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Seanad Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 29 May 1991

Vol. 129 No. 5

Tribunal of Inquiry into Beef Processing Industry: Motion.

I move:

That it is expedient that a Tribunal be established for—

1. Inquiring into the following definite matters of urgent public importance:

(i) allegations regarding illegal activities, fraud and malpractice in and in connection with the beef processing industry made or referred to

(a) in Dáil Éirann, and

(b) on a television programme transmitted by ITV on 13 May, 1991;

(ii) any matters connected with or relevant to the matters aforesaid which the tribunal considers it neccessary to investigate in connection with its inquiries into the matters mentioned at (i) above;

and

2. making such recommendations (if any) as the tribunal having regard to its findings, think proper.

We cannot ignore the importance of the beef sector to the food and agriculture industry in this country. Thousands of people, farmers, factory workers and many others make their livelihood from this industry. The allegations made by the ITV television programme and in Dáil Éireann by some of the Opposition parties were very serious and could cause major damage to the beef industry. Whatever about the intentions of the television programme, the allegations made by the Opposition Deputies were more about attempting to discredit the Government over the affairs of the Goodman companies. I am certain that was the case.

The whole basis of the attack by Opposition parties was by innuendo and association to give the electorate the impression that Mr. Goodman and his companies enjoyed almost a unique relationship with the Fianna Fáil Government of 1987 to 1989 and therefore to throw, as it were, a smoke screen over or to hide a close relationship with the Coalition partners of Labour and Fine Gael from 1982 to 1987 which was protected. This is what the exercise was about. After last week's Dáil debate, we all know that nothing could be further from the truth. The Official Report of the Dáil shows this, and we all know it now.

In the Dáil debate among a number of issues pointed out by the Taoiseach was the fact that one of the first decisions made by the Fine Gael-Labour Government of 1982 to 1987, in December 1982 was to grant export credit insurance to Anglo-Irish Meats Limited and six months later a general scheme was introduced for export credit insurance in respect of trade to Iraq. The main, or possibly the only, beneficiaries of that exercise was Mr. Goodman's exporting companies. In February 1984, the then Minister for Agriculture, Deputy Deasy, went to Iran with Mr. Goodman to secure an £80 million contract and in the following year he went to Egypt to secure a contract. In 1986 the Fine Gael-Labour Government doubled export credit insurance to Iraq and we know of luncheons and of meetings and trips across the world between the then Taoiseach, Dr. Garret FitzGerald, his Ministers and Mr. Goodman. The list is endless.

I make these points to demonstrate that it was not the Fianna Fáil Government but the Fine Gael-Labour Coalition Government who gave Mr. Goodman and his company the very favoured position they now hold. What I found striking in the Dáil debate last Friday and since then is that there has been no attempt by any of the parties in the Dáil to disprove the facts outlined so positively by the Taoiseach in the Dáil debate. While it was rightly acknowledged that a Government act in the national interest, the depth and the extent of the relationship between Mr. Goodman and the Coalition Fine Gael-Labour Government of 1982 to 1987 was well and truly recorded. The Taoiseach set the record straight once and for all. We will have a judicial inquiry into allegations about Goodman and other meat industry issues and the chairman will be Mr. Justice Hamilton who deserves full support. I wish the tribunal well in its work and those who have made allegations have a duty to come forward now as witnesses.

One aspect of the Goodman debate in the Dáil must have astounded many people. We pride ourselves in this country on the tradition of integrity and loyalty to the State, that has always been a hallmark of the Irish Civil Service. That sense of layalty and professional trust prevailed right through the history of the State and was maintained even in the bitter and highly partisan atmosphere that prevailed in the decades following the Civil War. It has always been a point of honour with civil servants that they loyally serve the Administration chosen by the people. Judging by the Goodman debate it would seem that some few individuals, and I want to make it clear that they are very few indeed, in some areas of the Civil Service have demeaned themselves by abandoning that tradition. Opposition Deputies have apparently been provided with confidential information by officials which should properly be given through normal channels to their superior officers whose duty it would be to judge its accuracy and what appropriate action might be required.

Let me spell out the rules under which civil servants have operated since the establishment of the State. The obligations on civil servants, and retired civil servants in relation to official secrecy, are provided for in section 4 of the Official Secrets Act, 1963. Under the Act each civil servant is prohibited from communicating any official information unless he is authorised to do so in the course of and in accordance with his official duties as the holder of a public office. The duties of civil servants in this regard are set out in a circular which is drawn to the specific attention of all new recruits to the Civil Service and which, because of its importance to the proper functioning of public bodies, they are required to confirm in writing that they have read. The requirement on civil servants not to divulge matters which come to their knowledge in the course of their official duties applies to all items, regardless of whether they are under current consideration or discussion or whether decisions have already been taken.

Disclosure of official secrets is totally incompatible with the high standards of integrity demanded of civil servants. The seriousness of this matter is reflected by the fact that any person who contravenes the Official Secrets Act is deemed to be guilty of an offence under that Act and anyone convicted of such an offence is liable to a fine and or imprisonment. Civil servants by virtue of their position come into possession of information which may be commercially valuable or which individuals are compelled to communicate to Departments on the basis that it will not be disclosed to other parties.

The requirement of secrecy imposed on civil servants is fundamental for the protection of citizens' rights but instead of abiding by these rules these individuals seem to have established a tell-tattle telegraph to The Labour Party and The Workers' Party. I do not know which is the more reprehensible; these tale bearers who disregard the obligation of their office or the politicians who encourage them to do so. Deputy Spring has been a member of Government; he was Tánaiste from 1982 to 1987. Does he endorse this code of conduct for public servants? How would he react if, as a member of Government, he found an official in a position of trust, reporting regularly to the Opposition and providing it with information he did not have? As far as The Workers' Party Deputies are concerned, I suppose we have to give some little credit; the legacy of the Marxist tradition of subversion, endemic treachery and institutionalised betrayal of colleagues still colours their judgment on matters like this.

Deputies who tried to use confidential information in the Dáil in an attempt to smear the Government now have an opportunity to get these people to come forward and substantiate their information before the tribunal. This is more than an opportunity; in my opinion it is a clear obligation. If those who sneaked around to meet Opposition Deputies in the dead of night are not willing to stand up in the light of day, we can then judge the value of their information and the motives of those who broadcast it under the privilege of the Oireachtas.

I am disappointed with the behaviour of this House. I have only had experience of one other House where 518 Members transacted business in nine different languages and we were able to set the Order of Business for the day in less than ten minutes each morning. This House should either be reformed or abolished. The last hour and a half spent on the Order of Business was a waste of both Members' time and taxpayers' money.

The motion before us is important because the beef sector is exceedingly important to our economy. Agricultural exports contribute no less than 40 to 42 per cent of net exports and beef is the largest single item in that. It is important not only that we do our business properly but that we are seen to do it properly and that we are seen to maintain the good name of Irish produce and of Irish traders. This inquiry hinges around alleged fraud and other unacceptable acts by a particular company built up largely by one person. Members of my family have been very friendly with Larry Goodman and his wife, Kitty, for many years but that is not going to deter me from saying what I want to say. The researcher for the programme, Miss O'Keeffe, is a past student of mine, a graduate in food science from UCC, whom I believe, did the job honestly. She was a competent and hard working girl when I knew her.

What is the inquiry going to achieve? I hope it will get to the truth but an inquiry is only as good as the integrity of the people giving evidence. We know from past experience that a judge of the High Court commented to two Ministers giving conflicting evidence: "One of you is perjuring yourself". All the truth may not emerge due to lack of integrity on the part of people giving evidence.

I have a number of questions to ask about this business which grew from nothing to become the largest processor of beef in the European Community in a relatively short period of time. Most of the growth occured by acquiring plants at a knock down price. It has to be said of Mr. Goodman that he performed miracles in getting some of these plants back into action, getting rid of restricted practices imposed by trade unions and improving efficiency and output. It should also be said that promises he gave to build new plants, particularly in Ardee, in 1977 and subsequently in Tuam, were not fulfilled. I see he is at it again, in this case acquiring the Ballybay meat plant, a new plant which cost between £5 million and £6 million to build. Most of the money was contributed by European and Irish taxpayers and he is reported to have got it for the knock down price of £1 million. The events that led up to that sale for £1 million, involving disturbances and picketing which prevented serious buyers from going in to the plant, were very disturbing.

