I am thankful for the opportunity to speak on this important matter. The Seanad will be aware of my visit over the past week to Indonesia and East Timor. Although I have always followed developments relating to East Timor closely, I was not prepared for the full horror which confronted me when I visited Dili, East Timor's capital, last Saturday. My experiences there brought home to me the brutal fact that the suffering of the Timorese people has been continuing for nearly 24 years, ever since the illegal invasion of their territory by the Indonesian army in 1975. It is time for the international community to insist that this suffering must at last come to an end and that the people of East Timor ought finally be allowed to exercise their right to self-determination in a free, open and peaceful manner.
In keeping with commitments which I made to the Oireachtas over the past year, the main purpose of my visit to Jakarta and Dili was to express my solidarity with the cause of the people of East Timor. I also travelled there to seek the release of the resistance leader, Mr. Xanana Gusmao, whose outstanding qualities have made him a force for moderation and a leading spokesman for the Timorese people in recent years.
I also pay tribute to the East Timor Ireland Solidarity Campaign for its outstanding work in recent years, ensuring the issue of East Timor received the attention it deserves from Members of the Oireachtas and the Irish people in general. Particular credit is due to the dedicated work of the leader of the campaign, Mr. Tom Hyland.
I arrived in Jakarta last Thursday, 15 April. My first meeting was with Mr. Ali Alatas, the Indonesian Foreign Minister, the following morning. During this meeting we covered a wide range of bilateral and international issues in a detailed, substantive and frank manner. I am happy to say that on many of these issues we shared similar views. The main focus of the meeting, however, was on the subject of East Timor. Mr. Alatas explained in detail the approach which Indonesia would take at the next round of the tripartite talks with Portugal which are being resumed today under the aegis of the UN Secretary General in New York. He expected that these talks would be concluded successfully and that the method of consulting the people of East Timor on Indonesia's autonomy proposals would be on the basis of universal suffrage. Details of the pre cise formula are, however, still under negotiation in New York.
I sought from Mr. Alatas assurances concerning the release of the Timorese resistance leader, Mr. Xanana Gusmao, who is currently being held under house arrest in Jakarta. Regrettably, the Foreign Minister could only respond that his release would take place in the context of an overall agreement. He conceded, however, that Mr. Gusmao could in the meantime be part of the negotiating process and that either he or his appointees could take part in inter-communal discussions in Dili involving, among others, the Indonesian Human Rights Commission and the two bishops in East Timor, Bishop Belo and Bishop do Nasciento.
Later that day, I met Mr. Gusmao at his place of detention in Jakarta. He spoke of the deterioration in the situation in East Timor which was clearly a matter of great distress to him since the Liquisa massacre on 6 April. He explained the background to his statement of that day – which had been interpreted by some as a renewed call to arms – and his subsequent clarifications. He reiterated his desire for a ceasefire by all parties in East Timor and expressed his deep distress at the recent murderous activities of the pro-integration militias. He strongly suspected that these militias were acting with the support and encouragement of the Indonesian armed forces in the territory.
The following day, 17 April, I travelled to Dili, the capital of East Timor. I was shocked and horrified by what I encountered there, as was my party. My first meeting was with the military commander, Colonel Tono Suratman. It was clear that he was aware fully of the activities being carried out throughout the territory by the pro-integration militias but it was evident that he was making no effort to curb their rampaging or to protect the ordinary citizens of the territory from their brutal behaviour. Lorry loads of armed militia drove directly past his residence during my meeting with him.
Shortly afterwards, a prominent local citizen, Mr. Manuel Carrascalao, came in great distress to the commander to report that his house was being attacked by the militia and that his 17 year old son had been wounded. As it transpired from later developments, it is clear the commander took not the slightest action to calm the situation, nor did he demonstrate any willingness or sense of responsibility to act in support of the civil power – in so far as any existed – in order to maintain law and order and to protect the lives and property of citizens.
I was appalled by my meeting with the Indonesian appointed Governor, Mr. Soares. This official was quite adamant that he put no store by what the Indonesian Government might agree with Portugal and the United Nations. He said that he would countenance only the implementation of an autonomy plan and that there should be no consultation on it, no matter what the Indonesian Government might agree inter nationally. It was clear that for him "autonomy" meant acceptance of Indonesian sovereignty in East Timor, in other words, integration. He further stated that, if autonomy was rejected and the consultative assembly in Jakarta voted to part ways with East Timor, he would continue to fight for the integration of the territory, or at least part of the territory, with Indonesia. This might lead to some form of partition.
My next meeting was with the Nobel laureate, Bishop Carlos Belo. The bishop was dismayed by the army's apparent reluctance to defend civilians against murder. He believed that efforts were being made to pre-empt the consultation process, through a campaign of intimidation and terror, in order to force people to vote for integration. He believed that the leaders of the pro-independence groups were being targeted for murder so that their followers would be left leaderless. He believed that a free and fair consultation could not be held in the existing climate of violence and that a UN presence, coupled with the disarming of the militias, was, therefore, an immediate necessity. The bishop also noted that regular shipping services from Surabaya had ceased and that food and medicines were becoming scare. He believed this was an attempt to demonstrate to the East Timorese the likely consequences of independence.
