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Seanad Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 12 Jun 1996

Vol. 147 No. 15

Forfás Report — Shaping Our Future: Statements.

I thank the Seanad for giving me the opportunity to introduce this debate. Anyone looking at Ireland's performance in recent years would be anxious that we start to look ahead to see what we can achieve over the next 15 years. That is what Forfás has done in this report. It has set out an ambitious yet realistic set of targets which will stretch us but which will deliver tangible results. It sets out objectives to create employment, to halve our rate of unemployment and to increase our standard of living from 65 per cent up to European standards.

It also shows what we can achieve as a society if we get consensus on a set of targets and we are willing to accept the challenges necessary to deliver them. Anyone looking at our performance and the transformation wrought in the past ten years will equally recognise that social consensus on certain objectives is a huge part of that success. We now have the fastest growing employment rate in Europe — we are regarded as the Celtic tiger by many commentators — because we have been willing to take a long-term view. That is what this report is saying, but we can achieve more. We must address some difficult challenges in the future but we will be able to overcome them and to meet the opportunities if we achieve social consensus on what must be done. These challenges will be more difficult to deal with if we do not have social consensus on what we can achieve as a society. That is what makes this report worthwhile and important.

This report is stretching the planning horizon well beyond the life of any Government or social partnership agreement. It is saying we need to move to a new Ireland 15 years from now which offers benefits in terms of the quality of life, the standard of living and support for disadvantaged groups in our community. This report is important, not as an A to Z of where we must go and what decisions we must make but because it sets the challenges we must meet along the way. This report is the first of its kind to map out a clear set of objectives with a long-term horizon. It is important that we begin to think beyond the planning horizon of any one Government.

At this stage in our development there is a need to take stock, to look at what has been achieved in social and economic development, to identify those who have been excluded from the prosperity achieved and the underlying reasons for their exclusion, to assess the forces of change at work, both local and international in shaping our economy and society at present and how they are likely to evolve in future years, to set ambitious but realistic targets for future growth and to establish the broad direction of the policies needed.

The report can make a major contribution to the debate which is needed on these issues. It outlines the contribution which the enterprise sector can make to the achievement of wider national, social and economic objectives, including the area of employment creation in particular and public policies needed to support this. The work and analyses undertaken by Forfás will make a significant input into developing and implementing the policies required to raise performance in employment creation even above the very good results achieved in recent years. I hope the report initiates a serious examination of these issues.

The long-term view is the key contribution of Forfás's work. It gives us a structure and a platform to consider the long-term impact of critical choices facing us and it helps to shape our agenda. It maps out the potential rewards on offer from adopting a radical, coherent and challenging action plan. Shaping Our Future is not intended to be the last word on, or the A to Z of, enhancing our society. No work with a longer term horizon can promise to anticipate all the range of choices we will face in the future. This is recognised by Forfás and the wide range of people who contibuted to this valuable work. What it does, however, is identify the most likely scenarios facing us and bring forward for clear analysis the starker choices we must make. It also paints for us a future that is attainable and which I would like to see realised.

We could choose not to shape our future in a strategic way. The alternative is to adopt short-term horizons, be reactive and bob about like a cork in a globalised sea of international competition. I reject that type of thinking and approach. Ireland can and must adopt new and more sophisticated strategic directions to secure a better future. If we really believe in transforming our society for the better, then we need to develop a revised consensus on the way forward. We need to marshal our strengths against the obvious threats, to make some sacrifice in favour of the overall good and to seize opportunities. If we do so, we will build on the already strong economic foundations.

The outcomes in 15 years of appropriate policy choices are laid before us in the Forfás document. These include halving the present rate of unemployment to 6 per cent, reducing long-term unemployment to no more than 50,000, increasing living standards in terms of GNP per capita to average EU levels, compared to 65 per cent at present and raising the quality of life for all our people. Shaping Our Future maps out an agenda for change through, for example, harnessing the growth potential of the services sector where 300,000 jobs can be achieved in the next 15 years, transforming Irish owned manufacturing industry which can realise 12,000 jobs, doubling the profitability of Irish owned companies to 8 per cent and strengthening foreign direct investment which could yield 33,000 extra jobs. It identifies critical support policies needed for enterprise development — taxation and public finances, skills, telecommunications, transport and logistics, science and technology and finance for development among others.

We must envisage a new society which is characterised by higher living standards, greater equity in outcomes and an economy which is renowned for its competitiveness. There have been many critics of our 75 year history who said that we had an insufficient strategic vision of where we were heading or no strategic direction at all. While I do not necessarily agree with everything they said, it is now time to chart the path for the future in a more mature and systematic way.

There are many forces of change at work in the world economy which are increasingly impacting on Ireland. These forces are in such areas as the globalisation of trade and competition. That is followed by the reduction of trade barriers in the Internal Market and on the broader GATT rounds. Technology development is growing at an increasing pace and diffusing more rapidly across national boundaries. There are dramatic changes in the workplace where team work is becoming a feature of high productivity environments. There is greater emphasis on human resources versus fixed capital. The recent EU White Paper on the Year of Learning indicated that human capital should appear on the balance sheet as an asset in the same way as fixed capital. However, we are a long way from adopting such a radical view of accounting policies. Human resources will be a major determinant of the competitiveness of a company in the future. European Monetary Union will impose strict disciplines upon us if we want to exploit the opportunities it offers.

World trade is growing rapidly and barriers to trade are diminishing. Increasingly, taking advantage of the new and more liberal order for international trade, foreign direct investment in the manufacturing sector but also to a growing extent in the services sector, is bringing about new patterns of industrial production. We have benefited from these tendencies. We have seen many foreign companies choose to invest in Ireland attracted by the conditions here and the skills we can offer but also by direct access to the European market.

Technological change is also fuelling this process. New technologies make it possible to locate different parts of the production process in different areas of the world. Telecommunications is of particular importance in encouraging this tendency to global market, and it is also assisted by the growth of advanced manufacturing techniques in industrial automation. In general, our society is characterised by a high level of technological know-how. Technology is the driving force behind economic growth. Technological innovations dominate the everyday lives of individuals, enterprises and the economy.

Our competitors are making huge investments in strengthening their technological capability. Technology policies and strategies are now a key component of economic development efforts in all countries. In Ireland, however, we have been slow to accept this message. Industrial policy and State funds have been focused significantly on the attraction of inward investment and not sufficiently on encouraging research, development and innovation in local industry and on building up the scientific and technological infrastructure.

These points have been forcefully made recently in the report of the Science, Technology and Innovation Council — STIAC — chaired by Dan Tierney. The Government has accepted the principle of this report. There is also the increasing importance of innovation to enterprise development. It points out in the report that innovation is wider than technological innovation alone. Marketing and management innovations are also important. Technological changes are behind many of the innovations in marketing and management which are regularly cited; for instance tele-marketing would not be possible without digital telephony or the developments in personal computers. Mobile telephony is still in its infancy, with the potential for a fundamental impact on the way our lives and businesses are organised and run.

A further aspect of the changes under way in the world economy is the way in which economic strength is shifting to new regions. In particular, the rise of the Asian economies over the last 20-30 years has been the most striking phenomenon. Some of these have managed to sustain high growth rates and high investment rates for decades. As a result, although they have started from a low base, major transformations have occurred in their economies and major investments in infrastructure, in technology and, most significantly, in human resource development. Fundamental economic reform in Latin America may lead to another group of countries joining the Asian economies in the future as examples of dynamic growth.

Nearer home, the countries of Eastern Europe, having transformed their economic and social systems following the collapse of Communism, are now poised to become important exporters as well as attractive locations for foreign direct investment. Within the European Union, we are now on course for Economic and Monetary Union, which represents a logical completion of the Single Market. However, it is not a strategic decision that can be taken in isolation. It has to be part of a commitment to transform the Irish economy to one of high efficiency, responsiveness and flexibility if we are to be sufficiently competitive to exploit the opportunities that trading in the new environment will create.

Ireland in many ways is at a turning point in its economic and social development. Over the last few years we have seen a fundamental change in the characteristics of the economy and a significant departure from the practices and disappointments of previous years. Growth is continuing at a sustained level, with rates significantly above those of our European partners and with good prospects for their continuance in the years immediately ahead. For the first time, this growth appears to be broadly based and is not accompanied by any renewal of upward inflationary pressures.

Moreover, especially recently, it has been accompanied by a significant net employment creation, with a total of 88,000 jobs created in the last two years, an unprecedentedly high number compared with the achievements of earlier years. We are at present one of only three countries to satisfy the Maastricht criteria. Those criteria, as Members know, cover inflation, interest rates, exchange rate stability and debt targets among others.

Looking ahead, the demographic situation is also favourable. Changes in the population structure mean that declining numbers will enter the labour force. At present, we have a much higher youth dependency ratio than the rest of Europe but the trends in the future will take us towards the EU average. These trends will make it easier for us to meet our economic and employment goals. It will be easier to raise living standards and it will be easier for people to find jobs. With the right policies in place, ambitious economic and social goals appear within our reach.

However, the achievements to date must not lull us into a sense of complacency. Unemployment remains unacceptably high. Moreover, the problem is exacerbated by the extremely high share of long-term unemployed in the total of unemployed. It is clear that we face a problem of major dimensions, one which has serious implications for our social cohesion and one which will require sustained action on all fronts if it is to be fully addressed and solutions found.

In this sphere, much work has already been done in analysis and identification of appropriate policies. Senators will be aware of the task force on long-term unemployment and the NESF report on unemployment. My Department has drawn together many of these strands in the form of the recently published Government approved strategy for the labour market entitled Growing and Sharing our Employment.

However, it is a significant virtue of the Forfás document that it has placed this problem of unemployment, and long-term unemployment in particular, in a wider context. The challenge is to sustain the recent economic performance and to adopt policies that ensure future prosperity can fully address the intractable problems of unemployment and its most distressing manifestations in terms of youth unemployment and long-term unemployment.

There is also concern as to whether the transformation has yet run deep enough to withstand external challenges in the future. The long run competitive capabilities of our businesses and the development of our human resources will be the determinants of Ireland's success in a changing world. We need a long-term framework for enterprise policy if we are to build upon the recent success we have achieved and respond adequately to the challenges we now face internally and externally. Innovation will be the only successful response to rapid change in the world economy; the emergence of new challenges and opportunities means that the range of goods and services we offer to the world market has to be updated and developed continuously.

The Forfás report stresses that we need to improve our national innovation performances if we are to succeed. Industrial competitiveness has two parallel but equally important components: increasing revenues through a constant stream of new ideas and product innovations and increasing profits through unceasing improvements in productivity. As far as Irish manufacturing industry is concerned, we are lagging far behind our competitors in terms of product introductions. A Forfás survey has shown that between 1990 and 1992 only one third of Irish firms introduced new or improved products compared with a rate of around 50 per cent for some other EU states. There are some grounds for cautious optimism in the strong growth in business sector research and development, admittedly from a low base, between 1988 and 1993. A new survey later this year will indicate whether this has translated into a better performance in product and process innovation.

The ambitious overall objectives in Shaping Our Future have been translated by Forfás into a set of second level targets that will provide the focus for policy action in the future. Targets are established in the report in the fields of innovation, investment, exports, skills, telecommunications, transport, tax and finance and employment. It is the intent of the Forfás document to set out principles to be followed in determining the details of action in particular cases, and not to attempt to anticipate actions the Government may need to take in any one year or period in the light of prevailing circumstances.

With these objectives and targets set out, the Forfás document defines a strategy for enterprise. In the first place, the role of the services sector has been too long neglected. As I mentioned in the figures I quoted earlier, clearly 85 per cent of the additional jobs that Forfás projects as being achieved in the next 15 years with correct policies will be in the services sector. I do not think anyone could say that our industrial policies and our general economic policies have sufficiently reflected the importance of the services sector in creating employment and competitive advantage. The report calls for a new emphasis on this sector, to place it with manufacturing at the heart of enterprise strategy. The report shows the potential for a major expansion in services employment, not only in internationally traded services, which would be significantly dependent on a rapid improvement in our telecommunications system, but also in local services. Here a considerable expansion is possible, based on increased use of services by the manufacturing sector, on an expansion of tourism and the growth of personal services as a result of increasing incomes. I am currently developing a strategy for services that I will bring to Government in the near future. In my period in the Department I feel I would add value if I start some new thinking about how to tackle the opportunities on offer in the services sector.

The manufacturing sector outlined in the report distinguishes between Irish owned and foreign owned firms. There are difficulties in both groups, but they are different. For foreign investment, the problems are increased international competition for location and the need to maintain the attractiveness of the package offered by Ireland to companies considering locating here. The problems of Irish owned enterprises often relate to strategic market positioning and innovation. The report outlines a broad based strategy of enhancing scale and profitability and assisting Irish companies to reposition into new areas and positions in the value chain.

