there for more than two years now. When I spoke in this House in January 1982 — exactly two years ago — on the motion dealing with the 1981 Appropriation Act I referred to the Ballyforan briquette factory. At that time it was believed that the then Coalition Government were considering postponing the development of the project. Deputy Barry Desmond, who was then Minister of State at the Department of Finance, replied to the debate on Thursday, 21 January 1982 and in Volume 97, No. 3, at column 308 he stated that in my contribution I suggested that there was going to be a postponement of the briquette factory at Ballyforan. He went on to say:

...it is wrong to suggest that the Government have decided to postpone Bord na Móna's proposed new briquette factory at Ballyforan. As far as the briquette factory is concerned the Government have never given any indication that they are not prepared to provide money for the project. The delay arises from difficulties which Bord na Móna themselves are experiencing in securing finance from the European Investment Bank for the project. It is as simple as that. The board now expect that these problems will be resolved satisfactorily very shortly and that the construction of the factory will start on schedule. I should put that on record.

It is a sad situation that today, two years later, the project is still surrounded by uncertainty, doubt and confusion. I would appeal to the Minister to give the green light to this project without further delay. At the end of the day the only decision that can realistically be given is a decision to proceed, so why not give that decision now? A decision not to proceed with this project would have such disastrous social and economic consequences for this whole area of south Roscommon-east Galway that it does not bear thinking about. A favourable decision now will provide hundreds of jobs in an area of rural Ireland which very badly needs development. The fact that this project is proposed for an area west of the Shannon should not militate against it, as many people believe is the case. The only way in which the Government will convince such people that this is not the case is by giving the go-ahead to Ballyforan without further delay.

I would also like to refer to the uncertainty and doubt which surround the future of the Arigna coal-fired generating station and the whole coalmining industry in that region. It is true to say that because of reports that have appeared there is a question mark over the future of all the small generating stations in the midlands and west which use native fuel, that is, coal or peat. As far as Arigna is concerned, any decision which would put the coalmining industry in that region in jeopardy would be a disaster for a community of more than 300 families with a proud tradition. Coalmining has been carried on in that area for almost two centuries. Without it the economy of that area would collapse.

I believe that there is potential for the creation of many jobs in the food processing sector. Irish horticulture is capable of considerable development. I see no reason why it should not be possible to develop a great number of small vegetable processing projects throughout the country. It is a reflection on all of us that most of the deep frozen vegetables found in shops and supermarkets throughout the country are imported.

I was saddened by the recent Government decision in relation to the Scarriff chipboard factory. I was disappointed that Senator Howard did not refer to this project since it is in his own area, but to refer to it would have spoiled the rosy picture that he was painting. This was an industry which used native raw material. From the evidence now available it would appear that it had overcome the difficulties which had put a question mark over its potential viability. The Government should immediately reconsider their attitude to this project.

In 1983 the construction industry was one of the hardest hit sectors. Because of its nature and size its problems permeated the whole economy. The volume of investment and construction fell by approximately 12 per cent. Employment in the sector fell by approximately 25 per cent. There was a huge drop in cement sales. Many of the firms which went out of business in 1983 were in the construction sector. Any builders' provider will tell you that things were never worse.

The suspension of the farm modernisation scheme and grants for farm buildings in the 1983 budget contributed significantly to the problems of the building industry. It was sad to see two of the oldest suppliers and erectors of farm buildings closing their doors in 1983, directly as a result of the economic approach of this Government. It is probably true to say that the construction industry is more sensitive to Government economic policies than any other sector. While the right policies can stimulate growth and development and increase employment in the construction industry, the wrong policies will result in major problems. This is what is happening in the construction industry at present.

Senator Howard referred to the problems of the tourist industry and to the fact that Ireland is now one of the most expensive countries in Europe for a holiday. This situation has been brought about by the very high levels of taxation which affect the industry. As a result of these crushing levels of taxation hotel prices have gone way beyond what the ordinary tourist can afford. The hotel industry, like the building industry, is a labour-intensive industry. It is also an industry which can generate spin-off employment in many other sectors of the economy. Like the building industry, when there is a recession in the hotel industry there are serious implications, a domino effect, as far as other areas of employment are concerned. During the past 12 months the hotel industry has gone through a particularly difficult period. The number of hotels that have closed and the number of jobs that have been lost bear witness to this. The Government should consider ways and means of easing the taxation burden on the hotel industry. Any such move would have significant benefits as far as tourism and employment are concerned.

As I said at the outset, the health and education cuts which were introduced during 1983 hit the weakest and the most deprived and disadvantaged sections of the community hardest of all. The decision to introduce school transport charges penalised most of all those living in the more remote rural areas. The decisions to increase pupil-teacher ratios and to cut back on career guidance and counselling services and on the appointment of remedial teachers affected the most educationally and socially deprived children in the community. These cutbacks reversed the major progress that had been made in education over the past two decades and halted the move towards equality of opportunity in the education system.

The introduction of the two honours requirement for regional scholarships deprived many students of scholarships for which they would have qualified in previous years. Now a further hardship is being imposed on those of them who went to regional colleges at their own expense having been denied scholarships. Their medical cards are now being withdrawn from them. It is already a great hardship on these students and their parents to meet the costs of third level education. This applies to the vast majority of students, irrespective of whether they have scholarships or grants, but more so if they have not. The withdrawal of medical cards from these students will make life more difficult still for them. I would appeal to the Government to reconsider their decision in this matter.

I referred at the outset to the financial difficulties in which many local authorities found themselves in 1983. I will give just one statistic for my own county of Roscommon to show how serious the position is. In 1977 the amount spent by Roscommon County Council on county roads was £845,000. In 1983 the total amount which we were able to provide was £823,000, a drop of £22,000 on the 1977 figure. If our spending on county roads had kept pace with inflation the provision in the 1983 Estimates should have been in the region of £2,050,000. The position at the moment is that in County Roscommon we have a network of county roads which is breaking up, and that is no exaggeration. Some of our county roads are so bad that they are simply not passable and soon they will all be in a similar condition unless the county council are given a special allocation for county roads or greater flexibility and discretion in relation to the spending of whatever road grants are made available. It is surely the height of folly to allow a county road system that would cost in excess of £500 million to build today to fall into such a state of disrepair. As the Minister and Senators are aware, Roscommon is a predominantly agricultural county with a high proportion of the population living in rural areas. This makes it all the more important that our county road system should be maintained to a reasonable standard.

I will conclude my referring to the quarterly bulletin of the Central Bank which was published today and which Members of the House received this morning. Section 1 on page 5 of the report states:

High rates of taxation create disincentive with adverse implications for growth and employment and there can be little doubt that this was the case in 1983.

I sincerely hope that next week's budget will indicate an approach on the part of the Government which will restore the hope and the confidence that is so badly needed in this country at the moment, if trends of 1983 are to be reversed.

I would like to refer to the tragic closing of the Ford factory in Cork which was referred to here by Senator Ryan. He spoke about capitalism and profits with a certain amount of hypocrisy because everybody knows that the motor assembly industry in Ireland ceases on 31 December 1984 by virtue of the derogation that was obtained for that industry by the man who is now President, the then Minister for Industry and Commerce.

