In the absence, on Northern Ireland related business, of the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Deputy Cowen, I am delighted to have this opportunity to speak on the situation following the Nice referendum and to outline to the House the Government's views on the way forward. It is appropriate that Seanad Éireann is again addressing the vital issue of Ireland's participation in the European Union. It indicates a welcome recognition of the significance at this important juncture of sustained and active engagement by Ireland in the life and work of the Union. It also highlights the important role of our parliamentary institutions in promoting public discussion on these critical issues. The timing of this debate, coming some weeks after the referendum, is also helpful in allowing us to take stock, on a more considered basis, of where matters now stand, and of where we should go from here.
Despite the widespread disappointment felt both by other member states and by the applicant states, there is among our partners, both current and potential, absolute respect for the decision taken by the Irish people. There is no questioning on any side of our right to take the decision we did or of our right to maintain that decision if we so choose.
There has been a dishonest and disreputable campaign to suggest that the decision is being treated with contempt and, equally false, that the Government has adopted a craven, apologetic posture in its dealings with other member states on this issue. Nothing could be further from the truth.
In meetings at Luxembourg and at the European Council in Gothenburg, which were scheduled long before the date set for the referendum, the Taoiseach and the Minister for Foreign Affairs explained the factors which contributed to the result and indicated very clearly that time would be needed to reflect on the implications of what had occurred. They were quite clear that there would be no quick fixes; and this was fully acknowledged by all our partners. Of course, aware of the potential damage to the political and economic interests of the State, the Government was at pains to emphasise, in particular to the candidate countries, that the result of the referendum should not be seen as a verdict on enlargement. In the aftermath of the referendum this point has been emphasised strongly by all sides of the debate.
The Government makes no apology for doing everything possible to protect Ireland's bilateral relationship with this important group of countries. Ireland already has major economic and trade links with the candidate states, with significant growth potential as these countries absorb the benefits of membership. As a small, open economy we depend on trade and investment for our prosperity, and need to ensure that our bilateral relations are handled in a manner conducive to strengthening our ability to compete successfully in markets both now and in the future. This was a major preoccupation of our diplomacy in the period following the referendum. I suggest that no Government concerned with protecting the national interest could have acted otherwise.
This period of discussion and explanation, involving close contact with partners and applicant states as well as with representatives of the European Union institutions, has facilitated a deeper analysis of the current situation from which certain conclusions can be drawn. First, it is clear that enlargement must proceed and that delay is not an option. Second, it is the unanimous view of the member states and the applicant countries that the changes provided for in the Treaty of Nice are essential to the functioning of an enlarged Union. The candidate states are grateful for our assurances that we wish them well. They now want us to give them the means to realise their objective. Third, the governments of the other member states are not prepared to reopen a treaty agreed with such difficulty and, indeed, for example, given the protracted negotiations prior to the eventually satisfactory outcome on taxation, it is by no means clear that any such development would be in our interest. Fourth, the treaty will not come into effect unless it is ratified by all 15 member states. Fifth, the outcome of the referendum revealed quite clearly that there is a range of concerns with regard to our engagement with the European Union, many of them unrelated to the content of the Treaty of Nice which must be addressed.
It is in this context that the Government has determined that what is now required is a period of reflection and analysis on all matters pertaining to our participation in the European Union. The primary vehicle for this process will be the National Forum on Europe. The Government had intended such a body would be established to facilitate preparation for the debate on the future of Europe which will form the centrepiece for the next Intergovernmental Conference in 2004. The concerns highlighted by the referendum campaign give an added urgency to the project and it is therefore intended to move quickly to establish the forum. The Government is obviously keen to go forward in this area on the basis of the widest possible measure of agreement.
Drawing on the support which has been expressed for the broad approach followed by the Forum for Peace and Reconciliation, the Government has begun a round of consultations with Opposition parties on matters including on the terms of reference and composition of the forum. Without anticipating the outcome of these contacts, which are ongoing, the Government is convinced that the forum represents an exciting opportunity to undertake a comprehensive analysis of what the European Union has meant to Ireland, to examine the issues raised by the historic enlargement now in prospect and, against that background, to develop ideas and strategies for the future development of the Union in a manner which will meet the needs of all its members.