I was concerned about the monopoly situation which had arisen in the beef sector and I raised it in the European Parliament in the spring of 1988, towards the end of Commissioner Sutherland's period as Commissioner. The Commissioner was responsible for competition. I raised the question of the dominant position of Goodman in the beef processing sector in Ireland to which Commissioner Sutherland replied, "If I get a complaint about this position from the Government, or from the producers, I will take action". But, alas, no complaint arrived. The farmers were made fully aware of Mr. Sutherland's answer and I suggest, with all due respect to farm leaders, that they were reluctant to take on Mr. Goodman because he collected for them the levies which kept their organisation going.

I am not going to suggest why the Government did not take action but the State was left in a very vulnerable position with so much of our most important export in the hands of one individual. I ask what all the fanfare was about when Mr. Goodman's famous plan of £250 million expansion in the beef processing sector was brought before the press by no less a body than the Taoiseach? We had 60 per cent surplus capacity already in the beef industry so why did we want an extra £250 million expansion? At the time I suggested that the exercise had more to do with politics for the Taoiseach and with building up Mr. Goodman's credibility with the international bankers than with the good of the beef industry. Subsequent events suggest that he and the country would have been better off if his credibility had not been built up and if he had not secured hundreds of millions of pounds which he then gambled on the stock market. I know that the IDA were very concerned and attended that particular launch very reluctantly. I am informed that the entire board at one stage threatened to resign over this grant to expand an industry that already had a surplus processing capacity.

Why did we have to save the Goodman organisation from the liquidator? What did that achieve? The plant would still be there as there were plenty of buyers around willing to buy sections of it. It had processing capacity in plenty. There was no obligation on us to save Anglo-Irish beef processors in order to save the beef industry. We have now landed ourselves in a situation where the beef industry will be paying the banks, and Goodman will have to make £90 million profit per year in order to ensure that the banks get back the money they gave in unsecured loans.

This is a travesty of justice — that a man could go and gamble the money he got on unsecured loans on the Stock Exchange and that beef producers who were making little or no money in recent years should have to foot the bill. Effectively, the only way Mr. Goodman can make £90 million profit per year is to pay less to the beef farmers than the cattle are worth and his dominant position allows him to dictate the price.

Why did Mr. Goodman get such special concessions in regard to tax from the Government? If I owed tax I would not only have to pay every shilling of it but pay interest on it as well. Mr. Goodman got a concession of £4 million from the Revenue Commissioners. Forget about interest on back payments — just let the man off with 50 per cent of the tax bill he owed. That must surely make the ordinary citizen, strapped with PAYE bill, bitter and cynical about politics and cynical about the way in which this country does its business.

Senator Fallon catalogued the relationship between the Fine Gael-Labour Government and Mr. Goodman and I have no doubt they were doing business in the normal way. It is well known that middle eastern countries such as Iran, Iraq and Egypt, particularly Iran and Iraq, only do business Government to Government and not with individuals. If Deputy Deasy, on behalf of the Government, accompanied Mr. Goodman to Iran to get £80 million worth of business then that is fine with me if there was no other way we could sell it. But I understood that the export credits were removed before the Coalition Government left office and restored as soon as Deputy Haughey's minority Government went into office. They were removed again as soon as Deputy Haughey had to go into Government with the Progressive Democrats. It is not quite accurate on Senator Fallon's part to say that Mr. Goodman got equal treatment from the Coalition Government before 1977 and from the Fianna Fáil Government after the election in 1977.

Mr. Goodman is a very capable, able, ambitious and ruthless businessman who has been known to use threats, blackmail and bribes to get what he wants. I know one person whom he threatened that he would reveal aspects of his private life if he did not drop a charge of dishonest dealing that he was taking against Mr. Goodman. That person is a man of outstanding integrity and has told me his story more than once and I am prepared to believe him. It is disturbing also to hear stories of presents to officials. I cannot prove it in Dublin but I can prove that in Brussels presents were brought, unashamedly, to officials and in some cases were returned on the spot. It is reported that certain officials from Brussels had the use of Mr. Goodman's helicopter when going on business trips. These matters are disturbing and it is also rather disturbing that a former Secretary of the Department of Agriculture is now on Mr. Goodman's payroll. In the United States they have a law which prohibits a member of the Cabinet from taking up jobs in certain sectors of the economy for a number of years after they leave their job in the administration. There is probably a necessity for a similar law here.

If we are really serious about this inquiry and want to get at the truth, then we should do what is done in other countries. At the moment the decision is made to have the inquiry, the police should move in and seal all documents, records and so on. As so much time has now elapsed all the records could have been shredded, altered or replaced. I do not believe we are serious about getting at the truth, if we were we would take that course of action.

In relation to fraud in general, and getting away from Mr. Goodman's performance, it is my belief that fraud is now endemic in the European Community, and particularly in the CAP. I have an article from two academics, Ann Sherlock a lecturer in law in Aberystwyth and Christopher Harding, a senior lecturer in law, also in Aberystwyth. It is a very revealing article, about controlling fraud within the European Community. As it is a long article I cannot go through it all but I would like to read some parts of it. In relation to beef it states:

In the beef sector, for example, the world is divided into 11 different zones, with different rates of refund for each zone. Different kinds of beef attract different rates of refund (for instance, a higher rate for chilled than for frozen beef). Thus, by false declarations as to the class of meat being exported or as to its country of destination, an exporter may obtain higher refunds than he is entitled to. Combining this practice with false declarations as regards imports may be especially profitable. One example of this involved the situation in which a trader over a period of two years imported prime beef from South America, described as offal in order to evade import levies, and then exported offal under the description of prime beef so as to collect refunds. These irregular transactions amounted to something in the region of 16 million ECU.

That was according to the Court of Auditors. I contracted the Court of Auditors but they would not release the name of the person, the factory or business involved. They never do, it is not their way of doing business but that is not the best way of stopping fraud either. It is perhaps stretching things to say it might be Mr. Goodman who was involved but he did have a business in South America at the time. The article goes on:

A Court of Auditors investigation into public intervention storage in six Member States discovered inadequate independent physical stocktaking and quality control arrangements. MCA frauds have also occured — through evasion of MCA charges or wrongful recipt of subsidies...

It goes on to say that the MCA matter was rather small by comparison with the export refunds, reclassification and reboxing of meat and so on. This article goes on to deal with the obstacles to legal control and it states:

At a general level there would appear to be one overriding factor which accounts for the more specific deficiencies in legal control, which have now been identified by a number of inquiries, such as those regularly carried out by the Court of Auditors. That factor is the basic division between policy and administration which devolves virtually all responsibility for implementing policy in this area to Member State agencies. Customs and agricultural levies are collected, and export refunds are paid out, by national customs authorities, such as H.M. Customs and Excise in the United Kingdom. Intervention payments are the responsibility of national bodies, such as the Intervention Board for Agricultural Produce within the United Kingdom. This system is established by the Community, amounts are set by the Community, but then the whole is put into effect by the authorities of the various Member States. Clearly this is the only sensible and practicable method at the present stage of integration, yet this dichotomy of function contains the seeds of the problem under discussion here. The Member State agencies do not necessarily possess the same interest in enforcement of Community rules and achievement of Community policy as the Community institutions (indeed they may be receptive to opposing interests.

It lists the problems about control of fraud and the different factors which make it difficult to control fraud, (a) a lack of information; (b) inadequate surveillance; (c) insufficient co-operation and lack of political will; (d) procedural complexities and (e) division of responsibility for enforcement. Ireland has not been specifically named but some countries have and certainly in relation to resources put into it, Greece comes out very badly. For instance, at another point in the report it states:

It can be seen from these reports, for instance, that as regards allocation of staff the numbers ranged widely from one controller per every three million ECU of expenditure (in Denmark) to one controller per every 140 million ECU (in Greece). Then again, in some Member States staff received formal training (Germany, the United Kingdom) but not in others (Greece).