The fact that the Ford factory is to close on 1 July might be a blessing in disguise for Cork because there are two precedents already established. One is that about two years ago when General Motors wanted to opt out of motor assembly in this country they provided an alternative industry concerned with the making for export of electrical wiring systems for motor cars. Not only did they employ those who wished to be reemployed in the factory, but they increased employment in that factory and it is a very good industry today. In the second case British Leyland opted out of the motor industry and they too set up a factory in Tallaght for the manufacture of car seats or frames for car seats and they in turn increased employment. I have every confidence in this Government and in the Minister that between now and 1 July they will seek to obtain for the Ford factory possibly the manufacture of car components in that factory for export.

It must be remembered that the Ford factory is unique in this country in so far as before we ever had an industrial drive the Ford factory was built 50 years ago in Cork. That factory was built purely by virtue of the fact that Henry Ford was a Corkman and it was the first Ford factory built outside the United States. That factory produced tractors which were exported all over the world. Later when the Ford factory in Cork could not meet the requirements, they set up in Dagenham where there was more potential for growth.

That does not alter the fact that the motor industry has had a very bad time this year. The motor industry dropped 30,000 units worth over £110 million in excise duty to the Government. If the motor industry had not dropped those 30,000 cars we would be in the position today that that £110 million would have met the Government's target for the budget deficit. It would have given it a plus. I was told by the Minister for Finance in a previous Government that the policy of the Government was that because of the balance of payments, taxation had to be imposed on the motor industry in order to prevent imports. That is why the motor industry is in the state it is today. I would hope in the future that the position would be improved by relief in taxation.

Senator Honan paid tribute to the Government for the fact that they had postponed the local elections. From the Government side of the House I thank her for that tribute, although she gave different reasons for it from those given by the Government. I would like to hope that in 1987, when we will be in the normal last year of this Government, that following the precedent originally established by Fianna Fáil of an extension of Government, for which there is provision in the Constitution, that we can extend the life of this Government by a further two years in order to finish the job we set out to do.

Something has happened since I left.

The Senator is a good friend of mine. I want to say a few words about the telephone system. Our telephone system will be one of the most modern in the world. I will give the previous Government a certain amount of credit. They made a major contribution to the investment which is now being carried on by the present Government. At the end of the day I hope we will have the most efficient and most modern telephone system in Europe. It is badly needed. There is one thing that saddens me. In the old days before we had digital or automatic dialling you could send a telegram of ten words for a shilling or five pence. That telegram would cost today something in the region of £2. That is of course in line with all other costs. The sad thing is that for some reason some whizz kid in the postal system has decided that one cannot now send a telegram after 5.30 in the evening. I would like that system to be changed because I do not think there is much point in providing one of the most efficient telephone services in the world when one cannot send a telegram after 5.30 p.m.

I would like to welcome the Minister of State at the Department of Communications. It is my first opportunity and he is here at an appropriate time because he played a very important part in the telephone system when he was in the Department.

Reference was made to the PMPA. The then Minister, Deputy Cluskey, did a terrific job in the PMPA because if he had not acted in the way he did about 300,000 people could have found themselves without insurance. The people who were wise enough to insure their cars with other companies are now paying a penalty for that because they now have a levy on their insurance because of the PMPA which was the greatest fraud since Shanahan's stamps.

I am sorry there are people in this country — I hope the Government may find some way of helping them — who have invested their money, some their life savings in the PMPS Investment Bank that is now short about £7 million. There is very little hope that they are going to get anything. The Government will have to devise some means of compensating those people for the money they invested in good faith. Those private banks were all being wound down and they were asked to wind down the PMPS but they did not do it.

We had a drop of 5,000 jobs in the motor industry over the last three years and that is going to be exacerbated by the loss of another 1,000, plus others from spin-off industries. I hope that the Minister in future will do something by way of relief in motor taxation. Last year we had VAT on repairs reduced, which was responsible for maintaining employment in the motor industry and in some cases increasing employment. That was given because of a self-financing package by which the motor trade were prepared to give back the money to the Government for that purpose by way of taking a reduced profit margin on cars. I suggested something in this House to a Minister in the last Government, I did it in 1973-77 and I am going to repeat it here today because it is worth repeating. When a Minister for Finance is asked to reduce or remove taxation he says he would love to do so but that he has to get the money somewhere. I will tell him where he can get the money as I have told previous Ministers. He can get the money in a national lottery. The amount of money gambled and that goes illegally out of the country in betting would do an awful lot if it was retained in this country. There would be no difficulty with a national lottery because the mechanics are there already. I have no doubt that the Irish Hospitals Trust, who had to reduce their staff because their sweepstake is not as successful as it was for various reasons, including difficulties getting the tickets sold in other countries, would be delighted to handle this for the Government. If the Minister for Finance would set up a national lottery the amount of money coming in would solve many of our problems.

I join in welcoming the Minister of State, Deputy Donnellan. I have not had the opportunity of listening very much to all the speakers but I heard some of them. One would think that the progression and performance of this Government would be of a very high degree. The figure of 220,000 people out of work and rising does not indicate a great performance over the last 12 months.

One could not attack Senator Howard: he has such a sincere facial expression that I do not know if he was speaking from his heart but he is the type of man I could not say anything to. However, he must be hypnotised if he thinks that this Government are progressing on the lines that the people feel they should progress. They have given a disastrous performance over the last 12 months. The fact that they failed to test their popularity in June in the local government elections is an indication that they must be running away from something. Their capital programme, as introduced this year, has cuts under the various headings that might have done something to curb the unemployment position. Some efforts were made in the link programme. I am not going to assess that yet under the Youth Employment Agency because its completion will not take place until March and it would be unfair to assess its results now. I am hearing in bits and pieces that it may not be as attractive for the creation of permanent jobs as was indicated at the outset. The main purpose of the link programme should be to create jobs and to offset those that are going to the wall every day in our traditional permanent industries. It was Cork yesterday, it will be somewhere else tomorrow. We are having closure after closure. If present governing brings about these type of closures it is not a credible performance.

In the IDA allocation this year there are cuts. Industrial promotion is down £33 million, the Industrial Development Authority are down by £23 million and the allocation for advance factory buildings is down by £26 million. This is where we should be making provision for developments that perhaps would not come on stream in 1984 or 1985 but would keep the balance, the structures and the capital input that in the future would provide jobs and attract industry. While industry has shown some progress this year it is because of planning that was done a long time ago.

I see no allocation for the chipboard industry, although there was an allocation last year. The western rural electrification scheme is cut by a half. Last year 1,700 people enjoyed that subsidy and that will be reduced considerably to around 920 this year. There is some reason why all the developments taking place west of the Shannon are curtailed. In Ballyforan they have a stop gap economic analysis study now, which is a new name. They changed from the old type studies they had in the past, but the new name is only to hold up the development of Ballyforan. I believe that no moneys will be made available to Ballyforan this year. Road construction, one of the areas where we have a high usage by both freight and transport, is also cut. Even if it were the same figure as for last year we would not get the same output because of material price increases and the high cost of production. I cannot see how one can make progress if capital input into the economy is reduced.