Anyone looking at the industrial value chain in recent years will see that manufacturing and assembly are declining in relative importance. The real core value added elements in the industrial chain are moving at the early stage to product development and design, and in the later stages to marketing, customer service and selling. Those are trends to which Irish business has to respond. We will not survive as a country if we find ourselves located in low value added manufacturing assembly. We have to migrate to the higher added value segments. The big challenge for Irish business is to move away from low margin activities into the margin that requires higher human resources that goes into design, customer services and marketing.

A central message of the report, however, is the broader one of an encouragement of enterprise. We have to recognise the requirements of enterprise and make these the driving force of industrial policy. Most crucial will be the maintenance and improvement of an environment in which enterprise can flourish, in which new businesses can start and thrive. Many aspects of industrial policy, and economic and social policy generally, will have to be harmonised and focused in order to bring this about. The barriers to entry will have to be lowered, access to finance will have to be improved, administrative burdens will have to be eased and the right infrastructure and support measures will have to be in place.

Existing Irish owned companies will be in need of an updated and strategic package of support measures in which the development agencies will have an important role. Less tangibly but more importantly, an enterprise culture will have to become pervasive; one that respects and encourages enterprise because it creates the wealth that will allow us to reach our higher goals as a society.

The crucial nature of education and training for the success of the strategy for enterprise is clearly recognised in the paper. Significant proposals are made in the report not only in terms of increasing training activities in industry but also in the wider and fundamental areas of the schools system and university education. There is also a major focus on work organisation and regulation and on long-term unemployment. The overall message is that these areas are interlinked and progress in one cannot in the long term be sustained without progress in others. Skills and creativity in the workforce are the main determinants of competitiveness in the enterprise sector.

It is worth dwelling upon that thought. There is no doubt that as we move into the next century what will determine our ability to compete is the willingness to have a vision of the way a company is heading, to use the talents of the workforce effectively and also to be willing to plough resources back into improving the workforce, the way they work and the intelligence they bring to bear on problems.

One of the major themes I hope to have addressed at the end of my period in office is human resource development. Irish firms have traditionally been weak and have not had sufficient foresight to invest in human resources and in training. We have clearly identified skill gaps between some of Irish industry and overseas competitors. There is a need to upgrade many of those who are entering into the workforce without adequate skills to sustain them in the longer term. That is an important element of this report and one that will be a growing focus of attention. It will be at the heart of the preparations that I am currently making for a White Paper on human resource development. We are close to finalising it and will soon be able to circulate it to other Departments for comment.

Equally, if we are to place this greater emphasis on human resource and developing the talents of those at work, we will need a more open style of industrial relations where managers and employees work together to innovate, continually improve and manage change. We are seeing encouraging indications of that.

The old adversarial approach to industrial relations is, thankfully, on the wane. There are many interesting documents being produced from both sides of the social partnership which address this issue of how we can manage change in a partnership rather than as part of old style adversarial industrial relations.

In business support development, a broad based response will be needed in the areas of science and technology, international trade and marketing and in the provision of finance in the development of the enterprise sector. Creating and sustaining knowledge driven competitive advantage across all sectors of the economy will be crucial.

As a small open economy, Ireland's development depends fundamentally on success in international trade. With increasing innovation worldwide, Ireland's enterprises will need wide support and encouragement to increase their activity in this field. For this reason, the capital markets must become more relevant to the vast bulk of Irish owned industry and improving the flow of finance for investment in young, high growth companies will be a priority.

The Forfás report identifies key areas where action is needed to improve our performance in relation to science, technology, innovation and competitiveness. These include technological skills, accessing technology and strengthening our research and development capability and performance.

Surveys have shown weakness in proficiency in science at age 13. Similar surveys have shown a worrying ignorance of basic scientific facts among adults. The Department of Education is now addressing these issues in its new schools curricula and we must ensure that these proposals are pushed forward with all possible speed.

More also needs to be done to bring support for basic research and post-graduate training up to the level of our competitors. We also need to improve our performance relating to the accessing of technology from abroad as a counterpart to generating it within the country. Networks, a mix of formal and informal contacts, are an important means of enabling firms and other organisations to identify and access technology worldwide.

The evidence is that in Ireland only one in seven manufacturing companies is involved in technology licensing. This is an area where there are the beginnings of significant change. In recent times Forbairt has emphasised forms of strategic alliance as a valuable way in which small Irish business, perhaps without the financial strength to invest heavily in research and development, can form alliances with companies in other countries — most notably in the US — and thereby fill a gap by way of technology franchising or other alliances. For a small company that can be a fruitful way of getting foreign investment into the country than through the traditional greenfield route because you are effectively taking the indigenous companies and dramatically strengthening their growth.

The report focuses on infrastructure which will be an important element in the success of enterprise development. It will depend both on the investment in and the pricing of infrastructural services. Telecommunications, transport and logistics, energy and the physical environment are all areas to which the report has paid particular attention. Of these four important areas, two have been especially emphasised in the report — telecommunications and logistics.

There is a need for immediate action in the field of telecommunications so that our systems can once again be the most advanced in Europe. The new science of logistics represents the integration of transport planning with stock control, production, storage and delivery systems. The need for Ireland to have a greater focus on logistics as a strategic choice for a geographically disadvantaged economy is highlighted in the report.

I draw the attention of Senators to that section of the report because new and interesting thinking is being developed there. It is like Columbus discovering America; it was easy when he discovered it but to point out what should be obvious can often be a significant discovery too. As an island economy located on the periphery, we should be developing key skills like logistics and transport; how we get our products to market in time without excessive stock carrying. The call for more strategic thinking in this area is a valuable part of the report.

In the energy area the report has called for increasing competition and ensuring competitive prices as the central focus of future energy policy. As regards the physical environment, the principle of sustainable development and the opportunities offered by the environmental industry itself, and the growing appreciation of the environment as a competitive asset, are also explored. In this regard, I have established an expert group on "Enterprise and the Environment" to bring forward proposals for action. Opportunities are being opened up there that as a country we can exploit. Too often Irish business sees environment as a question of obligations rather than opportunities. It is important that we bring into that picture those very real opportunities.

The final set of actions in the report deal with the public finances and administration. The taxation principles set out have as their fundamental objectives the stimulation and sustained support for an enterprise economy, where risk is encouraged and rewarded. The broad thrust of the taxation recommendations relate to reducing personal and corporate taxes and widening the tax base over time. Competition policy will require continued monitoring and strengthening in order to ensure that the conditions for successful enterprise growth are favourable. A Bill to deal with that issue is currently before the House.

As the report notes, there is no prospect of achieving the challenging social and economic objectives outlined without a well managed, innovative and efficient administration system. At the level of regional policy, the importance of a wide spread of diffusion of enterprise culture is outlined; the objectives can only be achieved with a full participation of all sections of the community and for this reason an essential target will be action at the regional and local level to ensure that enterprise growth and development are understood, appreciated and shared by all parts of the country.

The issues raised in this report with regard to the development of an enterprise economy could be summed up in the word "competitiveness". As the report has made clear, competitiveness means far more than costs alone. Competitiveness is determined by the factors we mobilise, the institutions we build up and the skills of our own people. These factors, in turn, have to be brought together and allowed to function to maximum efficiency. Thus the process of competitiveness, the way in which the factors are combined and allowed to flourish, is of crucial concern. The competitiveness agenda in this report is central to our ability to foster enterprise, to create jobs and to export. I intend to incorporate a significant initiative in this regard in the enterprise strategy I will publish in the coming months. I am also planning to accelerate action on the competitiveness issue at European level, and during our Presidency of the EU this year we will encourage initiatives in this connection.

The Forfás document is of exceptional value and will provide guidance for this Government in the detailed application of many of the policy areas discussed in the report. It has already provided major inputs to the strategy documents in preparation in my Department dealing with enterprise, services and human resources. In addition, I have already taken action to implement the recommendations with regard to the information society initiative outlined in the report. This is an essential component of enhanced competitiveness in the Irish enterprise sector to meet the new challenges raised by advances in telecommunications and computing.

A working group, chaired by Vivienne Jupp, a director in Arthur Anderson, is considering the issues surrounding the information society in Ireland and what we need to do to prepare for its further development. A fundamental transformation is now taking place towards an information intensive society and a knowledge based economy in which advanced technologies, particularly information and communications technologies, and other forms of innovation have a strategic role in economic development. Government has an essential function in promoting an environment which fosters and supports innovation — enabling enterprises to turn new knowledge into innovation and thus into growth and job creation.

In conclusion, I wish to express my appreciation to Forfás for the work they have carried out. Forfás is a cross-social and cross-agency partnership. It has a wide range of expertise and this report has benefited from the broad vision of the board. Tom Toner, the chairman, and John Travers, the chief executive of Forfás, deserve our congratulations. I hope the report can be widely debated and its overall thrust accepted and further developed through discussion and dialogue at all levels. Building on this we can better define the course of action needed to make a reality of the goals that are outlined. It is for this reason that the document is being debated here today and I am sure the House will give it the serious and detailed consideration it merits.

I hope I have not outstayed my welcome in presenting this report. It is an exciting and valuable report and I am encouraged by the welcome it has received as an important contribution to policy making not only within the business and economic community but also from political parties. I look forward to the rest of the debate.

I join the Minister in welcoming this report. It is exceptionally good, one of the best ever presented. However we, the politicians, will fail to implement it. Government — I am referring to all Governments — fail to respond to this type of report. I listened carefully to the Minister and it must be said that if I was in his position I would have presented the same speech. That clearly points out what is fundamentally wrong with enterprise development in this country: the failure of politicians — I blame politicians across the political spectrum — to respond to reports such as this.

As the Minister said, this is a most welcome report and the Minister for Finance, Deputy Quinn, is to be complimented for initiating it. However, we will not take the positive action outlined in the report. While we waffle about it the Asian tiger economies, which provide the inspiration for long-term strategic economic planning, are moving ahead by leaps and bounds and doing everything this report says should be done. As I said, we know that as politicians we will not implement the recommendations.

Before I outline the areas in which we are severely negligent, I welcome how the report has set out strategies and identified actions that must be taken. Its clear central targets include the creation of 364,000 new jobs in the manufacturing and, primarily, services industries. That would lead to an unemployment rate of 6 per cent by the year 2010. It suggests that growth in public spending should be reduced to 2.5 per cent of GNP and that we require an average growth rate of 5 per cent per annum over the next 15 years at a time of global uncertainty and restructuring. Can politicians, irrespective of who is in Government, honestly say they are going to try to achieve those targets by implementing the action this report recommends? We must be honest and admit that progress to date by all parties in Government has consisted of running away from tackling those problems.

While the objectives in the report are worthwhile and consequently have been welcomed by all parties, the reality is that we do not have the will, the courage or the commitment to implement those strategies. Will any coalition hold public spending to 2.5 per cent over the coming years, especially in view of the current rate of economic growth? Will any Government take a serious attitude to the tax reform recommended in the report as necessary to secure the climate required for changes in the economy? There is an unambiguous commitment to free enterprise in the report. How do the left wing parties feel about that? We have not heard much from them but the report is quite clear in its commitment to free enterprise as the way forward for economic growth and development.

It is when one comes to the specifics in the report that one must face the fact that we are failing in a serious way. Telecom Éireann is referred to and the report goes on to outline the importance of the services sector in the achievement of the report's objectives. However, when one looks at the performance of Telecom Éireann to date — and the performance of all politicians in regard to telecommunications — it is clear that this significant development in terms of telecommunications is not going to take place.

The report describes telecommunications as a critical area. It states that major investment in broad band technology, both by Telecom Eireann and a revamped cable industry, could throw up opportunities in areas such as audio visual production, database development, medical diagnosis, home shopping, remote loss adjusting, distance learning, computer games, remote surveillance, electronic publishing, home banking and travel information. However, when I checked on the development of the broad band infrastructure in this country, I was informed by companies which are interested in this area that there is no hard evidence of Telecom Eireann being serious about putting such an infrastructure in place at present, and there is certainly no hard evidence of any serious effort to have it done on a price competitive basis.

The use of voice and data integration in a broad band system is critical to us being at the forefront of the international service sector. However, we politicians have no interest in pursuing the development of the most effective broad band infrastructure in Europe, which is what we need if we want to be serious about this aspect of the report. As I said, if I was the Minister I would have made the same speech. However, it would have been much more beneficial to the debate if the Minister had told us specifically about the various policy initiatives being taken by the Government and Telecom Eireann to put in place that aspect of the report, on which early action was described as extremely important.