It is a disturbing scenario, it is rife with abuse and fraud. There is fraud throughout the Community. We have to be careful that we are not now lumped in with countries from southern Europe who seem to have a total disregard for implementing the rules drawn up in Brussels and that they themselves have signed. In Italy according to a survey carried out by a respectable international consultancy company there, and published in The Economist three years ago, roughly 70 per cent, or in excess of 70 per cent, of all animal drugs on the market are now off the black market. Indeed, it is reckoned by some people that the Mafia now have a bigger income from the illegal market in growth promoters than they have from cocaine.

There is much to be concerned about in the whole operation of the CAP but, be that as it may, we must clear our name; we must not only be clean as far as our dealings are concerned but we must be seen to be clean. I welcome this inquiry. I hope it will come up with the facts. I hope that things are not as bad as they are portrayed but I am afraid there is no smoke without fire.

I welcome the Minister to the House this morning. I apologise to him for the amount of time which was wasted and the way he was held up. The events reflected very badly on us but they are not the subject of this debate and I will not dwell on them.

I welcome the motion before us and the establishment of the tribunal of inquiry into these very serious matters. I also welcome the terms of the motion, the remit which is being given to the tribunal and I welcome the appointment of Mr. Justice Hamilton who will conduct the inquiry. I wish him well in his endeavours to get at the truth in what will be a very complex and convoluted trial.

It is important to put this matter into context and the context is that 40 pence in every pound of our net exports derives from food. A third of the people employed here are either in the food sector, in farming or in activities related to those sectors. That is the national significance of the matter and that is why it is imperative to move to protect the good name of Irish food of the processing industry and of Irish farming.

I am confident that at the end of the trial which the judge will have to investigate, the credibility of the industry on which so many people depend, will have been established. I do not subscribe to the view that damage has not been done by what was contained in the "World in Action" programme or by the allegations made in the Dáil. Damage was done and now there is an onus on us all, in this House, in Government and in the country to ensure that the credibility of our food industry is restored because on that credibility lies the future welfare of the industry; indeed the welfare of the country will increasingly depend on it as Common Agricultural Policy reform proceeds and as intervention accounts for less of the market that is available for agricultural produce.

In relation to the "World in Action" programme and the allegations contained in it, I certainly found the tone of the programme distasteful. The portrayal was lurid, it was tabloid in form. However, that does not take from the substance of the allegations made in that programme and their seriousness. What added most significantly to the seriousness with which the allegations were made was that, to my knowledge, it was the first time a former employee of the Goodman organisation had been so specific and so detailed in relation to allegations about malpractice within the company. That was why the programme was so damaging. Certainly efforts were made to discredit the "World in Action" programme but those efforts to discredit it do not stand up, particularly in an Irish context, given that that telvision programme, more than any other, was responsible for the freeing of the Birmingham Six. ITV and "World in Action" had no need to establish their credentials in this matter, even though I agree that the manner in which some of the matters were presented were certainly distasteful.

Other very serious allegations were made in the Dáil and that is the reason we needed an inquiry. Questions arise as to whether other vehicles could have been used to establish the truth. In my view, and in the view of my party, there was no other vehicle and the reason I say that is that I do not know of any other procedure which would compel people to appear, to give evidence and to produce documents. That was at the heart of the matter and that was the reason a tribunal of this nature had to be established. I do not believe there are any other options and it was the only satisfactory way to attempt to uncover the truth.

The scope of the inquiry should not be so wide as to drag it on interminably and not to arrive at any firm conclusions. The scope is wide enough to allow the chairman of the inquiry to investigate matters which he feels are relevant; it is a matter for him as to how he conducts the inquiry and I have no problem with that. It needs to be wide enough to give him that scope but if it goes off in every direction there is every possibility that nothing will be achieved in the end, apart from being extremely costly. There is an onus to act speedily in the matter but, having said that, not so speedily as not to be able to attempt to establish the truth. The simple objective of the inquiry is to establish to the degree that is possible the truth in relation to those matters. That is what is involved in restoring credibility to the industry and in rectifying whatever damage was done.

It is important to say — and it is something I have not heard — that the person who goes into the supermarket or who buys meat over the butcher's counter here or in Britain is buying beef of the very highest quality. It is not beef that is contaminated by illegal growth promoters; it is by and large heifer beef, not the sort of beef we were shown on the "World in Action" programme which was reboxed or was in cold storage for 13 years or whatever. It is fresh, good, wholesome beef and it is not the same beef that is the subject of this inquiry. That is something that needs to be said because there is a certain amount of confusion about the matter. People are buying beef in the belief that it has been in intervention cold stores for years and years and years; of course it has not.

There have been reservations expressed as to the cost to the taxpayer of establishing an inquiry of this nature and that it could cost several million pounds. My reply to that would be that we have an industry that is worth many millions of pounds to establish the industry as a credible and wholesome one, I regard that as money very well spent. It would be just like spending money on marketing and it would be money well spent. The very fact of establishing the inquiry, irespective of its outcome, will help to restore the confidence of the buyers of Irish beef in Britain and elsewhere. It was quite significant that on the "Morning Ireland" programme recently one of the executives of a large British supermarket chain buying Irish beef made the point that it was helpful to them in their relationship with the Irish people from whom they were buying the beef, they could tell their customers the matter is being taken very seriously in Ireland and that the Government are serious about re-establishing the credibility of the industry.

It is also regrettable that over the past few years people at many levels in this country, some of them at very senior levels, have been saying we should stay quiet. I have been on platforms from Cork to Donegal and I have heard prominent people in the agricultural sector saying we should not talk about illegal growth hormones, about angel dust, or about defrauding the EC, that we should keep quiet about these things. I have even heard people say that it is anti-national to discuss those matters, that is a very curious and perverted sort of logic. I cannot understand that sort of logic because as we proceed with the CAP reform — and as we have seen even in the price package, which was arrived at in Brussels — intervention will no longer be the market.

We will have to go out and sell our products on the international marketplace in Europe and elsewhere. The prize for Irish food, for agriculture and for Irish farming is enormous. We are dealing with a market of 350 million people and any multinational company going into that market would be very disappointed if it could not increase its market share by 1 or 2 per cent. If we, as a country, were to increase our market share of that lucrative European market by 1 or 2 per cent there would be immense national benefits. That is the significance of the matter we are dealing with. That is why it is so important for us as a country which lives on its exports to be able to stand over them and say they are exports of the highest quality. People who say it is not in the national interest to discuss these matters are themselves not acting in the national interest. Because we export to survive we have to be open in what we say.

There was also an attitude that these matters were acceptable because so many jobs were at stake. What about the companies who try to operate their business ethically and who try to operate within the law? What about the people who worked for those companies and no longer have jobs? What do we say to them? Could it be that the failure of the co-operative beef factories to survive was because they were playing by the rules while those around them were not playing by any rules? Is that possible? Let us not be deceived by the fact that Larry Goodman created so many jobs. He did, and fair play to him, but did jobs in other areas survive because of malpractice? Those questions must be addressed.

In relation to the price package and CAP reform, it is unquestionable that intervention will become less and less available to us. The European taxpayer or consumer will not continue to tolerate the large quantities of food being placed in intervention. The world at large will not tolerate people in Africa, and elsewhere, starving when there are stores, and now boats, bulging with food. Certain moral questions need to be asked in that regard but they are for another day.

What was the role of the Irish media in this matter? Why did it take a British television programme to bring those matters to public attention and to lead us to the point where it was deemed necessary to have a public inquiry? The reason is simple. I know people in the Irish media who were intimidated by writs slapped on them by the Goodman organisation. Those people knew the truth and were prepared to publish it but were not allowed to do so because of intimidation, legal intimidation, to stop them from telling the truth. That is another question we must ask ourselves in relation to our attitudes. Were the farming organisations as active as they might have been in bringing matters of this nature to public attention? I do not know whether the farming organisations were prepared to go along tacitly with impropriety; if that was the case then it is a very serious matter.