In order to cope with the many people who are applying for housing loans the SDA loans should be increased from £14,000 to £18,000. The ceiling of qualification should be raised from £7,000 to £10,000, which would give more people the opportunity of qualifying for an SDA loan. If you build a detached house in rural Ireland or build a house in an urban area it costs £2,500 annually for the ordinary £25,000 typical house which represents a recurring expenditure of £2,500 on the Exchequer to finance the building of that £25,000 house. If greater scope was given to the people who wished to build their own houses by increasing the ceiling and the grants you would get more people availing of that type of loan facility. It should be the same for the reconstruction of existing houses. That ceiling should be raised to £10,000 and the grant should be raised to £10,000. That would mean that fewer people would be requiring new houses because they would be able to do some substantial improvements on their existing homes. That would reduce the numbers of people who would be looking to local authorities for houses in the future. If the essential repairs estimate is over £2,000 you do not qualify at all. That is another category which could be included. With increased costs the £1,000 grant should be revised and brought up to a reasonable level.

The farm modernisation scheme has been discontinued and some weeks before the EEC decided to abandon it — I do not know whether it is on a permanent basis or not — the Minister for Agriculture announced that he was reintroducing it here. Surely we were negotiating in Europe through the year and why was a farm modernisation scheme introduced here a few weeks before it was abandoned in the EEC? I cannot understand this because we had no such scheme since March and now it has been re-introduced, and abandoned again by the EEC. Somebody should make a statement about that. If we were negotiating in Europe surely we should have known that it was going to be abandoned? Under some of the new qualifications necessary, any farmer over 55 will not qualify for the diluted modernisation scheme that was announced prior to its abandonment in Europe. Commercial farmers do not get any grant at all. Silage and group water scheme grants are gone. From now on we will not have any new premium for bulls. That is a sad reflection on the traditional stock man who kept a licensed premium bull down the years. He is going to be penalised while we continue to subsidise AI to the extent of £5 per service. It is unfair that the man who traditionally kept bulls should now lose that premium and does not get the subsidy that the AI people are enjoying.

There are new regulations in ACOT. They have decided to cut back their agricultural advisers — in County Mayo from 35 instructors to 28. They have new duties and special categories of farmers, something with which I do not agree. An adviser now has to deal with around 150 to 200 farmers, but he is asked to give specialised attention to 60 of that 200.

The first reaction any adviser will have is to rush out to the 60 good farmers in his area, to people who are getting on well having had many years of experience in the field because of advice from agricultural advisers. Those 60 farmers are now going to get a full-time service from the agricultural advisers and the other 140 farmers will get only temporary advice whenever they have the opportunity of getting in touch with them. They are called enterprise advisers. That is a new name for the local agricultural adviser. They are not going to give the same services they gave heretofore. The other 140 are the farmers who need the advice. Something should be done to change the whole system. ACOT are top-heavy on the administrative side but they are going to continue to reduce the people in the field, where we should have the main advice.

Medical cards for students have been mentioned. There are many holders of medical cards in the student category who are now married and still do not qualify. They are trying to keep a wife and maybe one child in a flat and are to be found in many parts of the country. They can no longer try to get any more money from their parents because they have to pay college fees. They have to look after transport, clothing and digs for these students and now, in order to ensure the completion of their educational studies, parents will have another commitment to try to keep that wife and child as well as their son or daughter, whichever is the case. Those cards should be restored as quickly as possible.

I want to be parochial for a minute in connection with Castlebar hospital. We had a full commitment on television and radio and in Castlebar from the Minister for Health in connection with the new hospital there. I see in the capital programme that there is no money available for Castlebar this year. There are six major hospitals in Dublin to be serviced under this capital programme and one in Ardkeen, Waterford, but the one that the Minister, Deputy Barry Desmond, committed himself to, both on television and radio and in person in Castlebar, has now been abandoned. The staff in the hospital in Castlebar are working in very bad conditions and they had hoped that the new hospital was, as it were, around the corner. I cannot see how they are going to continue to work there with the awful problems they have in the theatre, maternity, surgical and medical wards of that hospital.

This may be regarded by some people on the east coast and in Munster as a white elephant but I want to refer to the Connacht Regional Airport. That has been abandoned at a time when £3.4 million was necessary for its completion, to erect the terminal building and to do the fencing. Some people may say that it is a white elephant and unnecessary. It should be developed in a phased way. There was such controversy about it that it is now known internationally as Knock airport by its critics or the Connacht Regional Airport. It is a scandal to leave it in such a state when bookings are taking place all over the world and charter flights have been arranged to fly into Connacht Airport in 1985 when it should be finally completed. They have got all the moneys they can from other sources and the productivity which was displayed in the building of that airport is a credit to both the contractors and the people who are in charge of that development.

Our main communications are roads and their construction has been cut somewhat this year. We require a good capital input every year to keep abreast of ever-increasing traffic, both in articulated trucks from the EEC frequenting our roads and vice versa, with our own national haulage. I am disappointed that more moneys are not being made available for roads.

I regret that local elections were not held this year because I think it would give a feeling to the Government about what people are thinking of their performance to date. It would give them an indication if they tested the feeling of the people at local elections. I do not think you will get that test at a European election because you will possibly have a very low poll when local elections are not run side by side with European elections. It is very hard to generate enthusiasm in counties where there is no candidate; they are expected to come out and vote for candidates from another county because of the geographical spread of some of the rural constituencies. I regret that the Minister did not see fit to run although I asked the previous Minister of State at the Department of the Environment, Deputy Ruairí Quinn, about this matter and he indicated here that the local elections would be held this year. However, there has been a change and that is not going to be the way, which is regrettable. That is the decision of the Government and they are entitled to it. If they think they are on the right track and that prosperity and their performance to date have been of the highest degree, let the people have an opportunity to judge the performance of the Government through the ballot box. I have no doubt they will get the answer, whenever that day will come.

Senator O'Toole said many things with which I agree but he must have his tongue in his cheek to some extent when he refers to the postponement of the local elections when, as we know, there have been sound precedents for this in the past. I pride myself in numbering among my friends many members of local authorities on all sides of the divide, Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael and of course my own party, and all I could detect was a feeling of tremendous relief that these elections were not being held. The only disappointment expressed was why did we not do it for the two years instead of one. That was the only comment that I got from Fianna Fáil councillors, my own colleagues and other political councillors. The disappointment was that the Government put it back for a year. I think that all sides of the House agree that there is need for local government reform even though people might say that is not the reason why it was postponed but there is, nonetheless, a great need for local government reform and the financial structures of local government will have to be tackled or we will face an even bigger crisis than we are facing now.