I have already raised the question of the development of a centre of excellence for telecommunications. If we are to become serious players in international services, the best centre of excellence in telecommunications in Europe must be based here. The development of an integrated telecentre is a first priority. We have talked about it for years but we still have not put such a centre in place. We have made some progress in areas such as film and telemarketing, but we are only scratching the surface and are being left miles behind by our competitors. That is a second area which we as politicians are not taking seriously.

The debacle about the privatisation or part privatisation of Telecom Eireann adds up to a situation where the political will is lacking. I am being very careful here not to be party political because it was not any different in our time and we all stand indicted in that respect. The reality is that we, as politicians, are not doing anything to break the barrier created by our geographic peripherality and to bring us into the main frame which would enable us to be competitive.

We can see the developments which have taken place in other peripheral areas. For example, three peripheral areas in the United States where development was historically slow — the Carolinas, Seattle and a mid-west city — have grasped the nettle in regard to telecommunications and have the most cost effective and modern policies in the United States. They are generating hundreds of thousands of jobs, while we are languishing with the opportunities at our feet and seem unable to take the necessary action.

The report sets out a very good strategy for this specific area but the response of politicians is miserable. We should acknowledge that fact in this House. If instead of the Minister reading out a speech today which was a set of pious platitudes — and I would not have done it any differently if I was the Minister — we identified the areas in this report on which immediate action needs to be taken and brought that action about, we would be doing a good service.

The report is also specific about the need for action on the improvement of education and training. A great deal of attention is paid in the report to the learning of languages. We have talked for many years about the importance of a multilingual culture with people leaving school able to speak fluent French, German, Spanish etc. However, the reality is that our present school system is not capable of teaching young people to speak any continental language fluently.

French is the predominant language in the education system. Young people study a fairly intensive French course at school for up to six years but leave school with a very limited ability to speak the language. This report outlines the importance of oral language skills for school leavers. My daughter is sitting her leaving certificate examinations at the moment. I speak very little French but, while she hopes to do well in the examination, my knowledge of French is as good as hers.

We politicians need to take practical steps in the area of language training. There is no indication that such steps are being taken now or will be taken in the future. The report has identified the importance of language training but we, as politicians, do not have the will or courage to put those recommendations into practice.

The report refers to the mainstream European languages. It also refers to languages of emerging economies such as Russian, Czech, Polish, Hungarian etc. Our language training in these subjects is almost non-existent, despite the fact that those emerging economies are recognised by the rest of Europe as the key areas of economic growth and development. Will there be any major initiative in this respect? The answer is "no".

Our total disregard for making a contribution to the economic development of Eastern European countries is summed up by the fact we have one economic counsellor for all the former CIS countries based in Moscow. The former CIS countries are in receipt of massive amounts of investment, trade development, and business from countries like Germany, France, the Netherlands and Britain. We have one good lady who is given the task of promoting Irish business in all the CIS countries, which sums up our lack of interest. We are better placed in terms of communications than most other European countries, with the possible exception of Germany, because we have three or four flights a day from Shannon to most of those countries. Yet we have failed to seize the opportunities unlike other European countries. The language aspect of this development is seriously neglected.

Regarding the strategy framework outlined in the report, I agree with the seven areas identified. The development of the transformation in Irish owned industry to reposition, innovate and compete is one with which we would all agree. Irish owned industry is prepared to put 3 per cent of wages turnover into training and development, which is a significant percentage of the payroll; it is greater than is being put into training, research and development at present. It is difficult to see a major change unless particular incentives are provided.

Developing the product that is Ireland which we offer to foreign investment is one of the areas where we have been successful. Ireland as a product for foreign direct investment is probably more effective than most other countries. I have dealt with the reform of taxation, which I cannot see happening.

In relation to the major drive in raising the skills profile of Irish people, there is no great evidence we are going to put in the kind of investment that is necessary to bring about a major improvement in our skills. The Minister spoke about world class logistics infrastructure in Ireland. It has taken so long to bring about obvious changes, such as the welcome creation of super ferries, that one wonders if we will get around to the strategic development in transport and stock control, which the Minister outlined we need in order to bring us up to speed in this area.

There will be great difficulty implementing this report. I mentioned the inability of politicians to have the will to implement it. Consigning this report to the shelf as a great report that was never implemented can be compared to the response when Telecom Eireann tried to balance their charges about two years ago. For the first time we tried to be competitive in international telephone charges. Telecom attempted to bring reality into local call charges in order to reduce international and long distance charges. There was uproar in the country about this decision. The Gay Byrne Show went on for weeks about disaster befalling the country as a result of balancing Telecom charges.

Until we convince the ordinary people that for us to bring about the type of economic growth and development to which we all aspire, people must make sacrifices. These can only come if we are prepared to implement the fundamental and radical change outlined in this report. I hope that we, as politicians, can convince the public that those sacrifices are worth making.

I welcome the opportunity to speak on this report. There are a number of areas mentioned by the Minister and Senator Fahey where we are all sceptical of whether actual decisions will be taken. It is interesting to note the changes that have taken place in the growth of the economy and where jobs are being created. In 1960, agriculture accounted for 25 per cent of the country's GDP, today it accounts for 9 per cent; industry went from 30 per cent to 38 per cent of GDP and the service area went from 45 per cent to 53 per cent. The report states a possible 300,000 jobs could be created in the service area where there is huge potential for growth. A substantial amount of that growth is in the tourist development area. Having had discussions with possible investors, it was interesting to note costs here compared to those in nonEuropean countries. People were amazed at the difference in the costs of employment, hotels, etc.

I question the report seriously in this area. The report discusses halving the present rate of unemployment to 6 per cent and reducing long-term unemployment to no more than 50,000. I look at the numbers of people who went into the industrial sector when I was growing up. There were opportunities to go into trade and serve one's time as an apprentice carpenter or fitter. The report discusses shaping the future yet we have forgotten about this area. I sent details to the Minister some time ago about the possible growth and opportunities for the thousands of young people who decide to go on to further education. They are missing out on the opportunity of getting into an area where there is long-term employment.

Last week, I spoke to someone in the specialist area of turners providing and repairing machinery for major industry. He told me he could do with six people but there is nobody available. He has put advertisements in local papers but he cannot find the people he needs and there are jobs available for them.

Let us look at what has happened in the industrial area in the last ten years, the actual training involved, the cost of that training and the fact that the employer will be responsible for the training during the period of apprenticeship. Perhaps the Government should discuss with the unions the formation of a policy where sufficient funds would be made available for companies to provide an incentive to give young people the opportunity to become tradespeople. Employers in this area tell me it is too expensive to train people. This means we are missing out on a generation to carry out essential repairs and other necessary functions in industry. I have written to many companies who, years ago, took on substantial numbers — ten, eight or four people — on a yearly basis to be trained in these trades. Today these companies are taking on a fifth of what they used to take on; some take people on every second year. If we are talking about shaping the future, providing jobs and involving ourselves in telecommunications and other areas where we could become a base for Europe, we are forgetting the basis on which we were established.

Let us look at the vocational schools system before they received approval to hold leaving certificate classes. I guarantee the figures would show that at least 50 per cent of all the students, especially male, went into apprenticeships and many of them are today in the service industry and employing people. How can we say that, in the last ten years, we have adopted the right approach when we speak about shaping the future, when we are missing a generation of people to supply essential services. Now we propose to shape the future into the 21st century and the people who created this report have missed out one important area. I feel deeply about this because I see the changes locally as a result of the lack of this sort of development. In any further review of this policy, I would hope for a new chapter stating that it is policy to increase the numbers serving apprenticeships. I know the Minister has supported the idea of ongoing review.

The area of research and development is a new phenomenon in Ireland. We knew of research and development but it was not an aspect of industry here. I am delighted to note from the report that there has been a substantial increase in this area. I hope it continues at the level at which it has been developing because that will protect jobs and ensure the future and the expansion of many companies. If they had not got involved in R&D they would soon have been left behind. Many companies still have not become as involved as they should. The only way forward for those reluctant to get involved in R&D in their own right is to do it collectively with a group of companies with similar operations that can afford to assemble a R&D base. They might all be in the same area and that would be the R&D base for, say, ten companies. Sharing the cost would help to develop these companies.

The report mentions reform in taxation in great detail. We are all pro taxation reform. Some parties in both Houses would reduce the high rate of tax to 40p in the £ to get things moving. We should remember our neighbours across the water decided that the reduction of the high rate of tax to 40p in the £ would lift all boats but they found out very quickly that the people who had their tax reduced saved their money instead of spending it and the economy has not been going as well as those who made the decision thought. As for an overall policy of tax reduction in the last two budgets, the Government attempted to reduce the cost of labour. That has to be part of future policy and the incentives given have helped companies to expand, apart from the economic boom. There will be no tax reform until the overall concept of financing local authorities is taken into account with the total amount of tax that people pay. If radical reductions to 40p in the higher rate and 25p or 22p in the lower rate are made, from where will the funding for the services we provide to local authorities come? That has to be done in the context of an overall policy on financing and taxation. All Governments and all parties — and we have had five parties in Government in the last few years — have done nothing about this. I do not see the will to propose anything, even the Opposition are proposing to abolish only one aspect of a tax which is unpopular in some areas. That will do nothing for real tax reform.

I accept what Senator Fahey said. We now have this report but what are we doing to ensure that many of the recommendations will be implemented? If anyone makes an effort to implement parts of any report the present Minister will use his influence in Government. His thinking in this one has been, and will continue to be, positive.

A policy document which looks forward and introduces ideas on the development of areas of the economy which will create the opportunity for a huge increase in the number of jobs that can be created is to be welcomed. We have the opportunity to service many parts of the new and expanded Europe through the expansion of many companies which are based here. The report outlines the areas where this can be done successfully, but it will only be successful if the will is there to ensure its implementation. What is happening to the long term economy, especially in the area where many people are not being given the opportunity to get into the workforce at levels which will develop their skills? We have allowed this situation to deteriorate over the past ten years to such an extent that if it is not addressed, there will be a waiting list for employees with specialist skills, such as construction workers, fitters and mechanical workers. The Government must pursue a policy in agreement with the trade unions, IBEC and other agencies which will ensure that there are sufficient numbers of people available who will demand a sizeable income for themselves and their families which will add to the further development of the economy over the years.

In the past two years 88,000 jobs have been created, which is close to 100 new jobs per day in the past 12 months. This rate of employment growth continues. Substantial new developments, including the expansion of small companies, are taking place. We must ensure that a trained workforce to service these economic developments is in place so that in ten years time politicians in both Houses will not be asking why they closed their eyes to such an extent that twice the price will then have to be paid to have such services provided.

Go raibh maith agat, a Chathaoirligh. Cuirim failte roimh an Aire agus roimh an da imleabhar seo chomh maith ó Forfás. I have not had time to read the entirety of the two volumes, so I am basing my contribution mainly on the summary — I am sure nobody else is doing this — and I start therefore from a behind position. I apologise if something I say is answered in the big volume on the basis of questions arising from the small volume.

I welcome the report. It is very thought provoking and timely and is doing something that is rarely done in this country. Instead of producing reports as crisis management responses to perceived short term failure, we are now producing them at a time when things are going remarkably well by previous standards and are asking how we should be thinking strategically 15 years ahead. It is very important to have this mind-set inculcated into us. I welcome the report partly for that reason, even if I were to disagree with everything in it, which I do not. We have now got a sense of the need for strategic thinking built into our perspectives on how we approach issues.

I also welcome the way the report tries to take on board a range of issues. The Minister listed them in his speech. They include taxation, public finances, skills, telecommunications, etc. One of our abiding weaknesses in economic analysis is that we tend to home in on one variable, whether it is taxation, periphery, science and technology, and tend to imply that if only we got that right everything else would follow in a much improved way. We are now getting a large number of things reasonably right. The question now is: how does one get the most effective blend between them all?

We are confronting an intriguing intellectual conundrum, which I am sure the Minister has pondered, when we look at economic policy making in this country. Historically our mind-sets, including my own, are based on the premise of asking what has gone wrong and what are we doing wrong? We have now had relatively rapid economic growth — astonishingly rapid in the past four years, according to some figures — so we must be doing something reasonably right. This means that the type of out and out condemnation, which we brought to the point of near perfection at times, is something we must modify in the light of changing circumstances, even if some of us might believe, if we wish to be pessimistic, that we are getting the good figures at present because nearly everything that is going right is doing so simultaneously and if all of them were to go wrong simultaneously — many of them are beyond our control — we would revert to much lower growth figures. However, I am prepared to continue to talk up the economy as far as possible and to assume, therefore, that some of the things that are going right are doing so as a result of us getting things right ourselves and are not just a matter of luck.