In regard to the relationship between Government and the beef industry as a whole, it is quite proper for Government to be involved with the industry. There is a partnership between Government and the industry and if we are serious about creating jobs that partnership must exist. It is the nature of the relationship which gives cause for worry. Could it be that the nature of the relationship was to confer a competitive advantage on one single company at the expense of others? If that were the case it is extremely distasteful and is something that we could not tolerate. Of course, Government, industry, the Department of Agriculture and Food and the Department of Industry and Commerce must co-operate in a national effort to create jobs and economic growth but if the playing pitch is not level, that is something that cannot be tolerated.

I have always held the view that if, in a free competitive environment, a company the size of the Goodman organisation became so large and were not paying the proper price for beef that there would be somebody, somewhere, who would start a business in a hole in the wall and replace Larry Goodman as the largest player in the beef industry. However, I was wrong in that perception because the person who started business in the hole in the wall would never get to the point of it being anything bigger than the hole in the wall; the business would have been bought out or shut down. What do we think of when we think of olive oil? We probably think of the Mafia in Italy. That is the vision it conjures up. We cannot allow a situation where if people talk about Irish beef they talk about some type of a green Mafia.

I was very pleased to hear a senior Goodman executive — and Mr. Goodman himself — say they would co-operate fully with this inquiry. That has to be applauded and I hope they will deliver on that commitment. I also heard a senior Goodman official say on radio that if some of the allegations were true, the company would be awash with money. The company were awash with money, it was the way they invested their money on speculative investment in the Stock Exchange in Britain that caused the problems.

Senator Raftery raised the question of the Companies Bill and suggested at that time that it would not have mattered very much if the Goodman organisation and Anglo-Irish beef producers had been allowed to go under. I do not subscribe to that view. At that time of the year, if those factories had closed there would have been incalculable difficulties for Irish beef farmers and for the Irish beef industry. The slaughtering capacity would not have been able to deal with the very large numbers of cattle coming on the market.

I hope the inquiry will also deal with export credit and how that was used. Again, was it a question of the playing pitch not being level and giving undue advantage to one company at the expense of others? Apart from the positive effect we hope the inquiry will have in establishing the credibility of the Irish food industry, it will relate to broader issues in terms of our capacity to negotiate effectively as a country in the whole area of Common Agricultural Policy reform and in other matters which are decided in Brussels. It is obvious there is a very difficult time ahead in terms of protecting the Irish position within CAP reform. We will be in the same position we were in regard to 1992, having to argue certain national concessions because of the importance of agriculture within our economy. We argued very successfully in relation to 1992. That because of our peripherality we had to have certain compensatory measures which were granted. We will have to do something similar in relation to CAP reform. There is a common thrust involved and we have to be able to establish our credentials.

My fundamental hope is that this inquiry will establish the truth behind the allegations. I share Senator Raftery's reservations in that I hope the shredders and the incinerators were not working overtime after this inquiry was announced. I hope we will get to the bottom of it, that we will get to the truth, that the food industry, on which so many jobs depend and on which the economic welfare of the country depends, will come out of it with credit and that we can go back to the international markets showing Irish food to be the quality product it is.

I formally support the motion proposed by Senator Fallon. In putting this motion forward today within a very short time after undertaking to do so and at the first available opportunity after the Dáil has approved the same motion, the Government are taking decisive and rapid action.

The tribunal is being established under the Tribunal of Inquiry (Evidence) Acts, 1921 and 1977. The President of the High Court, the Honourable Mr. Justice Hamilton, has agreed to preside over this inquiry and the Government are extremely pleased that he is to undertake this highly significant assignment. The relevant order under the Acts will be made as soon as the motion setting up the tribunal has been approved by the Seanad and the work of the tribunal will then begin immediately. The costs of the inquiry will be borne by the Department of Agriculture and Food and will involve a Supplementary Estimate coming before the Dáil in due course.

Other matters of practical organisation will be a matter for Mr. Justice Hamilton but I want to repeat here the Taoiseach's undertaking given in the Dáil that all Government Departments and services will co-operate to the fullest extent possible in the work of this tribunal.

The tribunal will be dealing with a subject of major national importance. The beef industry is one of the largest and fastest developing processing industries in this country. For several years now it has been the subject of a good deal of public optimism. There has been what might be described as a campaign of allegations on matters in and connected with the beef industry by political figures and by the media, very often without any attempt whatsoever to after verifiable proof. A climate of rumour has developed and it would not be desirable or correct to let such a situation continue further, especially when it affects one of the country's biggest industries. This has been referred to by a number of other speakers.

The fact is that we export over £1 billion worth of beef and we are the largest beef export nation in the Community. We can even do better than that with the correct perception and image of the Irish beef industry, as has been referred to by Senator Dardis earlier. It is vitally important that the image of the Irish beef industry be one of total and absolute integrity. The Government have taken the view that it is time to clear the air, time to have the various allegations examined fully and either proved or disproved conclusively. People making allegations of any kind now have the opportunity to go before a tribunal and support the allegations with facts. We need to ensure consumer confidence and overall confidence in the Irish food industry. We need confidence in our product and we need producer confidence in the processing industry. I believe the setting up of the tribunal is a necessary step in this.

It would not be appropriate for me to list here all the allegations made against the beef industry. As is clear from the wording of the motion the tribunal's terms of reference are very comprehensive. While they centre on the two most extensive groups of allegations made — those in Dáil Éireann and those in the television programme of 15 May — the tribunal, as Senators can see from the wording, is quite free to go further.

The motion establishes the tribunal as the single most authoritative and independent vehicle for getting to the truth or otherwise of the allegations made. Both specific allegations and more general ones come within the terms of reference and will fall to be examined. This is a no holds barred inquiry; but if the real truth of the alleged occurrences is to be revealed, it can be done only on the basis of hard evidence of fact in the same way as the law of the country operates from the District Courts to the Supreme Court.

Those who subscribe to the rule of law must be prepared to defend that law and to support the full administration of justice by coming forward with evidence needed to sustain any allegations made. It is disconcerting to find some of the people who have been making persistent allegations tending to run away from the situation now with one excuse or another. This is the time for the truth and those who are concerned about the truth and the good name of the Irish beef and food industry have little option but to come before the tribunal and tell the story as it is, with back-up and supporting evidence. In line with time-honoured principles of justice, no one should accept any allegation as true until and unless it can be proved by established facts and evidence.

The tribunal's terms of reference are very extensive. It has wide-ranging powers to examine matters which it may, in its discretion, decide are relevant to specific allegations. This wide-ranging scope will, in my view, be conducive to a thorough investigation being undertaken and should lead to clear and decisive results — and, I would hope, at the end of the day not alone results but recommendations as well.

No more than the Taoiseach did in the Dáil last week, I do not think it proper to go into great detail on any of the allegations made at this time. I believe, however, that one matter should be mentioned because the comments made, both in the Dáil last week and on the "World in Action" programme are factually incorrect and cannot be left without immediate correction. I want to say also that I found the programme quite distasteful. Not alone were many items factually incorrect but the whole tone of the programme left a lot to be desired, from the initiation of the programme, where it started by saying "This man makes his money by killing" to — apart from some gory scenes — the scene where they had the Taoiseach, the Prime Minister of this country, on a meat hook. This gives some indication of the sensational way this programme was presented. Certainly, in my view the presentation and the tone left a great deal to be desired.

I want to get back to the factually incorrect nature of one allegation. I refer to the comment in regard to the investigation of Allied Irish Beef Processers operation in Waterford and Ballymun in 1986 and in 1987 under the then operating aids to private storage scheme. It is not true to say that the Department of Agriculture and Food did not co-operate with the Garda in this matter. I will now outline the sequence of events in this case.