Senator O'Toole also referred to planning á la Fianna Fáil and it is impossible to let that go because the major reason for the present crisis is because we were victims of planning á la Fianna Fáil in 1977. I will never forget seeing the then Minister for Economic Planning and Development, Deputy — now Senator — O'Donoghue, on television describing an aircraft at the start of a runway. He said if you fill it with aviation fuel and send it down the runway it will take off. Then the old Lemass adage came into play “A rising tide will lift all boats”. As we know, that aircraft crashed, leaving a massive debt which unfortunately this Government will have to start repaying in 1984-85 and that money will have to come from the taxpayer. After that plane crashed everybody disclaimed responsibility.

We are fortunate that there is a black box which shows where money was collected and spent. We have suffered, and are still suffering, because of that decision in 1977. In a small country with a small population with a very narrow tax base, in 1977 it was criminal to remove tax on motor cars. That was almost an act of national sabotage. We are paying a high price for planning á la Fianna Fáil. The only suggestion I have heard to date from the Opposition side is this continuous indulgence in nationalist schizophrenia — more services and cut taxes. Everybody knows it cannot be done, yet we pretend that it can. I said some time ago in this House that it is high time we stopped waving manifestoes at each other and faced up to our problems in a realistic and honest way.

The tragedy of the closure of the Ford factory in Cork is a reflection on politicians, the Ford company and the trade unions. I recall standing outside the Ford factory during the Common Market referendum campaign saying to the workers that there will come a day, in their lifetime, when ships will sail up the River Lee carrying up to 1,000 cars as a result of our joining the Common Market. It was an inevitable result that Fords would not continue to put parts into boxes in Britain, ship them here and allow us to assemble them. What we did not do in time — probably over the last six or seven years — was to discuss with the Ford company, the unions, the work force and the Government of the day, how we would replace that industry when the time came. We now have a situation where our Ministers are prepared to go to either Detroit or the European headquarters of the Ford company to discover if there is any way the Cork plant can participate in the overall Ford manufacturing empire. Are there any components we could manufacture that would keep the employment force in Cork? We should have done this some years ago and I hope we are not too late.

One bitter lesson we have learned is that we can no longer depend on multinationals because the nature of multinationals has changed. There was a time when multinationals located their industries geographically so that they could have entry into various markets, but the transformation and the technology now evident in transportation means that multinationals can site a plant anywhere in the world and can get their product to whatever market place they wish in a very short time. We have seen that in America where they moved to low cost countries, such as Taiwan. I am sure the new African and Third World states are the new reservoir of cheap labour. For Ireland to depend on multinationals is simply throwing good money after bad.

We have a very large computer technology business located here, but we have the assembly section of that computer technology and not the research and development which would be the cement of those industries in the future. We have many plants scattered around the country which can go at will. There is one in my constituency. We made the mistake of putting all our eggs in the textile and assembly baskets and they folded; yet we continue to pour money into what we call new technology but what is, in effect, a simple, semi-skilled operation in terms of computer technology. We do not initiate research and development in that field and we ought to be doing that. It should be a condition of any Government grant to any new foreign industry that we share in the research and development. Otherwise we are simply in an assembly situation until such time as the foreign firm move on to a cheaper labour market.

I sincerely hope something can be done to salvage something from Fords. The only hope would appear to lie in the component assembly section. It will be interesting to see where the Friends of Ireland, who are so vocal on St. Patrick's Day, stand when it comes to convincing the hard-headed people in Detroit to look after the Emerald Isle.

Reference was made to Knock Airport. With all due respect to Senator O'Toole, it was one of the white elephants to which with great joy I could have applied a gun to his right ear from year one. It is a scandalous waste of public money. As a Member of the other House said, the idea of giving an airport to a reverend gentleman over lunch might be good politics but it was lousy economics. I hope that white elephant does not rise again in my lifetime. Maybe the reverend gentleman will collect some cash, because, to date, I believe he has not collected any. The Connacht Regional Development Company have not put a red penny into the project. It has been totally funded to date by the Government. I am glad this Government had the courage to say that this is nonsense, and that they will pay only what they are contractually made to pay, and then they will forget about it, at least for the foreseeable future. There is no way we can tell the people we have to curtail health and educational services and at the same time build an airport on top of a bog. It was a nonsense from the word go. It was a political gimmick. It has been killed for sound economic reasons and most people would accept that.

Regarding student medical cards, this is a thorny problem in some ways. It is ridiculous that we have to say to people who approach us for medical cards that we are sorry but they are £2 over the limit, while at the same time giving a medical card to the son of a multimillionaire because he is a student. That never made sense to me. The people in need should get medical cards. If one has the wherewithal to look after oneself and to contribute to one's own welfare, then one should do so. I would prefer to see the medical card scheme extended to families who need such a facility rather than giving it to sons or daughters of extremely wealthy people almost as a gift from the State while they are studying. God knows we are paying enough for third level education and when one considers that the number of working class people, the sons and daughters of unskilled working class people, constitute the marvellous figure of 2 per cent of third level education, one can say there is a huge mass of taxpayers, dockers, labourers and so on, whose sons and daughters will never benefit from a university or regional college education. If families have the resources they should pay. A situation should never arise where people in need of medical help or drugs and who do not possess the money to get them should be denied them. I do not believe that is the intention or that that will be the position. Medical cards cannot be handed out like tickets to a dance. They must be given on the basis of need. Our system always has been that you justify that need in some way. If that need is justified nobody will suffer. Certainly the students will not suffer.

The Government are not giving any away; they are taking existing medical cards.

The existing medical cards were given out like confetti and they are now being taken back. Students will apply and if their applications are justified they will get medical cards. They will have to apply just as any man or woman with a family has to apply. What is so marvellous about somebody from UCD, TCD, UCC or anywhere else, getting a medical card as of right while an unemployed man or a man on a very low wage has to apply and be means tested before he can get one? There are enough divisions in this society without creating another. I must confess I do not have too much sympathy with students. I understand they are occupying the Labour Party premises at this very moment. I wish them well and I hope the heating is on.

There is one thing that always sticks in my gut, and that is that local corporations have to provide fire services. They now have to buy very expensive equipment to fight fires. We have people building apartment and office blocks, some under section 23 where they can erect these buildings tax free, and the local authority have to buy breathing apparatus costing hundreds of thousands of pounds to fight fires in these luxury apartment blocks. Yet there is no charge and there is no contribution for the provision of such appliances. I am referring now to the insurance companies. Why should the ordinary man in the street pay a lot of money to protect an office block, which was put up by a millionaire to make sure he stays a millionaire? There is no contribution from the most lucrative part of the insurance industry — property insurance.

Motor tax is a different ball game, as we all know, and it has been referred to already. When we are talking about putting local charges on ordinary households, it is time this Government put a percentage levy on every square foot of these buildings which are covered by insurance companies. Every time we save a building for them they make money, yet they make no contribution towards the equipment needed to fight those fires. It is very like Asahi. We had to bring in specialised equipment because of the materials those people transhipped but, they did not make any payment towards it. The local authority had to buy the equipment. There is a case to be made for looking at charges in connection with fire services and to lay them on the insurance companies.