While it can be debated, it is my firm conviction that the target for reducing unemployment ought to be the main criterion over 15 years of the degree of success achieved. However, it depends on what would be regarded as the unemployment level now. This report takes the labour force survey; others may choose to take the live register. A ILO figure is also referred to in the report which is a little above or a little below the labour force survey.

A great deal depends on what one regards as the correct unemployment figure in terms of assessing the plausibility of the target. I would be grateful if the Minister would ponder this and take us further than Government documents have done hitherto on what he regards as the key factors in the differences between the labour force survey and the live register, because our starting point makes a difference to the way we evaluate the postulated targets.

My criticism of the report reflects at one level on its strength. There is a good deal of integrated thinking, but integrated thinking does not go far enough because of the unfortunate title of the report —A Strategy for Enterprise. In his speech the Minister rightly said that all of the issues raised could be summed up in the word “competitiveness”. The report's first recommendation for urgent action — even though it appears to mean setting up another body — is the establishment of a council for competitiveness.

I far prefer "competitiveness" to "enterprise" because there is an ideological undertone in enterprise to the effect that it only occurs in the private sector and that if it not private it is not enterprise. I began playing with terminology and considered referring to this as the "market sector". However, there is enterprise in both the public and private sectors and we lack enterprise in both sectors. There is an unfortunate and unnecessary polarisation between public and private when we need partnership between the best in every area.

If one compares what the report says about human resource management with what the Government document on the public services said last week, they are nearly interchangeable. Some people might say — I know the Minister would not — that this is academic waffle and they might ask how much vocabulary matters. Language influences mind-sets and perspectives. Those who can capture the commanding heights of the vocabulary have a disproportionate advantage in setting the agenda for discussion. Language matters very much and "enterprise" is an unfortunate alternative to "competitiveness" because we need competitiveness in every area. They are so interlinked that it is misguided to try to rip the threads out of the totality of the national economic performance texture.

The report itself comes from Forfas, which is a Government body. If it had been written by the same authors as private consultants it would be in the enterprise sector. As it stands it is in the non-enterprise sector, as defined in the report itself. That highlights the artificiality of a good deal of the type of distinction drawn here. I hope we get away from it and do not become trapped because much time — perhaps some of my time at the moment — will be taken up on what ought to be a nondebate. If we were to focus on competitiveness we could avoid and pre-empt a great deal of that debate.

As far as specifics are concerned, I will deal first with communications. I agree with what Senator Fahey said about implementation. However, the focus on both telecommunications and logistics is correct. They are playing to our potential strengths. There will be insuperable difficulties if they are weaknesses rather than strengths, so I agree with that. I have a number of queries about specifics, the first of which relates to markets.

The report rightly places enormous emphasis on markets. It identifies the western European market as the main source of growth for the next 15 years and the British market as a source for Irish industry, Irish owned firms and small firms. I would like to see more emphasis placed on the potential of the western European market for our small indigenous firms. I take the point about the difficulties of growing. We demand much from our small firms by expecting them to be able to export at a much earlier stage in their product development and growth because of the small size of the home market than is demanded of small firms in a number of other countries. It is pointless to invoke what America has achieved through small firms when much of what passes for small firms in America are large firms by our standards. Those are misleading analogies. They are not in this report as such but are often invoked and are often misleading.

One should try to raise sights as to possible markets. The report mentions markets nearly everywhere in the world, including eastern Europe, south-east Asia and Latin America. However, the summary, at least, does not mention the north American market and the USA market in particular. If it does, it is in a very fleeting way. Are we in effect writing off the richest single market in the world as a source of potential growth for Irish exports? If we are, maybe it is right; I do not know enough about it to know whether we should.

However, I have just spent some time in New York and I am very conscious of the diaspora concept, which many ridiculed when President Robinson originally tried to launch it and which was not received with a great deal of reverence in the other House when she spoke about it some time ago. I am conscious of the way consciousness of an Irish dimension seems to be growing among a number of Irish Americans of second or third generation. This is not in a romantic, hazy, nostalgic or slushy way, and I do not believe anybody would buy anything Irish simply because it was Irish if the quality was not there. However, there is marketing potential in the diaspora. This potential is not in each of the 42 million who have some Irish blood somewhere in some generation but it is present in a substantial number of them if they are approached systematically and in the right way.

If this report is tending to say that we must consider the American market largely closed I hope there will be a rethink and some attempt to at least identify why it must be regarded as closed. The potential is considerable. Anything that contributes to consciousness raising about Irish identity and can be linked to economic development has potential which should not be overlooked.

I welcome the general thrust of the section on the environment. It is right that one should not regard environmental protection and industrial development as mutually exclusive or adversarial. However, the section highlights compartmentalisation even within the integrated mind-set of the report. It speaks about the physical environment and states:

For consumers, concern for the environment now transcends physical surroundings...to include the food they eat, the products they use, where they go on holiday, and the sort of world their children and grandchildren will inherit.

That is quite right. The report goes on to state that within industry there is concern about compliance costs. As they stand those emphases are correct, but splitting them tends to assume that business people are not themselves consumers in a range of ways and are themselves often concerned about the sort of world their children and grandchildren will inherit.

This leads to compartmentalised thinking when one should be trying to pull the strands together. It may be necessary for analytical purposes but it is pigeonholing where one should be breaking down barriers. I accept that there will be pressure on some business people from time to time to seek short term specific advantage, even at the expense of long term general gain. However, I hope that they can be liberated from the box into which they are put and seen as consumers and citizens who share many of the concerns attributed to consumers. I am encouraged by the stress the report places on the importance of the environment to both quality of life and marketing, in terms of the green image of Ireland and so on.

I have major queries about the section on education. I always have queries about the sections on education in economic documents. I hope it does not come from a defensive mentality of protecting one's own patch or from the NIMBY mentality. I welcome competition pretty well unreservedly in most areas, including education, and I have said that on previous occasions. In fact, I do not just welcome it; I relish the idea of competition. I am quite convinced that, given equal resources, our education system can compare with education systems anywhere.

In this context I am talking about the main report because I was moved sufficiently to find time to read it. Where the report makes criticisms of education, particularly higher education, which is the area I know best nationally and internationally, it should be more specific about those criticisms. It talks about standards not being sufficiently high and so on. I have no problem with that provided the evidence is presented. Much of the time in the education area one finds a great deal of assertion based on fragments of individual experience or the recollections of individuals as to what the education system was like when they were going through it at every level and assumptions that it is the same today.

There has been enormous change in education at third level. Anybody who has seen what is happening at second level, at least in some of the better, more advanced schools, knows how much capacity for change is built in. Some of the change may be uncoordinated and ad hoc, but there is certainly a receptiveness to change.

I would criticise the report when it says that the education system must develop a culture of responsiveness. To hell with responsiveness. The education system should develop a culture of innovation and anticipation rather than waiting to be told what some employer needs this week, next week or in a year or two and responding to that in the short term. Where the universities and the regional technical colleges have sought to respond to specific employer requirements or Government directives the results have often been disastrous. In 1979 we turned ourselves inside out to meet demands from the IDA for graduates in computer studies on the basis of their projections. Four years later when they came on stream 50 per cent had to emigrate because the projections were wrong. The report rightly lays much emphasis on foreign language learning. Just 11 years ago we were told to close down small language departments because they were to be rationalised and there was no real need for them. I hope there will be some understanding, because there is a degree of scepticism in some educational quarters about directives apparently based on projections which may be based on inadequate analysis of the issues under discussion.

I welcome the emphasis on adult education. The report states that the Government should consider the introduction of tax credits for individuals paying for their own adult education. It is conservatively estimated that the requirement for part-time third level places — part-time extends beyond adult education, but includes it — will triple by the year 2010. How far is this supported by the action of the Minister for Education in appearing to place adult education on a lower level of significance than day or undergraduate education and by the lack of emphasis on graduate education, which is crucial to future developments and which has been eliminated from consideration so far in terms of fees? There is considerable potential for integrating Government thinking in that area in the light of this report, apart from its intrinsic merits.

I would welcome further exploration of the role of the education system. The report makes a number of worthwhile points, but in many cases is based on incomprehension of where we are and where we should be. The report is also based on incomprehension of one further point, which is a basic criticism I have. As long as it confines itself to the economy, its value system and judgment and so on may be accepted. However, from time to time it equates the economy with the country. It states that if the management of education and training institutions remains unchanged, they will become progressively less well adapted to the needs of the nation. The nation is not the economy and education must service a wide range of citizen requirements. The economy is very important — I am not for one moment suggesting otherwise — but it is not the nation. People who write such reports must be clear about what they are writing and when they slip from one category to another, their value system must be made clear.

I would like to take up a point made by Senator Farrelly. I strongly support the report's recommendations on regionalism. However, it envisages a more active role and therefore more financing for local authorities. Again, this brings one to integrated thinking, because it is now talking about the political system as part of the infrastructure for enterprise culture. I agree with that because the political system is very important to the way economies develop. However, it should not suddenly talk about local authorities and Government structures when it has not considered those details. If we are to have a truly integrated report on shaping our future as a nation and not only a strategy for enterprise or for competitiveness, those dimensions must be systematically integrated. We must be clear about our presuppositions, what we have in common and where we differ.

I welcome the opportunity to debate this large report. Given that it covers such a broad canvass, I suppose we will each concentrate on different aspects of it. I support what Senator Lee said about the report being from the perspective of the enterprise sector and that it does not always take on board other aspects of activity. However, it is fairly straightforward about this when it states that while Government policy formation must necessarily take a wider perspective, the approach set out in this report is unambiguously from the perspective of the enterprise sector. The report is honest in terms of how it is approaching this.

I have some difficulties with the tone and perspective of the report; perhaps it is because of the type of language used. However, the report contains a lot of good points. The Minister referred to the need for social consensus. There is a need to debate these issues from other perspectives as well as that of the enterprise sector. I am confused about the enterprise sector and whether it includes public as well as private enterprise. There is also some confusion in the report about that, particularly in the section on regional and local development. On the one hand, it seems to be saying that there is an important role for local government structures, while on the other hand, when it refers to community, it says that there should be the least possible public sector involvement. It is important that we have a long-term strategy and approach to how we develop our economy and enterprise.

Things are going well at present and I take Senator Lee's point that we are sometimes better at looking at what is wrong rather than learning from what is right. Our economy is growing, while at the same time inflation is being kept under control. We are also getting things right under the Maastricht guidelines. Yesterday's report from Davy's stockbrokers on 1995 was very positive in terms of growth and the potential for future growth. The ESRI report which comes out today will say similar things. The economy is being well managed and we seem to be getting the balance right, which we must continue to do.

There are different traditions in relation to the market to which much of this document refers. I do not believe we can have a pure laissez-faire market economy like the Thatcherite model, nor would we want one. There are many models around but we must develop a suitable Irish and, indeed, European one, developed from our traditions rather than from others. Like the Thatcherite model, the US one is fairly market driven. While the Japanese model is successful, it has a culture of looking after people. Then there are eastern models which clearly exploit people by paying them low wages. These economies are taking a lot of jobs which might otherwise come to places like Ireland because they pay people a pittance. We do not want to facilitate that type of investment.

We must develop a tradition of social solidarity which allows business to develop while protecting the less well off. I welcome the fact that this document puts long-term unemployment at the centre of the agenda. It suggests that we reduce unemployment by half in 15 years, specifically long-term unemployment. That is a good point which perhaps counteracts some of the arguments I put forward about its approach. The present rate of unemployment is approximately 12.9 per cent. More than 60 per cent are unemployed for more than one year and over 41 per cent for over two years. Clearly, long-term unemployment is a crucial problem which faces us. While I welcome the emphasis on this, the report may not be as specific as other investigations and reports like that which the Minister mentioned from the Economic and Social Forum on long-term unemployment.

Some interventions have made a difference. I hope the local employment service and the monetary provisions to encourage employers to take on the long-term unemployed will also make a difference. We must target groups in this area as well as in education. I welcome the announcement by the Minister for Education of a scheme called "Breaking the Cycle", which aims to reduce the pupil/teacher ratio of schools in disadvantaged areas so there would only be 15 pupils per teacher in junior classes of certain targeted schools. We must go the way of targeting and the kind of intervention proposed under the local employment service in which the problems of individual unemployed people are faced and focused. For example, training schemes must look to the needs of the unemployed and not just provide training.

With regard to private industry and encouraging enterprise etc., what is the planning mechanism for getting the firms to do what we want — for example, to reinvest money? Our natively owned firms do not have a good record of reinvesting in research and development and support for apprenticeship training and I would welcome a committment to that. However, I am not sure of the mechanism to be used. We cannot leave it entirely to the market and hope that what we want to happen will come about.