Suspicions regarding certain operations relating to beef stored at Waterford cold store first arose in December 1986 and a customs investigation was initiated. The customs investigation was extended during 1987 to all AIBP production plants and the final report of the investigation was received by the Department of Agriculture and Food on 5 October 1987. Following analysis of these detailled findings, which necessitated further contact between the customs and the Department, the Department informed the EC Commission in January 1988 that, in the view of the Irish authorities, an irregularity had occurred. This initial notification to the Commission was followed on 3 February 1988 by a detailed memorandum on the matter. On 4 February 1988 the Garda Commissioner was asked to investigate the matter as, in the view of the Department, the practices at Waterford and Ballymun were fraudulent. The Garda Commissioner on the same day was furnished with a memorandum setting out a summary of the irregular practices uncovered at Waterford and Ballymun together with a summary of the EC rules which were breached. The Garda did not at any stage ask the Department of Agriculture and Food for a copy of the customs report. However, the Garda in late April 1989 asked for a more detailed statement by the Department on the EC rules and this was furnished on 4 May 1989. This record clearly shows that at no stage whatsoever was there any delay in officially bringing the matter to the attention of the Garda, nor was there any lack of co-operation with them.

On a more general level, I think it would be wrong of us in considering the role of the tribunal not to stand back and reflect on the real importance of the industry we are discussing. Beef processing has grown from small beginnings some 30 years ago, a time when most Irish cattle were exported live, to the large industry we see today. It has begun to move and badly needs to move more, away from commodity trade in sides and quarters and closer to consumer products. Similarly, it has to become less dependent on Community support systems which cannot be relied upon to provide current levels of market support in the long run. We are all only too well aware of the proposed modifications in the CAP and the present GATT rounds. These are major challenges. Not only are they challenges for the beef processing industry itself but challenges also to the wellbeing of our national economy. With over 5,000 employees depending on the industry for their livelihood and over 50,000 farmers entitled to expect an efficient, well run processing industry, there can be no room for complacency or anything other than the highest levels of professionalism and integrity.

Many adaptations will need to be made by the beef processing sector, as well as by other sectors of the food industry. These relate not only to the form of product, to marketing and to promotion but also, for instance, to packaging techniques, meeting of environmental requirements and providing reassurances regarding quality and, indeed, animal welfare factors. If the beef processing industry is to be able to provide those assurances it must itself be strong and confident and respected as such by all coming in contact with it.

I am delighted that the Irish food industry is more and more assuring and certifying its customers with quality assurance schemes, not alone Irish quality assurance schemes like the Irish quality mark but also internationally recognised ISO quality assurance. We have to go further, of course, and we have not alone to have the good image and perception which we have of Irish food and Irish beef but certify that and have the customers under no illusion but that this product, which is seen in a favourable light and has favourable reputation in Europe, is a quality grass-based product produced in a natural environment.

I want to applaud particularly CBF, the Irish Meat Export Board, for their quality assurance schemes and the standard of excellence in the industry which they are promoting. They are promoting a beef product of quality and integrity. That is the road we have to go. That is an important matter which will come out of this tribunal. When we get various allegations out of the way we can again — as I do regularly — attend international promotions and exhibits of Irish food and Irish beef and we can and will be able to stand behind the products we are promoting as products of quite outstanding integrity. It is my belief that this inquiry will do the country a fundamental service by clearing the air so that the industry can move forward with renewed vigour and self-respect. I repeat this is not a matter simply for the particular sector itself but is one of national importance, affecting as it does our reputation as an efficient and successful trading nation.

I want to refer very briefly to some of the comments made by Senator Raftery I agree with Senator Dardis in relation to the need for the provision of an examiner last August. As everybody knows, we have a seasonal beef industry in Ireland. There was no way, without total chaos in the industry, that we could have avoided setting up this examinership and introducing legislation in the Oireachtas to allow that to happen. The Goodman Group are and were a major player and in August last it would have caused tremendous disruption not to have done that.

There is the question of the level of disallowance in Europe of Irish applications for subsidy under various EC regulations and directives. The fact is that Ireland has the lowest level of disallowance. From the official records up-to-date — that is, 1986, 1987 and 1988 — Ireland was by far the lowest country in the European Community for allowances in the beef and food industry. We have, as I said, a good reputation. We want to make absolutely certain that that reputation is maintained.

I wish the inquiry success in their complicated and detailed assignment. I can promise again the full co-operation and welcome of the Irish CAP control authorities in regard to these inquiries and look forward to the findings and recommendations as a watershed in the further expansion of our single most important industry.

I welcome the Minister to the House. All of us here welcome the setting up of this tribunal. We all want to ensure that this long-standing, very important multi-million pound and great employer industry is protected. That should be the main thing all of us want to see coming out of this inquiry. There have been various allegations made in the Dáil, in the ITV programme and there has been a climate of rumour over recent months and years. As a result, question marks are hanging over the beef industry in this country. If we are to be represented abroad by people like the Minister who can hold their heads up high, we have to get to the bottom of the various allegations, rumours, questions of fraud and malpractice in relation to the whole industry. We have to look further than what has come out in the television programme. There are possibly aspects and angles to this affair other than the Goodman angle. All aspects have to be examined.

It is important that the inquiry produces definite answers. It is important that it produces a report which contains answers and recommendations because there is a danger, as has happened with previous inquiries, that reports are published but one wonders if they were read by anyone afterwards. In passing I mention reports such as the Stardust report and that of the Kerry Babies. These inquiries cost a great deal of money, went on at length and, looking back on them now, one wonders what exactly they achieved. There are still many question marks hanging over our fire safety and fire prevention regulations with regard to public buildings and local authority supervision. One wonders if another Stardust is a possibility. In the case of the Kerry Babies Tribunal there was almost a witchhunt against members of the Garda Síochána. We do not want to see this happen with regard to this inquiry. I do not think we could have a better chairman of this tribunal than Mr. Justice Hamilton. I am sure that if it is within his ability this inquiry will be brought to as speedy a conclusion as possible and a report produced.

There has to be co-operation and I am glad the Minister's Department will co-operate wherever possible with the tribunal. With the greatest of respect to the Minister present, there must be some question marks over some aspects of how the Department have been run in recent years, perhaps with practices there which are totally unknown to the Minister, because it is unreal in this day and age to expect a Minister to know everything that is going on right down the line. But certainly the chain of command has to be investigated. I am sure that if there are question marks the Minister will be one of the first to say that he will take note of them and if changes are recommended that he will respond positively.

It is important that people who have made allegations in various areas, particularly under the privilege of the other House, are now in a position to come forward and tell what they know, because if we do not remove the cloud which hangs over this industry the consequences for this country are extremely dangerous since so many people throughout the country are dependent on this industry. The consequences will be services if people do not come forward, if there is an attempt to whitewash, or if this inquiry does not turn up hard evidence or clear up some of the rumours of malpractice and fraud and the question marks that hang over both the Goodman operation and apparently other practices within the trade. It is important to investigate how, over the years, a monopoly was allowed to develop, how, apparently, tax bills were written off, how various packages seem to have been announced and reannounced, how a company basically involved in beef suddenly find their way into all sorts of non-related activities and how the country had to bail them out. All these questions have to be looked at, because it was not overnight that these things happened. The reaction of the farmers' organisation was also mentioned, that perhaps they were a bit tardy and sluggish and was there a nod and wink approach? All these matters must be addressed by this inquiry. All the various bodies must come forward and give evidence.

I welcome what the Minister said in relation to his Department co-operating fully with the inquiry because it is important that the Department of Agriculture and Food be seen to have clean hands in relation to this matter. It is also important that Ireland's good name and the good name of Irish meat abroad be maintained. It should be our main concern that Ireland's name as a good exporter of beef and beef products is protected. If we were to fail in relation to this the knock-on effect would be far too serious to be even contemplated.

I welcome the establishment of this inquiry. It is important that it be given all the necessary resources and I hope it will not drag on and on and come up with nothing at the end. It is important that it will publish its report and that recommendations will be made and eventually acted on.