I sincerely hope our bankers — AIB and Bank of Ireland — are not sleeping so well and that they will not sleep so well after the budget. I hope the miserable pittance of a levy we are taking from these people at the moment will be substantially increased. We have seen a disgraceful misuse of this nation's resources by Allied Irish Banks exporting £19 million to the United States to buy a bank. There is no moral justification, whatever about their legal right to do it, when they are pulling the rugs not just from under farmers but from under all sorts of industries and at the same time investing in the American economy which is booming.

The Minister is expected to conclude at 4.30 p.m.

On a point of order, I understood that when this Bill was passed before Christmas the House was promised a two day open-ended debate. We have not had that because time was taken for a Private Motion yesterday evening.

This morning the Leader of the House announced that. I did not go along with it personally but I again announced it on the adjournment for lunch. Nobody objected until now and I cannot take an objection at this stage.

I have been waiting here since 1.50 p.m. to make a comment. It is close to 4.30 p.m. and I will accept your ruling——

It is not my ruling. It was the ruling of the House twice today. The Minister will be available at 4.30 p.m.

The tradition over the last number of years has been that Members have been accommodated. I have been waiting for two days to speak and I shall be very disappointed if——

I was surprised this morning, and I mentioned it to a few people, that nobody objected to this and I mentioned it again at lunchtime.

The Order of Business is changed every week. It is read out but it changes ten times——

I am now in a situation where I am defending the Leader of the House and that is not my job.

With respect, the Whips should look at this again. I am entitled to speak on this motion. That agreement was reached before Christmas.

There is nothing I can do about it. My hands are tied.

Could I ask the Whips to look at it again? I wanted to make a brief contribution and I will be disappointed if I do not get the opportunity to do so. I am not blaming you, a Chathaoirligh——

There is nothing I can do. The machinery is there to deal with it. It was announced this morning by the Leader of the House and there was no objection. I announced it personally before lunchtime because I felt the time allotted was too short. Nobody in the House disagreed with the proposal to let the Minister in at 4.30 p.m. I am calling Senator Fallon.

I will be as brief as possible. I have always believed that the people would respond magnificently to any kind of crisis, national, economic or any other kind. As the situation was spelled out to us last year, we felt we had a national crisis with the result that the people tightened their belts, accepted a reduction in their standard of living and accepted increases in direct and indirect taxes. We had a difficult situation when one Labour Party member left his party. We had a difficult Finance Bill and a difficult budget. I have to ask what was all that for? We thought it would be the answer to all of our problems but now we find ourselves another year older and deeper in debt. Clearly the past year has been the worst in modern times. All these harsh measures were implemented in the name of financial rectitude. The fact that we have not achieved our targets has killed morale and has resulted in a lack of confidence. The most optimistic of our people have lost heart. The result was that spending was reduced considerably, we had less investment and daily we had factories and firms closing. Our unemployment figure now stands at 208,000 and on the Minister for Finance's own admission it is rising. The year 1983 was clearly a disaster year for unemployment and employment generally.

Mention has been made of the building and construction industry which is normally a barometer for the rest of the economy. It has never been in a worse position. My information is that the year ahead will be no better and may possibly be a lot worse. Equally we have problems in the motor trade and in the hotel industry. All over the country, north, south, east and west, factory closures are a feature of life. What have we? We have misery, depression, a lack of confidence and very low morale. There is no sign of any new job strategy on the part of the Government. This is very regrettable. The Government on their own admission say that unemployment figures will continue to rise. They seem happy and content to allow this to happen. This Government should realise that their priority must be the creation of jobs, permanent and worthwhile jobs. The crime and discontent which unemployment breeds are beginning to destroy our society. Signs of social breakdown are already obvious. I do not have to mention that the rising crime rate and drugs abuse are symptoms of the situation in which we not find ourselves. Our young people are leaving school and facing the prospect of never getting jobs. In the past year this problem has been relatively unimportant as far as legislation is concerned. We had small unimportant Bills almost weekly; they may have been important in their own marginal way, but our biggest single problem is unemployment and it was rarely discussed.

The primary cause of inequality in our society at present is unemployment. The really deprived are the jobless and their families and doing something practical and positive about this problem will remove a far greater source of inequality than massive taxation on those who are now regarded as rich people. There has never been a more pressing need to achieve full employment than the present time.

Taxation has been mentioned as one of the reasons for unemployment and I agree. The level of taxation, pay-as-you-earn, and indirect taxes, is far too high and this is playing a major role in the employment area. Tax cuts in the right areas can stimulate employment. If taxes were reduced in some areas it would mean more jobs and the saving to the Exchequer in dole and the gain in pay-as-you-earn and PRSI would further improve the Exchequer position. This is a basic and standard argument. The rise in unemployment will not be halted as long as the high levels of indirect taxation are maintained. We have had examples of this. Recently we had a parade by people in the theatre business who campaigned to remove VAT on theatre tickets. They said in their submission that if VAT was removed jobs would be maintained.

In the last week bookmakers indicated that they were withholding their betting duty. They said if the betting tax was reduced from 20 per cent to 10 per cent there would be more real income into the coffers of the Government. It would eliminate illegal betting, whether it is done by unlicensed bookmakers or by publicans as has been alleged, or by people in pubs or on factory floors. Fewer people would be placing large bets in the North of Ireland or in England but they would place them with Irish bookmakers if the rate was 10 per cent and I would have no doubt about that. This in turn would mean more money for the Exchequer. I hope the Minister for Finance will recognise this fact.

Today I read a statement by the Revenue Commissioners in which they were expressing their concern at the withholding of betting tax. They are disputing the extent of the illegal betting that is taking place. They are alleged to have mentioned a figure of £400 million, and the bookmakers are saying a figure of £650 million. Whatever the figure — and it is a huge figure — if the level of taxation were reduced by 10 per cent the bookmakers and everybody else would see this. The punters would pay the 10 per cent and we would have more revenue for the Exchequer. This is worth considering and I hope the Minister will see fit to do something about it.

May I refer to the VAT on greyhound food which is at the high rate of 35 per cent? Our greyhound industry is of great importance to many people who are employed in that industry. For trainers and many others it is a hobby and a way of life, and has been for many years. In the past small farmers with a few greyhounds, found it a lucrative business. No one would deny them this opportunity. But many people are finding it extremely difficult to keep greyhounds any longer. They are finding the going tough because it is too expensive to keep greyhounds. I hope this VAT rating will be reduced from 35 per cent to zero for the reasons I have given. Food for horses — the sport of kings — is zero rated and I ask for the same concession for the poorer cousin, the owners and trainers of greyhounds.

May I briefly mention law and order? We will have the Criminal Justice Bill before us but there is no sign of the complaints procedure that was promised and which was supposed to improve the effectiveness of the Garda. In my opinion, the Estimates do not show this. For example, radio and other equipment is down 69 per cent and there are other areas where the Estimate has been reduced, which lead me to believe that this Government have very little commitment to defeating crime and lawlessness.