I am interested in the way labour relations is covered in the report. I again welcome the suggestion in the report and the remarks by the Minister that we would not want confrontational labour relations to dominate. There would be general agreement that the consensus approach is productive and can work well, but it must be genuine. There must be a genuine stakeholding for all people working in a company; and if it is making profits, they should be benefiting as well as those at the top of the ladder. There must be genuine partnership in industrial relations. The report says that "the team should be the basic organisational cell of the firm" and that is very much in keeping with the modern trend of how industrial relations should work. However, this must be genuine teamwork and not only when it suits the employers or the people at the top.

There is a growing dichotomy between those who have money and those who do not. In the Japanese model there is a closer convergence between the wages of people at the head of large firms and those on the factory floor. However, there seems to be a growing divergence in Ireland and the rest of Europe. We are told that we must pay people at the top of semi-State companies high wages because otherwise they will not take the jobs. That belief is driven by the level of wages they would get if they were working in the private sector. If people are to feel a genuine stakeholding in their company, they do not want to feel the amount of money they are receiving or the number of hours they work is disproportionate to the hours and responsibilities of those at the top of the ladder.

There is a lot of money around the country. One only has to look at the price paid for a house in Shrewsbury Road recently, property prices generally and the number of new cars sold. A lot of money is moving around in our economy but not every sector of society is getting it and the rising tide is not lifting all boats. We must concentrate on people at the bottom of the pile. When we consider changing our taxation systeam we should first look at the tax wedge and poverty traps and try to reduce the tax burden for people at the bottom half of the wages scale. There have been changes for the better in the last few budgets in making it easier for businesses to operate, take on more people and in how they pay their taxes and PRSI contributions etc. and we must continue in that regard.

We can see definite possibilities for job creation and improvement in some areas. The service sector has shown strong increases in its employment potential in recent years while other sectors have decreased. Therefore, we must give it whatever support we can. There is also much scope in value added food products — we discussed the An Bord Bia Bill this morning. With our raw materials, we can create jobs in the food processing sector.

The environment was also mentioned and I welcome the fact that it has been covered in the report. The concept of sustainability and agenda 21 are about how we can incorporate good environmental and enterprise practice. I agree with Senator Lee. There should not necessarily be a divergence between those two aims. We should be able to carry both of them together.

There are measures in this report that some would welcome more than others. Everybody will have problems with some parts of it. The leader of the Progressive Democrats, Deputy Harney, welcomed its trend, but would she welcome all of it? For example, one section on taxation refers to property tax. It says that currently a little over 5 per cent of our revenue comes from that source — it is 11.4 per cent in the US, 11.1 per cent in Canada and 10.5 per cent in Japan. The report says it is important to consider some increase in yield from property taxes. There are some pills in the report which we are being asked to swallow. For every up, there is a down. If we do not take taxes from the current areas, we must look elsewhere.

The best thing we could do would be to bring extra people into the tax net by creating more employment and that should be our focus. The more people there are in employment, the greater the taxes that will be paid. We should not be talking about cutting support for services like health, education etc. The emphasis should instead be on bringing as many people as possible into the tax net and the workforce. There are many good and positive measures in that regard in this document.

We have learned a lot over the years about the problems faced by firms, particularly smaller ones. The only way to learn that is by having a hands on approach and examining the individual problems of small firms from their point of view. We have a high number of small and medium sized industries in comparison to large ones. If each one could even be developed to the extent of taking on one or two extra employees, we would make a big dent in our unemployment figures. We must examine their problems. While many people set up enterprises, by no means are all of them successful. It is important that they are given the kind of supports they need.

To what extent do we intervene? It is all very well to say that everything should be market driven but many small firms genuinely need intervention and support. I recently spoke to a person whose job is to assist small firms and examine their problems. Many of their problems relate to marketing and research and development difficulties. However, he told me that one of the biggest difficulties firms face is how to set their prices and work out a cost structure where they are accounting for all of their costs, make a profit for the firm and at the same time not be uncompetitive in the marketplace. That is a major dilemma for small firms. Sometimes they may not have the expertise to work that out for themselves and may need outside help from bodies like Forfás, Shannon Development and other agencies to give them that hands on approach.

This is a core activity of organisations such as Forbairt. They should support small firms and give them whatever assistance and advice they require. The Minister mentioned networking outside and inside the country and getting people in contact with markets. An Bord Tráchtála runs successful schemes which match companies outside and inside Ireland with markets. This and other work must be done.

The strategy is detailed and I am glad it is so widespread. However, it also imposes limitations because it comes from a particular perspective. The report should be a catalyst for discussion to include employers, trade unions, the National Organisation for the Unemployed and other sectors in society, including educational establishments, etc., which also have a role to play. I hope conclusions will ultimately be reached about where society should go over the next 15 years, which is the period covered by the document, and how we can build on the strengths developed in recent years without throwing away the good things achieved. At the same time, problems and possibilities must be identified and the process taken forward in a spirit of social consensus. The report is the beginning of discussion and I hope it will be widespread.

The report contains tens of thousands of words and I asked myself how I could read them all, grasp the meaning of the strategy and come up with a formula which would work over the next 15 years. I examined the good aspects first and these include that Ireland is on course to become a founding member of the economic and monetary union system. National wealth is constantly increasing and the level of economic growth in Ireland is one of the best in the European Union. However, the other side of the coin is that the level of emigration is high, a huge number of people are unemployed and there is enormous poverty in urban and rural areas.

Given this background, the strategy document was established to come up with a plan for the next ten to 15 years. It examines the changes necessary to ensure a better standard of living and a better quality of life and considers if that can be done through measures in the enterprise sector. The thrust of the debate is how the number of jobs can be increased through that sector and we must examine the changes required.

There is no quick fix solution in terms of what will work. The nature of work must be examined, including the impact of changes in terms of what type of jobs are likely to exist in the future. This aspect must be considered in the years ahead. The concept of careers and their structures is changing in relation to the tenure of work. Job security is no longer what it was and the idea of a permanent, pensionable position is gone. In the future people must take into account whether jobs are for life or a certain length of time and that once it is complete, one moves on to another area.

There is much unrest in relation to the entire nature of work and the concept of careers in the future. Regarding organisational and professional structures, many people job share or work on flexitime while others work on contract or part-time. In this context, the enterprise sector as a whole must take note of how the number of new jobs can be increased. This is a major task and, given the content of the report, I am not sure it will succeed. The report does not deal in detail with future work ethics. For example, will jobs be for life? What is a job and what is a career? How is work defined? This aspect should be debated in terms of how many people will be working ten or 15 years down the road. How do we consider ourselves in relation to work? Is a way of life more important than a job? Perhaps this matter is covered in this huge document but a wider debate on this area is required. I have only touched on it.

However, the purpose of the debate is to examine how enterprise can create jobs in the future. The report touches on the services sector, but I was unable to analyse it clearly. Ireland lags behind in relation to services and not much thought was given to this area in the past. The traditional view was that one should aim for a job in a factory or organisation. However, we must rethink that idea and concentrate on jobs in services. Little research has been conducted into what constitutes a job in the services sector, where they are available and the potential of the industry in local areas. An example is local spin off incomes from tourism.

The services sector must be examined because future progress will be in that area. Education is important in that regard. It will provide a market for young people at leaving certificate and post leaving certificate levels and consideration must be given to the type of skills required. Ireland is a member of the European Union and it should be a hub centre in terms of services and the movement of goods. Ireland can become a centre for financial services, computer skills, engineering skills and languages. A golden opportunity exists to develop a link between enterprise and the educational world, but this matter is not properly covered in the document. It is a subject for another debate. However, by international standards, the Irish education system is the best in terms of how well young people are prepared. Nevertheless, a definite link between this system and the world of work, and how one moves from one to the other, does not exist, given that many skills are useful in the services sector.

I listened carefully to Senator Lee's contribution. However, the educational system should not be geared towards enterprise alone. Young people should be prepared for the variety of work opportunities which exist and encouraged to note that Ireland could become increasingly involved in services because there is great job potential in that area. The future strategy should ensure education is linked to services. Many young economic, engineering, computer and marketing graduates have a golden opportunity to tap into the services sector. There is an opportunity for us there because we are not into marketing to the same extent as other nations. We are more into analysis.

Telecommunications is another area that works and where we would also be in the lead internationally. This would link us in with financial services, publishing and office administration and make Ireland a centre of administration and service activity for European based companies. This would be a great system if we could link into this European dimension. Many European countries would use this country as their base also.

I would like to look at the structure within companies and new ways of doing things to increase productivity, new ways of identifying the needs of new and existing clients and new ways of general management and administration. Perhaps, there is a need for change in those areas. If we looked at them and had a wider debate here, that would make this a realistic document to implement over the next ten or 15 years.

We have become so obsessed in this administration that I fear mentioning another committee, but perhaps some council should be set up which would embrace the social partners and expertise in the areas I have outlined. It would take on board the link between the service industries and our educational system, compare our competitiveness with other countries and evaluate why we are not doing well. Perhaps that is the way we should strategise our thinking in relation to this area over the next ten or 15 years.

There is a wider debate here. This is a worthwhile document with many good things in it. It will call for further discussion. I would not like us to leave here thinking that our education system should be dictated by the enterprise sector. On Senator Lee's point, I would like to think that our thinking about life would allow us to use our skills in any way we want. It has to be that rather than the enterprise sector dictating how we should think and read and the path to be followed by our education system in the future. I would keep the two of them separate. There are many areas to develop and link the two but we should not have one overlapping the other.

I always get suspicious in this House when I find a universal welcome for anything. It is quite extraordinary how everybody, not so suddenly, believes that this document is the panacea for all our ills. It makes one wonder why it was written because every speech which I have heard this afternoon has been uncritical of this report. I do not blame them. I feel very similar.

It is easy to write a report which spells out a recipe for happiness and paradise in 15 years time. It tells us what we all want but not how we are going to get there. This could have been written by many people less qualified and with less sophisticated titles but with equally ambitious intent. I am afraid that this report is to a large extent a reflection of the paralysis in which the Irish economy finds itself in terms of action.

Forfás has a big problem. It was not meant to exist. That is difficult for a semi-State organisation because it does not have a role. Forfás was set up because there was an argument in the last Government between one part of the Government and another about who should do what, which is what coalitions tend to argue about. As a result it was set up as an umbrella body over IDA Ireland and Forbairt. It did not have much to do. When you read this report you will find that one of the problems of the report is reflected in the first page which tells you what Forfás has to do. Forfás has to advise the Minister on matters relating to the development of industry in the State. It has to advise on the development and co-ordination of policy for Forbairt, IDA Ireland and An Bord Tráchtála. It has to promote, encourage and again advise and coordinate.

This particular document is full of advice, targets, objectives and will do what the Minister suggests; it will provoke debate. I am sick and tired of debating these issues, which have been debated at least since I came into this House in various forms and will be debated as long as we are alive and for many years afterwards. There will always be problems of unemployment, inflation, social partnership and national debt and whatever economic problem is current at the moment will probably be a problem for the future. Yet we have a £400,000 document doing the same again, but the big gap in this document is not its aspirations, which we all have, but its detail. It is pointless telling us that this is where we want to be in 15 years time, but we do not know how it is going to be done. It is ridiculous. It is something, of course, with which everybody can agree; it is very clever.

One of the problems we have in this economy at the moment is what the Minister and everybody in this House calls consensus. Consensus is a disaster because we all agree — those of us who have platforms and power and who are part of the Forfás report and consensus — on the way forward, but we are a small club. The authors of this document are the same people we so euphemistically call the social partners, which are Forfás, IBEC, the ICTU, FÁS, representatives of the IDA and a few people from the Department of Enterprise and Employment. They all sit down, scratch each other's backs and come to an agreement which suits them all. It does not suit the taxpayer, the unemployed and small business; but it suits the people who wrote this report and who happen to have a stranglehold over the Irish economy. The one piece of evidence that shows they have failed so badly is the one problem which is intractable, and that is unemployment. I do not suggest for one moment that I have the solution to unemployment in this country, but I do know that the stream of reports which have suggested that they have solutions to the unemployment problem have been abysmal failures. This is only one more which is a bit overhyped.

Unemployment stands at 13 per cent. Its level is marginally lower that it used be and credit should be given for that, but it is still a chronic problem which has not been radically addressed.