I am pleased that this motion to establish a judicial tribunal to inquire into the beef processing industry has been brought before this House. I fully support the motion. Over the last few months many serious allegations have been made about the operation of our beef trade, allegations that if left unanswered could have an adverse effect on public confidence in one of our most important economic sectors. It is therefore time to clear the air and the establishment of this inquiry offers us the best opportunity of doing this.

Like other speakers, I welcome the fact that the Government have moved rapidly to establish this inquiry. It is vital that the work of the tribunal commences at the earliest possible date and addresses itself fully to the allegations made. The Government are right to have set very wide terms of reference for the tribunal. It is not simply a matter of examining specific allegations made in recent days. The tribunal will have the power to examine any matters which it may at its own discretion decide are relevant. The broad terms of reference and very great scope provided to the tribunal will obviously be conducive to a thorough investigation being undertaken and each of the allegations raised fully inquired into.

I do not intend to comment specifically on any of the allegations made. That in my view would be inappropriate because I consider that it is for the tribunal to go through the allegations in detail and make its own assessment of them. But there is one thing that everybody, both inside this House and the public at large, must do. Anybody who has relevant information should make it available to the tribunal. In particular those people who have been making allegations over the past few months, and indeed recently in the Dáil, and also those people who have made allegations on the "World in Action" programme must now come forward and disclose full details of their claims. If they fail to do this for any reason, they will do a grave disservice to both the beef industry and to the country. In general terms I agree with the Minister that it would be a mistake for us in this House to get so tied up in detail as to lose sight of the real importance of the industry we are discussing. I think we all know the importance of this industry to the economy.

Beef processing has grown from small beginnings some 30 years ago, a time when most Irish cattle were exported live, to the large industry we see today. It has begun to move away and diversify, and this has been mooted for a number of years by successive Governments. We will try to create more employment within the industry. Similarly it has become less dependent on Community support systems which cannot be relied upon to provide current levels of market support in the long run. Many adaptations will need to be made by the beef processing sector as by any other sectors of the food industry. These relate not only to form of product and to marketing proportion but also, for instance, to packaging techniques, meeting environmental requirements and providing the various forms of assurance that customers require, whether such assurances relate to quality, to environmental friendliness or to animal welfare factors.

If the beef processing industry is to do all of that it has to be strong and confident. It is my belief that the industry will in fact emerge strengthened from the inquiry process. That process should indeed help the development of an industry well adapted to gain and hold the confidence of all its clients. That is in the national interest and I think it is what all the parties here would seek.

I hope the inquiry will proceed as rapidly as possible and that all these people who made very serious allegations will come forward and co-operate fully with the tribunal. Indeed, it is very important — Senator Cosgrave referred to this — that the findings of the inquiry will be acted upon. If they are not acted upon all we will have done is disburse huge amounts of money to the legal profession, and the beef industry will not have gained one iota from it.

I hope when the tribunal's work is completed, that it will not be left lying on some shelf but that it will be acted upon for all our sakes because we all know, as the Minister has rightly pointed out, the importance of this industry to our economy. We have 5,000 people employed directly in the industry; we have 50,000 farmer suppliers and it is very important that their livelihood is protected.

I will say one thing about Larry Goodman. In spite of the fact that serious allegations have been made against him the one thing that can be said truthfully is that he paid for whatever cattle he bought. Any farmer who ever supplied him with cattle got paid for them. That is very important. I wish the inquiry every success. I hope it will be a full and thorough inquiry into all aspects of the industry, not just to the allegations made in the programme that is the subject of this inquiry. If that is done we will clear the air on a lot of the issues that have been talked about over the last few weeks and it will be better for the whole industry.

Cuirim fáilte roimh an Aire agus roimh an fiosrúcháin seo. There are a number of aspects of this that deserve to be adverted to. The first one is the fact that we have a deficiency in our investigative procedures. Whatever the final outcome of this investigation is those allegations were very serious because of the form in which they were made, and the publicity they were given and because they were made by a television programme which has a reputation for rarely going wrong.

This television programme has done wonderful work on behalf of Irish prisoners, for instance, improperly imprisoned in Britain. This was not cheap, British tabloid journalism, it was a very serious current affairs programme. We have a failing apparently in our law which means that we could not have the Department of Industry or the Department of Agriculture and Food move in and freeze the records of these companies instantenously in the public interest. It appears to me that that leaves anybody involved in sharp practice with a quite significant interval of time in which to dispose of unsavoury records. I do not like that. I am not saying that in this particular case that was done, I have no evidence of that. I am saying that if allegations of this scale are made which have the possibility to do so much harm to what is potentially, I emphasise "potentially" a very important industry in this country that is a regrettable situation. It is also a regrettable situation that much of the debate, in the other House at least, descended into the realm of personalities. I believe our, perhaps, potentially most valuable and most lucrative industry deserves to be looked at in a little less partisan fashion.

I am not going to give the House a lecture about party political favouritism because before it was announced in the other House I was aware, perhaps not in detail, that at least two Governments identified the Goodman Group and Mr. Larry Goodman as the personage to achieve certain national objectives in terms of developing the beef industry. The approach under which that was taken was, to say the least, somewhat flawed.

The beef industry has a problem which goes deeper than Larry Goodman. The question is, is the beef industry going to be market driven or intervention driven? Will it be essentially producing products that can sell because of their quality, their price and their imagination? Is that how it will develop or will it develop in an entirely different way by relying on the fact that you can always fall back on intervention?

I would not say that the Minister was wrong during the recent price discussion to insist on some sort of a safety net provision but I believe that, whatever my views are on it, economics can contribute something. If you allow unregulated guarantees about a fixed price for a product you will produce a limitless supply. That is not an argument about intervention, price fixing or anything like that per se but the mixture of market place economics, intervention and guaranteed prices that constitute the way the Common Agricultural Policy gives us the worst of both worlds. It gives us complacent procedures, crucified consumers and large volumes of unsaleable products. It seems to me that successive Irish Governments did not recognise the way the world was moving.

In 1972, when we had the referendum on membership of the EC, I happily expressed scepticism about the long term future of the Common Agricultural Policy. I never believed it was sustainable; I gave up believing in Santa Claus when I was about nine years old and with the end of my belief in Santa Claus I ended my belief that there was a benevolent Europe out there that would hand over large sums of money indefinitely to enable us to keep on producing as much as we wanted whenever we wanted at prices that were acceptable to the producer. I never thought that would last. I am not in any sense gloating now, but I never believed it. I am bothered that a large section of our beef industry appears to have believed it.

There was and is a profound need for change in Irish agriculture generally and in the beef industry in particular. It hardly needs to be said that it should be based, first of all, on producing quality products that will sell in the market place. I will not give people, who are experts in that specific area, a lecture on how to do that. There are certain aspects in this area that I would have identified where any developing economy is concerned. One of those is a substantial and increasing investment in product research, market research, research and development, all the research and development being based on the existing and perceived future needs of the consumer and the capacity to anticipate new needs or new wants and to package products accordingly.

Of course, we have enormous assets. I heard the Minister for Agriculture and Food here in the last six months discuss the matter of agriculture at considerable length and with considerable eloquence and vehemence. He explained his view of us as the producers of the guaranteed green agricultural foodstuffs of Europe. It is a worthwhile vision but that requires an enormous investment in market research, market development, product development, etc., to develop products that are both made from green, as in environmentally friendly, raw materials and that are also packaged, produced and transported, etc. by methods that are environmentally acceptable. That involves huge amounts of money. I have a suspicion that the beef industry in particular, to a large extent expects the Government to do the research, while it cleans up the product.