While I was meeting with Bishop Belo, our discussions were interrupted by the sudden arrival in a state of enormous distress, of Mr. Carrascalao to announce that his son had just been killed by the militia. A few minutes later, his daughter, also in extreme distress, came to say that her brother had been murdered and the militia were attacking others. It transpired subsequently that they were murdering others while we spoke with the bishop.
I also met several aid workers during my visit to Dili. They supplied details of the attack by the militia on Mr. Carrascalao's house where more than 150 refugees had been sheltering. We now know that a number of these refugees were killed. The fate of others who were taken away by the militia is still unclear. The aid workers had also witnessed attacks by the pro-integration militia on a local market. In each case they saw army and police units standing by but not making the slightest attempt to protect the unarmed civilians. They had also seen army units cheering the trucks of armed militia as they drove past the army posts. The aid workers also believed that it was Governor Soares, who had earlier addressed a rally of the pro-integration militias outside the official government buildings, who had encouraged them to proceed with their murderous rampages and attacks.
When I returned to Jakarta I telephoned Foreign Minister Alatas to inform him of what I had seen and heard during my visit to Dili. Mr. Alatas expressed his regret and sought to explain the events in terms of the long-standing divisions within East Timor. He promised that the Minister of Defence and Chief of Staff, General Wiranto, would travel to East Timor this week to investigate the situation on the ground.
I also spoke to the UN Secretary General, Mr. Kofi Annan, and to my colleague the Portuguese Foreign Minister, who kindly phoned me to inquire about my safety and that of my party. I informed them of what had occurred and of my deep concerns. I subsequently contacted the US Secretary of State, the Australian Foreign Minister and others. I also briefed the EU Ambassador in Jakarta on the afternoon before I left.
I reiterated my concern when I met the Indonesian President, Mr. Habibie, on Monday, 19 April. He assured me that Indonesia fully intended to go ahead with the tripartite talks in New York this week. He also said that he had asked the Red Cross and the National Commission for Human Rights, together with two Timorese bishops, to help calm the situation and to establish the facts. He repeated to me the options that Mr. Alatas would be putting forward in the tripartite talks – after they had been approved by his Government. He stressed that the people of East Timor should have the option themselves either to stay with Indonesia or to separate from Indonesia "in peace and honour".
The president added that Indonesia would be willing to accept, in addition to a UN presence, the involvement of a number of other countries in observing the implementation of the consultative process. External involvement, alongside that of the UN, is desirable. I hope if this is agreed that the EU could also be collectively represented. I pressed for the presence of UN peacekeepers. However, President Habibie said that this would not be acceptable to him.
I subsequently had a meeting with the Indonesian Defence Minister, General Wiranto. He left a cabinet session on East Timor to meet me and said he would visit East Timor the following day. He intended to meet Bishop Belo, pro-integration groups and the Governor. He said he would do everything possible to calm the situation. He also said he would meet local officers and discuss how to keep peace on the island.
It is reported that General Wiranto arranged a ceasefire agreement in Dili yesterday and that the militia will now lay down its arms. While some scepticism has been expressed about whether this ceasefire will be honoured, I hope it marks a step in the right direction. Sadly, it is also reported that five more people died on the island yesterday and it is clear that tension remains very high.
My visit to Indonesia and East Timor was at times a shocking experience. The right of the East Timorese people to exercise self-determination in a free, open and peaceful manner has been challenged directly. It is essential that further bloodshed is avoided and that some level of stability is restored to the territory. For that reason it is essential to establish some form of UN presence at the earliest possible date. An early and positive conclusion of the tripartite talks should facilitate this. The onus will then be on Indonesia to implement in good faith whatever may be agreed between the parties in New York.
The Government is committed to doing everything it can to promote a peaceful transition in East Timor. I will raise this issue with my EU colleagues at the General Affairs Council in Luxembourg next Monday. Since my visit the EU has issued – with our support – a strong statement on the latest developments and has also made a follow-up approach in Jakarta. We are considering what contribution we can make nationally at present. If a UN presence is agreed and it is one to which we can contribute then it will be considered favourably.
We are also examining how we can support the work of Irish NGOs. They make an exemplary contribution to whatever country they visit. They are brave and courageous people and they work for courageous organisations. For example, the Department has recently approved financial aid for a project, to be managed by Trócaire, to assist the people of East Timor in the area of conflict resolution and the mediation of disputes. Some aspects of this project would draw on our experiences in Northern Ireland and the lessons we have learned there of the clear need to draw all elements of the community into the peace process. We also stand ready to provide whatever humanitarian assistance we can to alleviate the suffering of the East Timorese. It is the least we can do considering our current circumstances, our history and traditions.