Here we have a piecemeal solution to unemployment like all the others. Little bits here, little bits there; that is what the Forfás report suggests. It states that it will not be easy to solve the unemployment problem and then goes on to make a multitude of suggestions as to how this should be done — as, indeed, did Culliton, Moriarty, the Central Bank, the ESRI and the National Economic and Social Forum. I could go on all day listing the number of reports which have suggested the solution to unemployment and I see no reason to believe that this report has the answer more than any of the others, except that it sets a target of 6 per cent by the year 2010, which, because it sets a target, you somehow believe it will be achieved. It will not be achieved, and I will tell the House why. The report's objectives, where there are such details, will never be achieved because this report is not about action. This is a report by people who are outside the political world, some of them totally academic about things which ought to be done. The real world of what will be done is here, and it is paralysed.

The enterprise economy in which we all apparently now believe is totally unacceptable to the left wing. Let us look at problems the Forfás report does not tackle because of the sensitivities of those who wrote it. We do not really hear what Forfás has to say about one of the great issues of the say, privatisation. Does Forfás believe that privatisation is a good or bad thing because Ireland is the most backward country in Europe in the area of privatisation? We do not privatise except when we give companies away — as in the case of Irish Steel. Otherwise there is a ban on privatisation. Does Forfás believe that privatising An Post, Aer Rianta, Aer Lingus, Telecom Éireann and all the other State companies would be in those companies' interest? Would it be good for the Exchequer or is Forfás frightened of tackling that problem? Forfás should have tackled that subject because it has been tackled everywhere else in Europe. It should have stated that it believes the semi-State companies should be privatised by the year 2000 in the following order and listed its effects as follows: so many people will be unemployed, it will save the State so much money and the money should go towards this, that and the other.

One cannot have specifics when people with vested interests sit on a report like this, and that is what has happened. IBEC, Forfás, FÁS, the Department, ICTU and all the other organisations fudge these issues because it suits them. That way they can share out the national cake as they have been doing recently, to the cost of everybody else. There is a tacit deal in place. We do not privatise because it keeps ICTU happy. For the sake of the State and the national debt, to which we all pay lip service, we should privatise but this issue is not tackled in any meaningful way.

Again, why cannot a report of this nature — which pays lip service to the need to cut the national debt but does not tell us how — say we are spending too much, we still have a budget deficit but we are going to tackle it and we suggest the following ways. Did anybody ever hear a politician say they were going to cut public expenditure? No. Why? Because they are frightened of saying that it has to be done. What we should have got from a report of this sort was a statement of how the budget would be balanced, which it ought to be, and how taxes would be cut.

It makes an extravagant claim about tax cutting. The report states that 80 per cent of all income tax should be cut to 25 per cent by the year 2010. I could not agree more. I think it is a very good idea — I also think all babies should be given ice cream from birth and for the rest of their lives. Forfás goes on to say that the rest should be taxed at 40 per cent. Wonderful, great. I think the Government should do that, but everybody knows the Government is not going to do it; it is pie in the sky. The report could have said we will do that, it will cost hundreds of millions of pounds and it will be done this way.

Most politicians who speak about this matter say natural growth will bring in revenue; this is nonsense because they have it spent long before the revenue comes in. Forfás could have said public spending is too high: we will reduce the strength of the army on the Border and will save a couple of hundred million pounds but they are not going to do that; it could have said social welfare spending is a little high and we will cut the social welfare budget by 10 per cent — that is £300 million or £400 million — in the following ways: by cutting the dole, weeding out the difference between the live register and those on the dole and examining FÁS, that great taboo which nobody dares discuss.

FÁS costs the Exchequer — and the Minister will correct me if I am wrong — about £430 million per annum which is not a bad bill for the Department of Enterprise and Employment — approximately £1.2 million per day. Perhaps this report could have said this will be done by giving the director general of FÁS £250 million next year and he would just have to make do with it. However, it does not tell us how it is to be done.

I find this report, like many others, a little tiresome. It is full of words like "strategic initiative" which means absolutely nothing. It is full of such words but has no detail whatsoever. Forfás states, when it gets down to detail, that we must involve the banks and encourage them to give a little more money to small and large business, that we must make them take a few more risks. Forfás cannot do that. The banks will not move. They are not in the business of helping out the Government or the State but of looking after their shareholders.

We had tributes paid to the need to support the services sector. Fine. That is not news to anybody in this House. The trouble with this report is that while we all agree with it, we know all this will never happen. Forfás has told us a great deal about what is necessary with regard to public spending and public service pay but the report gives no detail. It is a waste of £400,000.

I am sure Senator Ross will be delighted to know there is no consensus between him and I.

I am delighted to hear that.

I also have a problem with this report because the aspirations it sets for Ireland in 2010 are too low. They will fail to motivate and to generate the type of consensus needed to achieve the radical change this report outlines.

I welcome the process of which this report is part. In the past we never made a conscious attempt to chart long-term strategies. Instead, we reacted to external changes and crises as they arose. That approach is totally inadequate for the changed world into which we are moving. If we do not seek to shape our future, other people will do it for us.

I also welcome, like a breath of fresh air, the report's strong focus on the importance of market forces and national competitiveness. This was emphasised by the introduction of the An Bord Bia (Amendment) Bill, 1996, this morning which appoints consumers to An Bord Bia. When competitiveness is mentioned by those who are not in business, I get the impression they do not understand that the main objective of most businesses is survival. This report seems to understand that.

The report comments on many of the things I and others have talked about for years, but it is still a major step forward that they are written on paper with a harp on it. That did not happen before. If this report plays a part in shifting the entrenched attitudes in the public service to the realities of the enterprise culture, it will have been worthwhile. Last year I met a group of Americans in the United States and I was told by a man who was on a number of boards that he had adopted a policy of working hard to ensure they never opened another factory in Ireland. That surprised and annoyed me. He said the reason was that when they had to close a factory, they found it difficult to do so because it was not understood that market forces sometimes mean businesses cannot survive.

I welcome the report's emphasis on the importance of the services sector in job creation. One of the most carefully hidden facts is that the engine of job creation over the past 25 years has been the sector which got no handouts from the State and which was actively discriminated against in terms of taxation. Some 255,000 jobs were created in the services sector in the past 25 years. The report stresses that 85 per cent of net new jobs between now and 2010 will be in the services sector, of which the overwhelming majority will be local services not internationally traded ones. That is probably an underestimate of what will happen. We are a long way from appreciating the implications of the services sector for the economy.

It is clear from almost every page of this report that the old discredited view of manufacturing as the only worthwhile source of job creation will take a long time to die. Many of the recipes suggested in the report deal with manufacturing. We must continue to nurture and expand our manufacturing sector but we must stop thinking that it will make a dent in the jobs problem. Manufacturing is about creating wealth in our economy, not about creating jobs.

The Forfás report sets out an extensive and radical programme and it details all the areas we must address if we want to achieve certain goals by 2010. However, those goals are unacceptably low and I disagree with the Minister's reference to them as being ambitious. We should leave aside the goal to bring up our living standards to the EU average by 2010 because that is not the most important point. The central goal is jobs. The report states that if we do all the things it suggests we should do, we can cut unemployment in half by the year 2010. Our goal should be to reduce long-term unemployment from 127,000 to 50,000 in 2010. Are we satisfied with such modest aspirations for the year 2010? This contradicts what Senator Ross said. Are we so unambitious that we could tolerate such enormous levels of unemployment in 15 years' time?

A few years ago Senator Lee made a great impact with his book which argued that our economy has constantly underachieved since we gained our independence. He argued that instead of feeling satisfied with ourselves, we should be ashamed of the relative lack of economic progress we have made in comparison to other countries. Now the same thinking is at work again. We are ready to crawl along a road when we should be walking or running; we are unwilling to set ourselves challenging targets and we prefer to move forward in tiny steps when we should be contemplating giant leaps.

What we achieve is related to the goals we set for ourselves. If we set a low target, we may achieve it or even surpass it, but not by much. However, if we set the bar high, that will determine our expectations, and our expectations put a limit on our performance. Goals do matter; they are not an abstraction. I remember when I was at school I wanted to be on the second rugby team so badly that I worked hard and got on the first team. Senator Dardis will remember my record in rugby but I would prefer if he did not talk about it. It is not just in sport and business that targets are set and achieved, but in life generally. It is amazing what can be achieved if we set targets and say we want to be the best.

Goals are important for motivation. The Forfás report calls for radical changes which are not particularly attractive, such as widening the tax base by putting V A T on food and introducing a broadly based property tax. It also calls for a change in attitudes. However, we need to be motivated. The object of this operation was to create the type of single-mindedness many of us had seen elsewhere. In Singapore, for example, everybody is involved in trying to make the economy work. I arrived in Singapore airport at the same time as two other jumbo jets and I thought we would be hours getting through it. The first stop as we got off the aeroplane was to immigration. We were through immigration within seconds with someone who welcomed us to the country and then checked the purpose of our visit and so on. We moved into the baggage retrieval area and our bags were actually on the belt before us. We moved on to customs. I remember that part well because a very hard faced Malaysian lady asked me whether I knew that the death penalty exists for importation of drugs into Singapore and whether I had any with me. The answer to one of those questions is "yes" and the answer to the other is "no" and it is not advisable to get the two answers mixed up. I answered correctly and got through customs promptly.

Someone from my hotel was waiting for me with my name. He took me to the door where he asked me to wait a moment. There was a delay of two or three minutes and then he arrived with the car. He asked me what I thought of the airport and I told him that it was marvellous. He told me that they came second to Amsterdam last year in the competition for the best airport in the world. He told me that they were out to win it this year and asked me how I got on at immigration. I told him that immigration was very efficient. He asked me whether my bags had been ready for me at baggage retrieval and I told him they had. He was pleased about that and told me that they had lost marks for baggage retrieval last year.

He asked me whether customs was efficient and friendly and I told him it was. He asked me whether I had noticed that he did not leave his car parked on the double yellow lines outside the terminal building. The airport had lost marks the previous year because people had double and treble parked and he told me that Malaysians as a nation had decided no one would park outside the airport. All drivers would meet their guests first and then bring the car to them. It seemed to me that the whole nation was involved in competing in trying to win the competition for the best airport of the year and that is exactly what they did a few months later.

It is possible to drive a nation to succeed by setting targets that it really wants to achieve; that is what I mean when I talk about motivation. We can set targets and enthuse over them. Create motivation and it is much more likely those targets will be achieved. I believe passionately that we could create the same kind of motivation here that was created in Singapore, but only if we choose goals which set people on fire. We can do this if we tell people that by working together we can completely wipe out long term unemployment by the year 2010 and reduce temporary employment to an absolute minimum. People would ask the price; but even when told that the price will be very high, I think they would decide to do it. They would decide to do it because the goal itself would be motivation enough.

However, if all we can tell people is that by the year 2010, some 150,000 people will still be unemployed, 50,000 of whom will effectively be unemployed for life, why should we be surprised if they are not excited by the prospect? Why should we be surprised if they are not prepared to pay the price? Why should we be surprised if politicians are not prepared to stick their necks out in favour of measures which they know will be highly unpopular?

I am not saying that we should set unrealistic goals, but we have more control over what is realistic than we think. We can wipe out long term unemployment altogether if we believe enough in ourselves to do it. We can reduce overall unemployment to a fraction of what it is at present if we believe in ourselves. If we create the right motivation, we can succeed beyond our wildest dreams; but without the right motivation we will find it extremely difficult to realise even the very modest dreams set out in this Forfás report. Which way do we choose to go? The answer is in our hands.

I received this report about a week ago and as a member of the National Economic and Social Forum, I set about reading it in anticipation of this debate. It is a very weighty document and I agree with Senator Ormonde when she says that even with the summary it is very tough going. However, unlike Senator Ross, I do not claim to be a specialist in this area.

There are broad aspects of this report which I do not understand. The authors state with some pride that the promotion of the enterprise sector within a wider framework of social and economic objectives has not been previously attempted in this country. If the authors are right about that — I am not sure that they are — why should one believe that concentration on a limited sector of the economy would lead to reduced unemployment, raised living standards, a better quality of life, including the quality of the physical environment, the general state of health of the population, the level of crime, the richness, diversity and accessibility of the arts and of cultural heritage facilities?

If the Minister believes that promotion of the enterprise sector will deliver all of these benefits, then we are living in different worlds. This is particularly true since the enterprise sector, as the report sees it, does not appear to include the agricultural or State sector but includes only the manufacturing industry and traded services. Agriculture is extremely important in my constituency of Limerick West. In County Limerick we have something like 10 per cent of the national milk quota. Agriculture is of extreme importance in such a constituency.

Only one page in the report deals with the food industry in any detail. There is no recognition in this report of the importance of enterprise in agriculture. In my opinion, therefore, the report is very unbalanced. Any report that minimises the contribution which agriculture and the State sector has made in the past and can continue to make in the future to the development of this country cannot be taken seriously.