I do not want to go off on too much of a sideline but the point is that what is needed is recognition of the primacy of the consumer. Anybody who has to deal with Irish agricultural products on a daily basis in our shops would not really come home with an idea that the primacy of the consumer was at the focal point of the thoughts of the producers of Irish potatoes when plenty of elbow grease and a scrubbing brush is still a necessary prerequisite for boiling a pot of potatoes because they are so filthy and dirty. That is not any sort of advertisement for a sense of the primacy of the consumer. I hope it is not equally true of more health sensitive products. To develop an industry like that needs creativity, imagination, research, ingenuity and, of course, it also needs scale. It was a perfectly right decision by successive Governments to move towards the rationalisation of the Irish beef industry. The mistake the Government made is an over-reliance on one particular producer or individual. There are certain characteristics of the Goodman group of companies that seem to make them — and this may well be hindsight — not suitable for the job successive Governments wanted them to do.

We want, as I said, a market-orientated, consumer-orientated body with a willingness to identify new products, not just new markets for old products or temporary markets in third World countries or in developing countries, but new products. We need new products that will sell where we can get the highest price for the best added-value for good quality products that would be within the EC not finding interesting new markets with State guarantees about risks given by a succession of Governments. That is not the way. It may guarantee markets in the short term but it is not the long term future of an industry which could well become a major industry here.

The problem is that the basic philosophy that seemed to drive that large organisation was not the philosophy that could do those things. It was a philosophy based on a particularly macho view of the bottom line being all. Nobody would deny the centrality of the bottom line. Businesses cannot be run if they do not operate profitably but it is what you do with the profits and what you do in order to achieve what is perceived to be a desirable level of profits that determines the ethos of a company. Our problem is that our beef industry was dominated by an organisation and an extraordinary complex network of companies which seemed to have, secrecy as their number one objective. That is, secrecy not just from prying television programmes or the media but secrecy from Government and, indeed, secrecy because shareholders did not exist or were a minority and an extraordinary network of companies meant that nobody with an involvement in that industry could really be sure what was being done anywhere else.

Enormous pressures were put on middle line managers to produce results out of which came the ethos in which the sort of things that were produced on the television programme were perceived to be possible. My understanding is that, for instance, when EC rules on disclosure by public limited companies were changed, a considerable number of the companies were converted into private companies to circumvent EC rules about disclosure. That is not the way to create the business ethos in which a large-scale industry, capable of trading within the EC, can operate. The EC is a well regulated marketplace based on public accountability, based on very strong, well developed employee rights, based on very strong consumer rights. The sort of obsessive secrecy that characterised the Goodman group guarantees that they will not develop or be able to identify with the social market ethos that characterises the European Community. It is based on an old-fashioned macho idea of business which does not fit in with the way successful countries in the EC, or indeed, in northern Europe have been successful. It seems that that is the bedrock of the problems.

Unfortunately, while the inquiry will, I hope, identify all of the truth and may well identify many sorded practices — I will comment on a couple of matters in a moment — the position now is, as I have said, shareholders in any of the Goodman companies that are public limited companies are given limited information because of the complex nature of the company. The employees in many cases do not exist because vast numbers of those who are perceived to be employees of the Goodman group are, in fact, service contractors on individual contracts. Perhaps the only other group who could have known are the Department of Agriculture and Food and we still do not know how much they knew, what they knew or whether they were happy about the situation. I am not talking about illegal practices, I am talking about the business ethos and the viability or otherwise of the company.

The only other group that could have known are the banks but, unfortunately, Irish banks have shown a capacity only to be equated with that of the lemming, in their chase after a fast buck. The list of their disasters is becoming endless, from ICI some years ago, to banks in New Hampshire and Maryland, on to their escapades in Britain, all of which resulted in enormous losses which ultimately will be paid for by the customers of the banks in Ireland. The Irish banks walked into this, they say somebody whom successive Government had, if you like, anointed and they did not, apparently, bother to be critical either. The mess blew up in their faces last summer and they were exposed as being as poorly informed as anybody else.

It is that ethos and the disingenuous sort of denials of the Goodman group that make all of us suspicious. When we are told an individual who is on the television programme is not an employee of the Goodman group it sounds very convincing. He is not an employee because the Goodman group have many people working for them exclusively who are not employees at all. Many of them are on service contracts because this is what happens in many of the companies the Goodman group take over. A whole shake-out follows in which people who are let go and re-employed on individual contracts are no longer employees. Therefore, you can make this beautiful statement that this person is not an employee. It sounds like a simple categorical statement. He is not an employee because they do not have employees in many of these areas, they have people on service contracts. They are just as much employees as anybody else except that the nature of the contractual relationship is changed. That is not the way to convince, however sympathetic an observer, that Goodman is a company that deals in simple straightforward, truthfulness.

There was a denial that the company actively encouraged the use of fraudulent stamps. I expect more from a major company. I expect the company to be able to say, "We did not know it was being done", or "It happened, we discovered it and we stamped it out." To suggest that it is an adequate denial to say "we did not actively encourage something" is to invite the suspicion that you did not actively encourage it but you kind of blinked, nodded, presumed and hoped nobody would find out. I am not saying that is what happened. I am simply saying that what seems to characterise this large part of the Irish beef industry is an inability for someone to precisely say what he or she wants to say either because the truth is less palatable or because they have got involved in this convoluted language which leaves everybody believing something different. That is what happened.

The other issue, of course, that does not make public perception easier or the average citizen easy in his mind is, for instance, the Classic Meats case, in which we had denials from the company of any involvement and then the Minister for Industry and Commerce concludes they are not telling the truth. There is the reported fact — perhaps I am wrong on this one — that the Goodman group having denied all connections with Classic Meats, were listed as an asset when they tried to make an arrangement with the bankers last summer. If that is not true I am happy to have it corrected. That was the reported situation at the time. It does not help the public view of how a company should operate if you have a denial on one hand, followed by a member of the Government saying the opposite, and a suggestion made that it was true all along. We have this current dispute in which we do not know if the company are being sold to people who claim to have broken all links with the Goodman group. The whole thing suggests a perception of business which is incorrect. This point needs to be made again and again, that the perception of business that the Goodman group create with their business practices — I am not talking about their alleged illegal practices — the secrecy, the manner in which they treat employees, the misuse of language, the obfuscating kind of language they use is precisely the way in which you will fail to build an industry that will succeed within the social market mechanism that is the European Community.

Whatever I may think about the European Community, it is not the United States and it is not the Third World. It is a very sophisticated marketplace with a considerable network of regulation, consumer protection, shareholder protection and employee protection. You cannot build a major player in that marketplace by ignoring those realities, by pretending that kind of slightly dubious nod and wink business practices, not necessarily the ones that are mentioned in the programme, but the general value system, the keep on squeezing them until the pips squeak philosophy that seems to be at the centre of the Goodman group in which everybody at a lower level was squeezed and in which corner-cutting was encouraged, will succeed.

It is not just the Goodman group. Certain dairy co-operatives have a certain reputation in the environmental area, for instance, of doing similar things. It is that ethos which seems so cute and so clever and, in the short term, seems so good, which will guarantee their failure because it does not direct the whole thrust of a company like that where it should be directed, which is at the consumer in the European marketplace, the only place in which we will succeed in developing and building successful industry. That is why this inquiry is so important. It is so important because it is necessary in order to clear the air, to identify a wrongdoing if necessary and, above all, to enable us to make a fresh start hopefully with companies that will accept public accountability and the rights of the consumers as the central drive of a large company.

I, like my colleagues, welcome the tribunal. I am glad that the Honourable Mr. Justice Hamilton is to preside over the inquiry. We have to be careful today because the inquiry is about to begin. I hope no elected people will set out with only one ideal, to damage any company or the Government at this extraordinary delicate time in our nation when jobs are so needed. I do not mind what Minister, or representative of past Governments or of the present Government goes to Iraq, Egypt or to any other place, if he or she goes there with the best of intentions to negotiate and bring back orders which would, down the road, give us a scale situation which would benefit our farmers.

There is a great deal of worry and confusion outside this House, and the other House, about this debate. Indeed, there is a lot more commonsense shown by some of our people outside than is contained in some of the statements that have been elsewhere. I thought we had gone beyond the begrudging stage in regard to anybody making the grade, whether it be ourselves politically, somebody like Larry Goodman, or any industrialist who is only doing good for the people. I thought we had gone beyond that as individuals and as elected representatives. What is wrong with being a success if long hours, hard work, dedication and commitment bring that about?