Like other speakers I want to refer to the Ballinamore incident and the fact that many gardaí received very worthwhile overtime as a result of that exercise. This is totally understandable, and I am not disagreeing with it. If people work overtime they should be paid for that overtime. This was agreed in the Conroy Report. What annoyed me about this incident, and all the other extra duties for our security forces — for example, bank security work and manning checkpoints — is the fact that our Army personnel are doing a great job in this area and are paid an extra allowance but it is a mere pittance when compared to what the gardaí get. If the Army cannot get overtime because of regulations or whatever, in the same way as gardaí, then this allowance should be drastically increased, or a worthwhile tax free bonus given twice a year. The work the Army do in this difficult area should be recognised in a very real and practical way.

Health expenditure has been increased by a mere 3 per cent. This will mean cuts in real terms. We are already being told of ward closures and staff being let go. All this indicates that the sick, the infirm and the geriatrics are going to be neglected in the year ahead. This is a shame. Health is an area where we cannot afford cutbacks. If, for example, the Midland Health Board in my area are cut by £2 million this has to affect the lives of patients in our hospital wards. Just before Christmas the Minister for Health, Deputy Desmond, came to Athlone and gave us the news, which I welcomed enthusiastically, that we are getting an orthopaedic unit. Am I now to assume that money may not be provided for this? I sincerely hope that is wrong. If the health board estimate is being reduced by £2 million there will have to be some cutbacks. I accept that. My hope is that the orthopaedic unit for the Athlone hospital will not be one of those cutbacks.

I want to refer briefly to one area of government that is important to all of us. We all realise that the nuclear arms race is a very important and worrying matter for our people. This problem is being discussed more and more by our young people, our students and teenagers. All of us naturally are concerned about this, but for some reason they see it as a matter of very serious and deep concern. I cannot help feeling that the harsh, unpleasant reality is that there exist in our world enough nuclear weapons to destroy mankind. Naturally this worries us.

On the radio at 3 o'clock I heard the Minister for Foreign Affairs talking toughly to the Russians and Americans about this problem. I hope he continues to talk toughly to people who are involved in this problem. Up to now we have heard very little from the Government about this matter. There has been a lack of policy. There has been an absence of activity by the Government in this area. Our Government should speak out loudly and clearly in favour of a positive policy of multilateral disarmament and the reasserting of our neutrality.

I have other points to make but the Minister has arrived. The past year has been a year of gloom and it appears that the year ahead will be the same. I hope the Irish people will not be too pessimistic and that, somewhere along the line, confidence and morale will be restored and that we will have a happier and a better people in the years ahead.

An tAire to reply.

On a point of order, I thought the Whips had agreed on an extension of the time.

I have not heard anything about it.

With respect, when the Appropriation Bill was being voted through here on the nod before Christmas, we were told we would get two full days to debate it, and now there is a restriction on the debate. This is very unfair. There are still at least three Members who would like to make contributions to this debate.

That is not a fair statement. There is no restriction on the debate. It was agreed in this House this morning and there was no voice against it. It was agreed again at lunch time. That is not a restriction. It is an agreement. There must be an agreement to accommodate Ministers to reply.

I appreciate that, but the procedure here over the years has been that agreements amounted to nothing other than guesstimates of when the debate would come to an end. In 20 years I have never experienced a debate on the Appropriation Bill in which every Member who wished to speak on it was not accommodated. It is certainly a new departure, I am disappointed with the Leader of the House for allowing that to happen. I have been here for two days waiting to speak and yesterday evening we surrendered a couple of hours to a private motion.

If those things are agreed by the House, do not blame me. There is nothing I can do about it.

When that was agreed by the House it was not suggested that we would have only half a day today.

It was agreed this morning by the House and again at lunch time. The Minister to reply.

I am disappointed.

That is the situation.

It is the last time I will agree to any Bill going through on the nod. It is a scandal. I am disappointed with the Leader of the House for allowing it. It is a new departure. It is the first time I have seen a debate stifled here.

Senator O'Toole talked about subsidised bulls and non-subsidised bulls. In fairness to us who are inclined to make short speeches, if we had less subsidised bull in the Seanad we might all get in to speak. It is grossly unfair that for some strange reason we have to finish at 5 o'clock. I have not got anything earth-shattering to say, but I have waited all afternoon to speak. If speeches go on and on, there should be no time limit.

There is nothing I can do about shortening speeches. You will have to change Standing Orders if you want that done.

It is all done within Standing Orders as it always was done for the past 24 or 25 years I have been here.

It was agreed twice today — no less than twice.

That is nothing new.

To me it is sensible.

Would it be possible at this time to give us a limited period, say ten minutes each? There are only three Members involved.

A Chathaoirligh, I should like to indicate the arrangements that have been made. As you said, this morning it was clearly proposed that the concluding speaker of behalf of the Government should be called at 4.30 p.m. Everyone appreciates that these are busy days for the Minister for Finance. He agreed to come in at 4.30 p.m. He has another appointment at 5 o'clock. The position is that if Members make it known to the Whips that they want to speak on the first day of a two-day debate the Whips can then make suggestion as to how the time should be divided among Members. It is too late now to make changes to an agreement.

It was agreed also at lunch time. That is twice.

With respect, we had a list of Members named yesterday at 2 o'clock.

An tAire to reply.

I understand that a number of Members of the House commented on the fact that I have not been here myself throughout the whole course of this debate. That, of course, is something which I regret but, in the circumstances, and indeed as Senator Dooge has said, this is rather a busy time. While I would wish to be in a position to listen personally to all of the debate, it is not always possible on all occasions, particularly in the course of a two-day debate. I apologise to the House for that, but I am sure people will understand the position.

During the debate a large number of specific comments were made about individual items and individual programmes of expenditure. I do not propose to deal with all of those. Many of them would more properly be dealt with by others of my colleagues more directly concerned. I intend to limit my remarks to an overall view of the financial situation as reflected in the Appropriation Accounts for 1983 and some of the remarks made by Members of the House about economic policy more generally.

Senator Eoin Ryan indicated that he felt a great deal of the blame for the financial difficulties in which we find ourselves now can be attributed to what he called incompetent administration and bad management techniques. I was a little disappointed to find that he did not give specific examples. To the extent that Members of this House believe that to be the case in any area of Government activity they have an obligation to indicate precisely what they mean so that, if there is a foundation for the charge, it can be investigated and remedied and, if there is not, then perhaps more light can be cast on areas where light would seem to need to be cast.

However, I do not think suggestions of that kind about administration or management can really divert any part of the responsibility for the financial situation at any given time from the Government of the day. Indeed it is in that spirit that I say that, if people feel a charge like that can be validly made, they should specify exactly what they mean by it. It would then be the business of the Government of the day to take up the matter and rectify it if that were found to be the case. As I have said, one cannot use a charge like that to divert any part of their responsibility for economic management from the Government of the day, nor would I wish to.

One of the things which I personally and this Government feel is very important is that we set systematically about improving our management techniques, our control techniques in the financial area, so that we can have the confidence that the expenditure programmes agreed by the Óireachtas during the course of the year will be carried out as planned, and that the final results for the year will be as close as possible to what the Houses of the Óireachtas have decided.