I also have difficulties with other aspects of the report. While saying that economic activity should be shifted from the public sector to the enterprise sector, the report sets a target of high environmental standards. The assumption is that industry will look after the environment. However, we all know that given a chance, and without the intervention of the State through the Environmental Protection Agency, local authorities and various other agencies, no industry will adopt high environmental standards. They will not put in scrubbers or adopt cost effective methods of cleaning their waste before releasing it into the environment. Private enterprise will continue to break environmental guidelines unless constantly monitored and they can only be monitored effectively by public agencies.

When dealing with the issue of long term unemployment the report is somewhat lacking in credibility. While it acknowledges that dealing with the problem of long term unemployment must be a central part of any long term development strategy, it rather simplistically states that there should be a new approach, that of creating an open high trust environment in which workers are encouraged to think about the purpose of their jobs and their contribution to the success of the enterprise. I would like to ask some of those who have recently been made unemployed,—for example the Packard workers in Tallaght or the Neodata workers in Newcastlewest—about that. These workers put everything into their jobs, yet those jobs were taken from them overnight without any redress whatsoever.

The report's solution is to ask workers to accept greater flexibility and more part-time, temporary or fixed contract work. In my town that means taking up work for ten weeks of the year. Who is to support those workers and their families for the rest of the year? The State? Our economy cannot become solely dependent on part-time, temporary or fixed contract workers. The majority of those part-time, temporary or fixed contract workers will be women because they are seen as the disposable workers in our economy. I would not like to see the economy going in that direction.

It hardly comes as a surprise when one comes to the section of the report that advocates tax reduction as a prime target of society. It argues for a 5 per cent reduction in the total tax take in the next 15 years. The main justification for this apparently is "to make clear the implied relative shift of resources towards the market sector of the economy". How will this tax reduction take effect and how will it affect necessary current expenditure on social welfare, health and education?

Every page of the report calls for Government support but support is a euphemism for providing money. What other type of support can one give except that which has to be financed? In every page of the report, whether it deals with education or public administration, the word support is used without defining what it means.

There is great emphasis in the report on the free enterprise market, but no country has adopted a totally free enterprise culture. Even the United States does not have such a culture; it has successfully negotiated trade agreements that protect its own industries while imposing penalties on countries such as Canada and Mexico that adopt a different international trading position vis-à-vis Cuba.

The United States will adopt a free enterprise culture when it suits, for example, when it comes to exporting its own products. However, when it comes to foreign imports the US is not so keen to see Japanese cars flooding the market.

The United States is not a model we should follow. Ireland has a mixed economy, comprising public and private enterprise, which is working well. Just as no team manager would switch key players or the game plan half way through a match, neither would it be in the best interests of our economy to radically change direction. To do so would leave vast sectors high and dry.

I am disappointed that only three-quarters of a page in the report is devoted to regional policy. One of the big problems facing any public representative from a rural constituency is the growing awareness that native industries setting up in Ireland are drawn towards large urban centres. This leads to massive problems in rural areas, yet the report provides no solace to anyone from a rural area who is hoping for a re-examination of regional policy.

In the 1960s and 1970s there was a marked regional policy that tried to divert much industry away from cities into rural areas, but that policy has clearly been abandoned. Cities like Dublin are growing without any major overall plan; they are sprawling at an enormous rate and are creating huge social problems. Meanwhile, large areas of the west are devastated and young local people who have been trained are leaving to work in cities. There is nothing in the report about this serious social and economic problem which needs to be tackled. It will have disastrous consequences for the social fabric of rural areas if it is not dealt with. The report contains nothing to counterbalance the problem.

Much of the report can be praised as it contains fresh thinking. While I do not wish to be overly critical, I raised some points in case we all got lost in a sea of congratulations and bualadh bos for the report. There are serious gaps in it and serious problems in the approach it takes to various areas.

I welcome the contributions that this Forfás report, Shaping our Future, can make to the debate on industrial policy. It is a valuable document in that respect. We in the Progressive Democrats are pleased with the thrust of the report in so far as Forfás seems to support many of our key policy positions on the economy.

Some of the options favoured by the document include a reduction in personal taxation to increase the incentive to work; reductions in both capital and corporate taxes to promote job creating enterprise; the provision of key State companies to enhance competition in sectors such as telecommunications and energy and encouraging greater private sector involvement in the provision of public infrastructure, particularly in the transport area. All these ideas can be found in recent economic policy documents published by the Progressive Democrats. From that point of view I welcome the report.

In recent weeks my colleague, Deputy Molloy, has argued for an innovative and imaginative approach to funding the Dublin light rail project, and the involvement of private sector finance in this major infrastructural development. He obviously argued this so successfully that the Government was defeated on the matter yesterday in the Dáil. However, there is no evidence that the Government has made even a cursory examination of private sector funding despite the fact that such partnerships are becoming increasingly common around the world.

As Senator Quinn said, the report is too gradualist. For instance, Forfás talks about reducing the basic rate of income tax from 27 per cent to 25 per cent by the year 2010. However, cutting two points off income tax over 15 years is not a very ambitious target. When the Progressive Democrats were in Government they succeeded in clipping five points off the basic rate in just three and a half years.

If we are serious about promoting industrial development and generating new jobs, a more radical approach is called for. We need a five year programme of tax reform that would transform the economics of job creation within the lifetime of a single Government. The basic rate of tax could and should be cut to 20 per cent and the top rate to 40 per cent. We should reduce the number of taxes on earned income from four to one by abolishing employees' PRSI, the health levy and the training and employment levy.

If we are serious about job creation we cannot persist with a system that taxes the earnings of a worker on £247 per week at a marginal rate of 56 per cent. What kind of crazy tax system do we have when a person on £2,500 a week faces a lower marginal rate than someone on £250 per week? We must also move to reduce the level of employers' PRSI. This is essentially a tax on jobs and it must be brought down if we are to give firms an incentive to take on additional employees.

Solving the unemployment crisis must be our number one political priority. The economic costs of unemployment are huge. We have paid out over £5 billion in unemployment compensation in the last five years alone. The Government's task force on long-term unemployment estimated that taking account of dole payments and income tax foregone, the cost to the Exchequer of having a person out of work is about £10,200 per year. Given that the real level of unemployment is of the order of 350,000 people, the cost of joblessness to the Exchequer is now running at £3.5 billion per year or almost £70 million a week.

The social costs of unemployment are all around us. We can see the human misery it causes as well as the deprivation and disadvantages that result from it, and the culture of drugs and crime which prospers in the midst of unemployment. We have now reached a point where whole areas of our towns and cities have effectively become detached from the normal workings of the economy because of the impact of unemployment, particularly long-term unemployment.

The Forfás document is but the latest contribution to the debate on how we solve the unemployment crisis. It points out that reform of our tax system is an essential part of any job creation policy and my party fully agrees with that. Four years ago the Culliton report on industrial policy came to the same conclusion and just last week the European Union published a report on the Irish economy which highlighted the same issue. We might be short of jobs but we are not short of analysis and advice. It is about time we got down to implementing that advice.

Everybody is aware of the crippling burden of our tax system and the impositions it places on the competitiveness of Irish industry. Take a typical company employing 350 people. The typical worker in that company earns a gross wage of £193 per week. A Government that was strongly committed to creating, protecting and maintaining employment in the Irish economy would ensure that workers in such companies were given every incentive to work. However, the reality is different.

The workers in the company I cited pay four separate taxes on their weekly wages. They pay income tax, employee's PRSI, the health levy and the training and employment levy. This means the same slice of income is taxed four times so effectively the workers are paying tax on tax. After paying the four taxes a typical single worker in that company takes home the princely sum of £148 per week. Some £45 per week, almost one-quarter of his or her weekly earnings, is swallowed up in tax and deductions.

This is not much of an incentive for people who are on the dole to move into paid employment. How many plants, such as the one I described, have closed because of our crazy tax system? How many such plants have failed to locate in Ireland because of our tax policies? If the situation is bad for employees it is just as bad from the employer's point of view. The company must pay employer's PRSI, a fifth tax on the total wage bill. This brings the weekly wage cost for the average worker to £209 per week. Within the past week I received a communication from the Farm Tractor and Machinery Trade Association, the people who sell farm machinery, which made exactly the same point and said how difficult it was for them to employ people. We have the incredible situation where it is costing a company £209 to pay each of its workers £148 per week in take home pay. The Government, through five separate taxes, collects no less than £61 per week from every worker in that typical company. That is tantamount to imposing a 30 per cent tax on job creation.

I agree with Senator Quinn that we need to give people a stake in the nation. That brings us back to the example of the airport in Singapore where people felt they had a stake in its success and were prepared to go out and work for it. We can do the same if we give people the same feeling that they have a stake in the nation.

Unfortunately, this report is likely to join the other reports on the political shelf. Essentially it argues for the creation of an enterprise economy and I doubt that the present Government supports that. That has been confirmed by the contribution of Senator Kelly which demonstrated the divergence of views among the Government parties on this matter. The Government is deeply divided about several important issues and taxation is just one of them. Fine Gael in Opposition was——

As were Fianna Fáil and the Progressive Democrats in Government; let us keep the record straight.

Senator Dardis without interruption.

Senator Taylor-Quinn should not interrupt because I was about to give her a bouquet and now I might have to reconsider.

How condescending; a perfect chauvinist comment.

I would have made the same comment irrespective of her gender. Fine Gael in Opposition was one of the loudest voices in favour of tax reform yet in Government that party appears to be content to go along with the tax and spend philosophy beloved of some of its partners.

The Progressive Democrats in Government were far more profligate with the nation's finances than the present Government.

I suspect that before Fine Gael faces the electorate in the next general election, it will have rediscovered its enthusiasm for tax reform.

The last budget made virtually no progress in reducing the burden of taxation on work. A single person on £300 per week gained £1.71 from the budget, less than the price of a pint. Income tax in total will rise by £260 million in 1996 and almost 90 per cent of this will come from the PAYE sector. The January budget increased the overall burden of taxation on the economy by £730 million, which is equivalent to an extra £14 per week in tax on every household. Taxation this year is budgeted to increase by 6.5 per cent, three times the rate of inflation. If the Government had moderated its appetite for increased taxation and kept the increase in line with inflation, it would have been able to reduce the basic rate of income tax by almost 7 per cent to 20 per cent.

The Labour Party came to power in 1992. By the end of this year that party will have succeeded in pushing up the Government's total tax take by £3.25 billion, an increase of 35 per cent, almost four times the rate of inflation. It is a sobering thought that if the increase in overall taxation had been kept in line with inflation since the start of 1993, we could have halved everybody's income tax bill.

If that had been done since 1990 it would have been even better.

Acting Chairman

Allow Senator Dardis to conclude.

I am obviously getting through to the Government side and making some progress.

The Senator dropped his shield ages ago.

The financial scope to cut taxation has existed and still exists. What has been and still is missing is the political will to carry through a comprehensive programme of tax reform. In deference to the Senators' feelings I had better move away from taxation since it causes such problems for them.

The report makes a wide range of proposals in the broader area of industrial policy which, while eminently sensible, may be described as provocative given the composition of the present Government. It advocates the sale of Telecom Éireann's Cablelink subsidiary to an independent network provider as a means of increasing competition in the telecommunications sector. It also advocates privatisation in the energy sector and that private sector provision of generating capacity should be encouraged. As a means of achieving this it suggests that the sale of existing ESB power stations to the private sector should be considered. It will be interesting to hear the views of the Government on these issues. We are moving slowly towards greater competition in areas such as telecommunications and electricity but this is only because we are being directed to do so by Brussels.

There appears to be no great appetite for the promotion of competition in the Irish administrative system. Indeed, by using derogations and other devices, we have endeavoured to limit as far as possible the extent to which EU directives will open up State monopolies to competitive pressures.

One of the key ideas running through the Forfás report is that the State should be willing to reduce the extent of its direct involvement in the Irish economy. The authors of the report are to be commended for their bravery in putting this suggestion before the Government, which appears to have set its face firmly against any such development. It is time we recognised that Governments do not create jobs. If they did we would have achieved full employment years ago.

I support Senator Kelly's comments about the scope within the agriculture and food sectors for development and job creation. There are many highly successful organisations in those sectors, such as the Kerry Group, but they are exceptions rather than the rule. Much of our native industry has passed into foreign hands. More could be done to ensure that indigenous companies contribute to the economy and that, as a result of our policies, we do not force them to locate their processing and other downstream activities, which should provide jobs in rural areas, in other countries. Our present system discourages investment and enterprise and if it continues, those companies will continue what they have already started and go to other countries to carry out their processing and added value activities. That would be a major loss to the Irish economy.

I welcome the report. It is a useful document in terms of creating debate on these important matters.