It is important to put on the record today that — unlike other companies in the beef industry which do not give all the year round employment due to the seasonal nature of the industry — the Goodman Group employ 1,600 people all the year round; the number employed in the high season would be greater. The people who criticise should remember what we are talking about. I am quite sure that the people in Ballybay today, where a factory was sold yesterday, do not mind too much who bought it if it creates jobs on the ground for the families of that town. They are glad that somebody bought it, if it is correctly and properly run.

I spoke the other day to a mother in south Tipperary where Larry Goodman has factories. She was quite honest and open. She said her sons went into work at 5.30 a.m. He was a good employer and she has no crib. She was an ordinary woman, not one of the bigshots with big cars and so on. Her sons had good employment from him and she was happy.

I hold no brief for Larry Goodman, I do not even know the man, but I am sick of the bashing that has gone on in recent times. I would say this if it was some other industrialist or employer who was creating jobs at a time when our nation needs jobs like never before. It is important to put on the record that 65 per cent of his produce went to EC markets, particularly the UK, Ireland, France, Germany and Italy with, consequently, a lesser degree of dependence on intervention.

The Goodman Group were responsible for opening up Third World markets to the Irish beef industry. In addition, Goodman was the first person to export meat to supermarkets in the UK thus developing a high value-added industry. The fact that these supermarkets are still dealing with the company surely must be an indication of the confidence the customers have had in the Irish beef which he supplied.

I understand there was a relationship between the Goodman Group and the Labour and Fine Gael Government. It was much closer than with my party, which seems to be the cause of the hype and the worry. I have no trouble with that. I have no trouble with a former Government doing what they were supposed to do and being friendly with industrialists who do their right and create employment for our people. I do not believe politicians who made certain statements under the protection of the Dáil would have made them in a forum outside. That worries me deeply. It is wrong for elected people to go down the road of saying: "I am more honest than you." I await with great interest to see what they will produce for the inquiry when they will not have the protection of the Dáil. We have not heard that kind of address here this morning, I am glad to say, due to the commonsense of my colleagues here.

We should stop knocking our own world, the world of industry, or anywhere else where people create jobs. For the next month everybody will be talking about job creation. Yet, here is someone who employs 1,600 people all year round, and up to 2,500 seasonally. I talked to farmers at the mart when the Larry Goodman bashing started. I do not know what some of my colleagues in the other House are doing.

I welcome the inquiry. I sincerely hope it is not just another exercise that will line the pockets of the lawyers, as was the case in other inquiries. We heard no more about them afterwards. Damage has been done to Irish industry and to our meat industry abroad and I only hope we will be able to correct it.

I know tributes have been paid to ITV but I think they should have looked at their own industry. Disallowances by the UK were 23 times greater than in Ireland for each of the past two years for which records are available. ITV should look at English industry before coming over to make a programme that could damage our industry. This Government, past Governments and members of all the parties have tried in absolute sincerity to ensure success for Irish food on the European scene.

Until I get a document from the top legal people showing that a person is guilty, I will stand up anywhere and defend them. At the end of the inquiry, when I hear the findings of Mr. Justice Hamilton then, and only then, will I criticise Larry Goodman. I do not know the man but I admire anyone who looks after the farmers and gives employment to our people. I hope we will be able to undo the damage that has been done and I hope every person connected with this inquiry will act with commonsense. I wait with great interest to see what information will be given and what statements will be made outside the protection of these Houses.

Because I have been associated with public life for many years, I find it sad that fingers are pointed at senior officials in any Department. That is tragic. If what is alleged is true, it is wrong, but if the allegations are proved to be false it is tragic that senior officials of any Department may be blamed. I know I should not refer to officials but senior officials in all Departments have the highest level of code and ethics and I will defend them again. We should get back to the commonsense approach we had a few years ago, of working together, rather than niggling at each other as members of different parties.

I welcome this inquiry and I wish it well. I hope it will satisfy the people who were responsible for having it set up in the first place, and to industrialists like Larry Goodman, people who create jobs, I wish them well.

I welcome this inquiry. There is a great deal at stake here. The reputation of our beef industry, which is the cornerstone of our agricultural industry, itself a major part of our economy, is at issue.

I am delighted to learn from the Minister that the tribunal will be examining a number of issues in a short time and will not take a long drawn-out period to carry out its work. I sincerely hope this inquiry will come up with negative results; in other words, results which will show that nothing wrong is being or has been done. This would be my earnest and sincere wish and it would be the best and most palatable result. Even though this inquiry will cost a certain amount of money, it will be money well spent if we can establish clearly to all concerned, in the country and outside it, that we have nothing whatsoever to hide, nothing to be ashamed of and nothing to be guilty of by way of malpractice.

The Minister made clear in his remarks that the tribunal will address itself to the allegations made in the ITV programme on 15 May, to the allegations made in Dáil Éireann with regard to the happenings within the Goodman meat empire and to matters related directly and indirectly to these areas. It is also clear to us from the Minister's remarks that the tribunal can extend its terms of reference to a wider field.

It has been stated that employment by the Goodman group is extremely important—1,650 employees, rising to a figure in excess of 2,500 throughout the season. There are thousands of farmers totally reliant on the good reputation of our beef products. Because dairy farmers depend on beef farmers for the uptake of their calves and their young stock which they will bring forward to beef, we are effectively talking about all livestock farmers. The situation affects 50,000 or 60,000 farmers. This is a major, serious matter which we must not take too lightly.

This is a time of change in all areas. Margins are tight in the beef industry and there is a great need for rationalisation within the industry, for selling effectively on the open market and to the best possible advantage.

I would like to compliment the Goodman organisation for the job it has done. I sincerely hope, when this tribunal has completed its work, that we can also stand here and make the same remarks. This is my earnest wish. At the same time, I am a bit sceptical about a monopoly situation, where too much of any branch of industry, whether agricultural or industrial, are in the hands of one or two persons. That is one constructive criticism I would make vis-à-vis the entire Goodman situation. Competition, as has often been stated, is the life of trade. Too much of a monopoly situation is not good.

Time is of the essence here and fortunately the sitting of the tribunal is only a short time away. Each day that goes by before the tribunal starts its work creates an air of uncertainty with regard to beef consumers and a greater uncertainty in the international scene, the countries to which we export our products. For that reason it is vital that all agencies, Government bodies included, make themselves available very quickly and readily to the tribunal. They must speak openly and keep nothing back, so that it can be truly said this was a meaningful, effective inquiry. I hope, and would like to expect that the results will be on the right lines, indicating that there have been no wrong-doings or malpractices of serious proportions.

If there have been malpractices on the lines indicated on the television programme and indicated by persons speaking on this issue, it could be extremely serious for us as a nation and for all those involved in the production of beef.

At the moment we have a lot to contend with. We have allegations of angel dust being used in the production of beef. This is a lethal, deadly powder but one which has enormous effects for promoting growth in animals. We also have to contend with allegations regarding the use of hormones and with exaggerated comment on the over-use of non-prescribed drugs. We have more than enough to contend with in the beef industry without having to face yet another major series of allegations. For that reason I hope the Government will act to make certain that this inquiry is concluded in the fastest possible time.

I appreciate that we are limited in time and I do not want to go over my time. I will conclude by welcoming this inquiry. I appeal to all concerned to come forward and to speak frankly and openly. I hope we will have a good result which, in this context, can only be a result which shows that there have been no major malpractices. If there have been trivial mishaps so be it, but we hope nothing major has been done, as has been alleged, such as changing the markings of carcases in the middle of the night, and so on. We hope this kind of thing has not happened. I do not say it has happened but that and more serious allegations have been made. It is not appropriate, on the eve of the inquiry, to go further and I do not propose to do so. I hope we will have an early and favourable result from this extremely important inquiry.

Question put and agreed to.
Sitting suspended at 2.20 p.m. and resumed at 3 p.m.
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