That is the situation which we brought about in 1983 for the first time in five years. I am determined that 1983 will be only the first of many years in which we can truly say the Oireachtas actually controls Government expenditure, and that the plans we agree on are properly carried out within the limits that we have agreed during the course of the year. It has its own importance for the people who have given us the responsibility of doing that job. It is of great importance to those people to know their legislators are in control of what is happening and can deliver on what they say they will deliver on.

As I said, 1983 was the first year for many years when we could say public expenditure followed the course which the Oireachtas had set out for it. The fact that towards the middle of the year there was a likelihood that expenditure overruns would emerge led the Government to react in a properly flexible way to that situation. In the middle of the year we took measures which were designed to ensure that broadly speaking we kept within the limits we had set. I emphasise the use of the word "flexible" because, while we wish to keep within the limits of what the Oireachtas has decided, it is clear that we must nevertheless take account of the situation as it evolves over the year and, within the limits of our intentions, react in a proper manner, so that we can be sure that not only are the financial results what we want them to be, but that all of the other social and economic results which we intend to achieve at the time we vote money for various purposes, are also achieved.

A number of remarks were made about the Youth Employment Agency. It was suggested that some of the activities of that agency were, perhaps, not worthwhile. This is an area where we would have to recognise that there is still a certain degree of experimentation. It is an area where the activity concerned is new, where all of those involved in the action are learning, and where we are trying to tailor our actions to achieve a particular result. The results which we are getting from the schemes operated by the Youth Employment Agency and funded by the youth employment levy are, in themselves, in absolute terms fairly satisfactory. They are moving in the right direction. It is a fact that the majority of participants in the courses and programmes run by the Youth Employment Agency and funded by the levy, even in the very difficult circumstances of 1983, get employment within a relatively short time of completing the courses.

That, in itself, has a very substantial value for those young people. It has a substantial value for the economy. It means that it is being recognised that the courses and the training made available to these young people have a relevance to subsequent job experience and assist them by making them more suitable for employment which most of them secure within a relatively short time of completing the courses.

The Youth Employment Agency are developing a number of new schemes. In particular I want to mention the new enterprise scheme which is designed to generate self-sustaining employment. It is in its infancy but, if it works, it will certainly prove to have its own value within the overall context of employment generation and in suiting people and assisting young people to get into a position where, through the training they receive and their own initiative, they can start self-sustaining businesses and continue on to give employment themselves in turn as they become employers.

Many Members referred to the Public Capital Programme during the course of this debate. It is fair to say that the general drift of the remarks was that most of those who contributed along these lines would like to see an expansion in public capital expenditure. The outturn for 1983 showed actual expenditure during the course of the year to be about 8 per cent below the amount provided in the budget. The reason for this largely was a lack of demand for loan finance. Another reason was the fact that some projects were deferred so that their financial viability could be more closely appraised.

I am not so sure what the reaction of Members would be to this. I would like to put it on the record that it seems to me that this procedure and this closer appraisal of the financial viability of some of those projects respond to the kind of concern voiced by Senator Eoin Ryan when he spoke about economic management and administration. I do not think anybody would have cause to complain that that was one of the reasons for an undershoot in capital expenditure when, in fact, the reason for it is to ensure that we get better quality in our capital expenditure and that we thereby ultimately improve our capacity to fund the kind of investment which we need increasingly in order to provide future employment in the economy.

Our concern in that area is not simply of a budgetary nature. It is not simply with keeping expenditure on target. It is a real concern with the quality of capital investment. That concern arises from the need to ensure that we secure a real return on investment whether that return is to be measured in financial terms, in economic terms, or in social terms. The process of ensuring greater quality in public investment projects is needed in order to safeguard and improve our ability in future years to sustain the kind of investment which we all know we will continue to need in order to provide employment.

The building industry is a sector which makes very many and repeated calls for increases in public capital expenditure. In the 1983 Public Capital Programme we made provision for £1¼ billion on expenditure that would affect the building industry. The outturn turned out to be some £100 million below that. That shortfall occurred in the agricultural and industrial sectors because of oversupply of existing facilities there, and a lack of demand for the kind of facilities that are financed through the Public Capital Programme. If that is the case, the lack of demand, or the undershoot in expenditure, is more a reflection of what is happening in the economy itself, what is really happening to business. Certainly it is not in any way a reflection of an intention on the part of the Government to do anything to hold down the level of investment.

In 1984 we are providing for some increase in building and construction expenditure in the productive infrastructure and in the social infrastructure areas. The fall in sectoral economic investment relating to the building and construction industry is largely related to industrial building where we have a fairly substantial over-capacity. That pretty accurately reflects the kind of priorities that are appropriate to our situation now and are best calculated to match the resources we have to the kinds of expenditure we most need and where we should put the maximum weight. In 1984 the Public Capital Programme will provide for approximately £1.1 billion of investment in building and construction — related activities and about three quarters of building investment during the course of that year will be funded by the Exchequer. That in my view leaves it beyond any doubt that the Government, through the Exchequer, are prepared to fund at a very high level the kind of investment activity which we need.

Another factor that should be borne in mind in any discussion of the Public Capital Programme is the fact that expenditure on social infrastructure, quite apart from creating a necessity to borrow the finance in order to sustain the level of expenditure, gives rise in turn to increasing current expenditure. I could illustrate that by referring, without naming it, to one particular project which I happened to be looking at today where we will begin expenditure on the capital side during the course of this year, spending somewhere in the region of £200,000 or £250,000 for the beginning of a programme that will last over four or five years. That programme, that capital investment, once it comes on stream, will give rise to a requirement for extra current expenditure of £600,000 per annum at today's prices.

I find it rather curious that some of those who are loudest in their demands for increased public capital expenditure are also the people who are loudest in their demands for reductions in current expenditure. It seems to me that a little more reflection about the linkages between capital expenditure, particularly social infrastructure capital expenditure, and current expenditure would bring a greater sense of realism into much of the debate we have about the Public Capital Programme.

The point was made during this debate, as it is made frequently in other places, that PRSI contributions represent a very significant cost to employers. This seems to me to be an area where people possibly do not reflect quite enough before they make these kinds of statements. Our employer social insurance contribution is relatively low compared with other countries. Our total social insurance contribution level is rather lower than it is in most other countries. That, perhaps, is not even the most important part of it. The very existence of a statutory social insurance scheme could be held with justification to reduce the pressure on many enterprises, on many employers, to establish their own privately financed occupational schemes which, in most cases, I suspect, would turn out to be more costly for the employer than the statutory scheme which we have at the moment. A scheme which, I would point out, is not fully financed by the combination of employer and employee contributions, but requires a very substantial topping up from the Exchequer, that is directly from the taxpayer, in order to make the two ends meet when we compare the total contribution income with the total demand made on the social insurance fund.

Our contribution rates, as I said, are among the lowest in the European Community and, therefore, cannot be held in themselves to be a major or a substantial factor in damaging our competitiveness. I would think that what one sees really in a debate like this when the point is made to the effect that our PRSI system is a tax on employment, is the fact that when people are in a tight corner almost any target will do when they are trying to find somebody to blame in order to get out of the corner. I do not think it can legitimately be said that our PRSI system in itself represents a major burden on employment when we take account of the factors which I just mentioned.