I compliment the Minister on his efforts to try to lead the ongoing thinking process on the creation of what we loosely term an enterprise economy. I join Senator Dardis in congratulating the Leader of the Fine Gael Party—the Taoiseach—and the Members of the party who, while in Opposition, created a mood of acceptance of the notion that if something is taxed there will be less of it. If we want more enterprise, we have to reduce the taxation of enterprise. It took a long time for even economists to accept that. My party hammered away at that notion in Opposition while I was a Member of the other House between 1989 and 1993. Opposition is a comfortable place to be when one is hammering away at——

Why did the Senator change to this House?

Acting Chairman

Senator Cotter, without interruption; Senator Dardis had his chance.

I have to try to get my own back.

We hammered away at it until eventually the economists accepted it. They then wrote newspaper articles about how taxation was too high and that tax reduction would have an impact on the creation of jobs and new enterprises. I am proud I was a member of the party at that time. It is a different matter when one is in Government, as the Progressive Democrats proved when they were in Government.

We took five points off the rate.

The EBR was increasing at a rate of 9 per cent per year while the Progressive Democrats were in Government. That is an incontrovertible fact; it is now part of history. The EBR will increase this year by 2.5 per cent— hopefully less. There are things one can do when in Government and about which one can preach when in Opposition, but there is a great dividing line between the two. It is important to realise that.

The present Government is doing a marvellous job; everybody says so. Some Members of this House, such as Senator Dardis and Senator O'Kennedy, make terrible accusations against the Government but they are not basing their arguments on facts. There is a consensus that the Government is doing extremely well. For the first time 88,000 jobs were created in two years. That is an incredible performance by the economy.

When one is in a hole one should stop digging.

We were in charge of the economy when that happened and we took no steps to prevent it. When we came into Government a couple of years ago there was a suggestion that all the money would rush out of Ireland to be invested in other economies. That did not happen because those who control funds were quite happy with the Government, and have been happy ever since. The de facto position is that the Government has a firm hand on the tiller.

So far, but it lost a vote in the Dáil yesterday.

The Government is continuing to develop the kind of taxation system to which we aspire, although it is a slow process. I have never seen any report since the 1958 Whitaker report being implemented. However, every report we have had was valuable. They all informed and helped to develop thinking. This report pushes back the horizon a little. It could not have been produced if the Whitaker report had not been written. The production of this report makes it possible to put another piece of the Whitaker report in place. It is a process of evolution.

In the Canadian election last year two members of the governing party were returned. The party was annihilated; it was wiped out.

I hope that is not an aspiration on the part of the Senator.

No, I am not concerned in the least about my personal position —and never have been—but I am concerned about the continued existence of my party as a strong force in politics. My party is not going to do anything foolish or try to change society overnight unless the mood is right. However, we will continue to offer leadership. I am proud to be here this evening with this Minister because he is offering leadership. He is leading the thinking process and the development of ideas. Many of the issues he discussed and the notions he put forward will not be implemented during his time in this Government, but they will be implemented at some time in the future. We have to plough the ground and plant the seed before we can reap. If one starts to reap before one has ploughed one will have a mess —everybody realises that.

The Senator should consider the parable of the sower—not all that seed grew.

Many of the seeds which are planted grow, but we have to wait and be careful to plant them at the right time if they are to grow. We then have to reap at the right time. Politics is the art of the possible, not the art of selfdestruction. I would be very disappointed if the Fine Gael Party was wiped out in the next general election because it is making a tremendous contribution to the development of society. I want it to stay in Government and to continue to offer that necessary leadership.

This report is valuable. I do not agree with my colleague who said it was a waste of money. It is another step in a particular direction. If an evaluation is carried out in four years' time, a completely different set of proposals will be made. Society is changing at such a rate that nobody in their right mind would even attempt to forecast what kind of society we will have in 2010. The changes in technology and education, and the changes our young people will make to society, mean we cannot forecast very far into the future. I am happy with many of the ideas in the report. It has aspects which some people will like and others will not.

When did value for money become a matter of ideology? Most of us in the Government are united on that point. Value for money is not a PD notion but something to which we all aspire. People, such as Senator Kelly, are afraid that if we take a wild notion to turn society upside down overnight the poor and those in need of support will not be helped. I share her views on that. My first and basic principle is that the weak in society should be protected. Once we have agreed on that we can look for value for money. From talking to my colleagues in other parties I cannot see any blockage in that area.

The old labels of left and right are nonsensical nowadays. There was a time when people used to say that because the Labour Party was on the left it would not agree with certain matters. However, there has been a change there. While certain matters might not have been acceptable to them at one stage because they were unacceptable to their forefathers, that has now changed. An evolution is being forced on us because society is changing so quickly. Nobody is going to nail the Labour Party and say it will not do certain things because they are "lefties". The Labour Party has always been very responsible in Government. It has changed and will continue to change.

We have to agree first that we are not going to throw the weak and poor in society to the wolves. Once we have agreed that, we can move to value for money and look at every part of our public administration system. If we wish, we can decide to change that and get better value for money. However, we are not going to interrupt, destroy or sacrifice the poor and those who need our support in society by making changes. Every party will support it. The ideological lines drawn years ago are totally irrelevant now. When people refer to the Labour Party, they are not referring to today's Labour Party.

I am anxious that we should get full value for money with regard to everything we do and that services are delivered in the most efficient and cost effective manner possible. I, and many people who would be so-called "lefties", agree that market forces should be brought to bear on as much of our economic activity as possible. Many people would agree with that but there might be details with which they would not agree. We will not serve our people right or well unless we seek value for money in every area. There are changes necessary. The Civil Service needs changes implemented in the way they do their work. We have to release the full potential of every individual working in the Civil Service and the old system will not allow that. We have a Strategic Management Initiative now in place. When we evaluate that in a few years time we will probably have a different approach. That is all right for today but it will not be all right for tomorrow. We have to constantly change. Therefore, I want value for money. I do not agree with Senator Dardis that the ideal lower rate of tax should be 20 per cent. The ideal rate of personal tax is zero per cent.

I did not say it was the ideal rate. I said it was a rate which we had put into a policy document as being something which could be achieved.

We should be aiming at the lowest possible rate of personal tax. I do not want to hang any tag on it. We should try to reduce personal and corporate tax progressively, to the lowest levels possible and the Government is committed to this. In the last two years it has taken steps in that direction. Only the blind will fail to notice that.

Even with 20/20 vision one could fail to notice.

In the next two budgets before the general election they will progressively continue to do that. They have reduced the EBR from an average 9 per cent to about 2.5 per cent, which is a huge move in the right direction. We want to see this going ahead, with better control over our public finances, less demand by Government on scarce money within the economy and more growth. There is an evolution of thought going on and the Progressive Democrats have been caught up with it long ago.

I am glad we were there to be caught up with.

Other people agree with what they are proposing. They have to change tack if they want to maintain their identity.

Banks do not invest in the Irish economy. They pick and choose. They do not take equity in companies. They lend money only if they are sure of getting it back. This should be examined. Some day we should pass legislation forcing the banks to take equity in the Irish economy. We should be thinking in terms of 30 per cent of their profits being injected into the economy in the form of equity, not in the form of lending. I would like us to examine whether that is feasible. I know from experience, the banks in other economies take equity and are involved in business. The banks here are sheltered. They pick the sweet apples and give them money in the full knowledge they will get it back. They make huge profits but do not invest any of it in the Irish economy. They must do this.

We can easily identify the weaknesses in the Irish economy. The indigenous sector has huge problems. Management capacity has to be improved. When that matter is discussed, one is drawn into talking about the way we have been using the grants system. We would need another hour or two to discuss that. The most important thing the Irish economy has to do is to continue trying to capacity build at management level. Poor management implies poor performance and earning. It implies putting a low value added product on the market and low earning for the worker and the State. Capacity building at management level must form the centrepiece of everything we do from now on. Innovation is part of the function of management. Any of the innovative factories of which I have had experience, which continually develop products, have excellent management. The ones that do not have weak management.

I thank the Minister and those responsible for bringing this report before the House. It gives us an opportunity to discuss the situation and, more importantly, inform ourselves and the public. It is an effort to create new moods within which we can operate and continue to develop the economy until we have reached a better standard of living.

It is appropriate that the Minister is present to listen to the debate on this report. Many aspects of the report are familiar, because many of its proposals and issues were raised by the Minister as the Opposition spokesperson on industry. As the Fine Gael policy co-ordinator, he did tremendous work in sparking off discussion and debate within and outside the party in promoting an enterprise culture. This report is well timed. I am delighted the Minister is here as Minister for Enterprise and Employment as he is in a position to implement the proposals and recommendations in the report.

We should take the opportunity to compliment the Minister on the work he has done to date in engendering an enterprise culture within the Irish community and encouraging people to establish their own businesses. The arrangment that £60 million be set aside for venture and seed capital is a major initiative for people to start their own business.

The Minister's promotion and implementation of the special loan scheme for the small and medium sized enterprises has been extremely successful because it assisted businesses which were in difficulty and could have gone to the wall. The £208 million set aside will enable many businesses to survive. He has helped small businesses by providing support for innovation services. All this lends to the spirit of enterprise within the community. One of our industries that has recently been subject to huge job losses is the clothing industry. Just weeks ago the Minister announced a major plan to bring that industry into the next century so that it can compete on European and international markets. That is extremely important. The announcement as regards assistance in auditing and design was welcomed by people in the industry.

These matters are fundamental to the viability and success of a business. I believe the Minister is moving in the right direction. His statements as Opposition spokesman for Fine Gael and his actions in Government have leaned towards helping business and enterprise. I hope he will be in that position for quite some time to come as he has foresight and understanding of what is necessary.

This report is very interesting and I am delighted it has sparked off such a level of debate and varied contributions from the Opposition and the Government parties. That is very healthy. With such a report, Shaping Our Future, it would be very bad if we did not have varied opinions and the freedom to express them. We are expressing constructive suggestions that can be pulled together in the interests of the people.

This is a discussion document which I hope will get a response from interested parties across the community. Everybody—the trade unions, industry, farming, public or private sectors or the service industry—should read this report, comment on it and have an input from their perspective. We are an island nation, on the periphery of Europe, at a competitive disadvantage and we must ensure that we are cost-competitive with international trade. Given that from a telecommunications, technology and transport point of view, the world is becoming smaller it is imperative that we are alert to the pitfalls of the future and take preventive action rather than trying to remedy the situation after a problem has arisen. That is why this report is important.

It could be said that, in a sense, it is idealistic and coming from one position, that is, Forfás, a combination of the IDA and Forbairt, who has one underlying objective—to create enterprises. They deal with this from their own specific viewpoint but a politician has to look at the overall good of the community. That is why there has to be a political face on it. One criticism of the report is that it is aspirational but there is no cost mentioned and no proposal has been analysed for cost. For instance, mention is made of achieving tax reform and a substantial reduction in the national debt. I would like to see how that might be done and its cost over the next 15 years. Both aspirations are highly commendable but in the end, the politicians will have to implement them and we have no formula in this report to help us achieve that. The Minister and his Department might arrange for an analysis of the cost of how the combined aspirations might be secured.

It is important to continue to engender in the minds of the Irish people the importance of self-sufficiency, first as individuals, and second as a country. For too long we have looked to the Government and State agencies. The dependency culture that has been generated in the last 20 years is not too laudable. I am delighted that we are focusing on self-reliance and enterprise. People are being asked whether they can succeed in starting a small service or manufacturing business. I was disappointed that while the report recognises that there has been a huge fall in employment in agriculture and its levelling off means it will not be as dramatic in the future, it does not deal in any great detail with how to create an employment spin-off in agriculture. More consideration should have been given to our natural resources, agriculture, food processing, fisheries, etc.

There is a commendable tendency regarding foreign direct investment. It is important that we continue to get foreign direct investment, whether from international companies or by way of joint venture between foreign and Irish companies. There is a great future for the joint venture approach in securing international markets and this should be pursued. It is crucial to recognise the importance of the service sector—and how it may generate huge employment in the future—and the tourism sector to the national economy. We need to keep a close look on the level of payment of employees in those sectors. There is a danger — especially in the tourism sector — that if employees are not given attractive employment standards, the existing potential will not be realised. That would be a disaster because Ireland is one of the most attractive places for tourists. Although we have made great advances, it is a sector that needs to be watched very closely.

In recent years, one of our advantages has been a skilled workforce, particularly in the technological area. A young, skilled workforce was available to new companies and that attracted many companies to Ireland. We need to stay ahead in that area and that is why the education of the labour force is so important. It is equally important to recognise that, while we educate our people for industry and the number of working hours per week will be reduced, people will need to be educated to make the most of their leisure time. It is important to maintain the academic aspect of education for the fulfilment of the whole person.

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