In any case, a Chathaoirligh, I have to put the question which needs to be kept in mind in a debate like this: what would we do if we were to reduce the levels of either employer or employee contributions to PRSI? If we are to maintain the current level of payments from the social insurance fund to those who have the misfortune to become unemployed or to be ill, then it goes without saying that any shortfall or any extra shortfall in contribution income would have to be met from another source. That could be done only by some further taxation in another area, or perhaps by some further reduction in expenditure in another area. That is a point which I very rarely hear made in the course of a debate like this.

Turning to financial procedures, in the Budget Statement of last February I outlined proposals for reforms in financial procedures and in the information we make available to the Oireachtas and to the public in general on the financial activities and the expenditure of Government. We have made a deal of progress in that area during the course of this year on which I hope to build further in coming years. To give one example, the Public Capital Programme booklet published early in this month contained some additional information and analysis on capital expenditure along the lines initially included in the 1983 booklet, but giving a great deal more information of a kind that is useful in assisting both the Oireachtas and the general public to grasp the reality of the Public Capital Programme, and to assess for themselves the relative values of the different parts of that programme.

This year also the full Book of Estimates which will be published after the budget will be available to the Houses when the Estimates come to be debated, and that will contain a new analytical section dealing with trends in public expenditure. We provided the first outline of that kind of analysis in the provisional volume published some weeks ago. I also intend to give further information about the expenditure of certain grant-aided bodies. That responds to a concern very often voiced both in this House and in the other House of the Oireachtas in terms of access for Members of the Oireachtas to information about bodies which are spending large amounts of public money and on which Members of both Houses would wish to have more information.

Last year we published a pilot comprehensive public expenditure programme, and I hope to produce later this year a more complete programme presentation covering the bulk of public expenditure, both capital and current. That also will improve and expand the amount of information available to the public and to the Oireachtas but, more than that, it will present it in a far more functional way and in a way that will enable us more clearly to grasp what the expenditures of Government are on different programmes taking account of elements that appear in several different Votes, so that we will have a more complete picture of expenditure by function.

During the course of a debate like this it was inevitable that a number of points would be raised about specific matters in relation to taxation. I am sure the House will understand if I say that I do not intend to go into specific tax matters in detail today. I will have the opportunity to be a bit more forthcoming about that next week.

On general points in relation to taxation, people have various wishes about a reform of the taxation system. That is a subject to which I would like to return in a more comprehensive form than would be possible during the course of a debate like this.

Senator Lanigan made a number of remarks yesterday about planning or what he conceives to be the lack of planning. He made the point specifically in relation to agriculture, but part of what he said has a more general application. I would like to caution people against using the word "planning" in a loose framework, which many of us seem to do. I have the feeling that many of us see a plan as being, if not the answer to all our prayers, at least something which answers a lot of questions and makes decisions for us as to what we should or should not do in the future and the manner in which we should do various things. A national economic plan can do none of those things. A plan will set a framework but it is up to each of us within his own activity within that framework to make the plan happen. There is no way in which a Government of whatever kind in whatever country can make a plan happen without there being a conscious effort by people who are involved in the economy to bring things about. There is a very widely felt need for the construction of a framework within which people will feel able to tailor their own activities in order to bring about the objectives we wish to see.

It is for that reason that during the course of last year the Government set up the National Planning Board which has undertaken to put forward suggestions for a medium-term programme to the Government at the end of March. In addition we have taken the step of requiring all Ministers and Departments who are involved with large amounts of capital expenditure to produce medium-term programmes for their capital expenditure and, where it is appropriate, for the current expenditure that follows on from it. We will, therefore, be in a position to produce during the course of the year, earlier rather than later, a medium-term planning framework which will set out the kinds of action needed to attain our objectives, which I hope will meet with the agreement of all sectors of our community. We will all know what the ground rules are and what the framework is for the actions we need to bring about if we are to secure our principal objectives.

One of the important features of any plan is that it should bring home to all of us exactly what is involved in achieving our main priority. All of us here would agree that one of our main priorities, if not the main priority, must be the substantial reduction of unemployment. I am not so sure that we in the Oireachtas have done enough to get across to the general public exactly what is involved in that. We have a labour force that will increase by between 15,000 and 20,000 a year. I am not proposing this as an objective but if we wanted to ensure that unemployment did not increase beyond its present level we would then be saying we would have to create a net 15,000 to 20,000 new jobs a year. That would be desirable but it is something that has never been achieved on a sustained basis in this country for any substantial period in the past. That is what we must do if we want to achieve even that limited objective.

Our planning for the future and our economic activity today must take account of that fact and must take account of the fact that we have some peculiarities as a country which will require us to go in particular directions. We have the youngest population in Europe. We have the fastest growing population in Europe and that means that we must give a higher priority to employment generation and the provision of jobs tomorrow than to current consumption today. That is something with which most of us would agree if the argument were put in that way, but I do not think it is something that most of us live up to on a day-to-day basis. If we are going to achieve even the limited objective I referred to, it will mean that we will have to decide very consciously that we are going to give a lesser importance to current consumption and more importance to the kind of activity that leads to the generation of employment in future years. That will have to underlie whatever plan we put forward.

In terms of comment on the economic performance of the economy during the year, I said yesterday that I had been criticised early last year for forecasting a substantial growth in the volume of manufacturing output and I pointed out yesterday that I was in the happy position of being able to say that the forecast had turned out to be true. True to form, Senator Lanigan decided that he would further qualify that statement and he had some remarks to make about the comparison between last year's 5 per cent volume growth in manufacturing output and the performance in the three years to 1979. Senator Lanigan does not seem to have made the connection between the situation that he describes in 1983 and the situation we had in both the Irish economy and the world economy in the period between 1976 and 1979.

The fact remains that the 5 per cent increase in the volume of manufacturing output in 1983 was in itself a very encouraging performance but, even more important than that, it was a very strong indication of the ability of Irish industry to produce the goods even in a very difficult year. Our export performance in 1983 was a very striking tribute and underlined our ability, in spite of difficult circumstances, to increase our penetration of foreign markets. It seems to be a reason for saying to ourselves that if we can do that in the difficult circumstances of 1983 we can do a great deal more in the more favourable circumstances of 1984. Rather than knocking ourselves and comparing our performance in 1983 to our performance in years when the world economy was far more buoyant, we should take encouragement from the fact that in 1983 we managed to make such substantial progress in export-led growth, which is something we keenly need in order to produce the conditions in which we can increase employment and get more of our young people and our unemployed people back to work.

The debate we have had, ranging over the performance in the economy generally, should be an occasion for us to look at the shape of what is emerging in our economy, to identify the strengths we have seen in 1983 and to conclude from that that we should build on those during 1984 and future years in order to further our objectives. That will be one of the central concerns of Government economic policy during the course of this year and in future years.

I thank Senators who have contributed to the debate and who have in most cases, at least by implication, shown their approval of the appropriation accounts for 1983 and, therefore, of the Government's discharge of the obligation laid on them by the Oireachtas.

Question put and agreed to.
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