Of course, the real measure of the success of the forum will be the extent to which it succeeds in engaging with the wider public. It is time to demystify the debate on Europe. Europe belongs to its people. It is time the Irish people felt themselves to be at the centre of that debate, and that is the challenge for the forum. It will, of course, be for the forum itself to decide its working methods. However, I very much hope, following the example of the Forum for Peace and Reconciliation, it will emphasise the importance of hearing the views of a wide cross section of Irish opinion, from all sections of the community and all parts of the country. It will be important also to hear the views of other member states and candidate countries, including those who are involved in the front line of preparing the accession countries for membership. I hope the forum will not confine its activities to Dublin but will also take steps to bring the forum to centres outside the capital. For its part the Government will, of course, ensure the resources necessary for the smooth functioning of the forum are available as required.
The task of bringing the Union closer to the citizens has, of course, other dimensions. That is why the Government has indicated it is prepared to examine very carefully how best the arrangements for Oireachtas monitoring of European Union business can be improved. The Minister for Foreign Affairs has had very useful discussions on this topic with representatives of the Joint Oireachtas Committee on European Affairs. Moreover, in response to a recently tabled Private Members' Bill in the Dáil, the Government has indicated a very positive disposition on the principle of greater parliamentary scrutiny and participation.
It is, of course, essential that we move forward in this area on a basis which strengthens oversight without impairing the capacity of our representatives to negotiate effectively in the Council. It is recognised on all sides that we have to get this balance right. Accordingly, detailed consultations involving the Ministers most affected and the Office of the Attorney General are now under way. When these have been concluded, there will be further consultations with the Opposition. The Government will in due course bring forward considered proposals in this area with the aim of strengthening the capacity of the Oireachtas to exercise its responsibilities while maintaining the flexibility necessary in the realm of international negotiations.
The purpose of this and other changes is to facilitate a deeper understanding by the public of the full significance of our membership of the Union. I believe the debate which is now getting under way will bring home to people the vital role which the European Union has played and continues to play in the economic and social development of the country. It has not only expanded trade but has been a key factor in making Ireland an attractive location for foreign investment. Jobs and prosperity at home require exports and markets overseas. That is why enlargement, with the prospect of a market of over 500 million people, is of such vital importance to an economy like ours and why any perception among the candidate countries that Ireland is blocking enlargement directly threatens Irish jobs and Irish livelihoods.
A key factor for international mobile investment in deciding to locate in Ireland is our full participation in the European Union. It is essential that we continue to send a strong message of our commitment to the further development of the Union and of our determination to remain at the heart of the business of the Union. Any uncertainty in this regard undermines our national efforts to create an environment conducive to growth and employment. It is essential to our continuing economic well being that this is not allowed happen. I am confident the forum will make a valuable contribution in helping to highlight these realities and will ensure the Irish people decide our future relationship with the Union on an accurate and informed basis.
The Government is very open to suggestions on ways we can improve understanding in the Oireachtas and in the public at large of what the EU's role is and should be in the world. What contribution can and should Ireland make in that regard? Enhancing Ireland's national role in the development and conduct of EU foreign and security policy has certainly been a priority for the Government. This has also been reflected in the read across to our membership of the UN Security Council. Our participation in the European Union common foreign and security policy provides us with a tool and vehicle to pursue Irish foreign policy objectives. We participate fully and positively, exercising influence on global issues such as human rights, disarmament, peace and stability. We have been very active in the elaboration of the EU's policies in areas such as the Middle East, Africa and East Timor.
Among the concerns voiced during the debate on the Treaty of Nice were that the EU was becoming a super state with ambitions to throw its weight around on the international stage. Some, on the other hand, have criticised the EU for failing to live up to its obligations in the wider world and for failing to contribute more effectively to conflict prevention and crisis management. We need to explore these concerns and criticisms in depth. It is important that we foster a much better public understanding of the EU's role in the world and how EU foreign and security policy is negotiated and implemented.
It was the Amsterdam Treaty, as approved by the Irish people in a referendum in 1998, which defined the operational focus of the EU on tasks of peacekeeping and crisis management in Europe. This role for the Union takes account of the changing and complex nature of peacekeeping, as has been recognised by the UN among others. The changes include additional tasks such as humanitarian assistance, the protection of human rights and civilian police work.
Let me take this opportunity to clarify some aspects of Ireland's involvement in this area. The EU's approach does not in any way undermine or diminish the Government's commitment to contribute actively to UN peacekeeping. Developments within the Union and the UN in this area have proceeded in concert and will continue to do so. This point has been made clear by both sides on numerous occasions, including by the UN Secretary General, Kofi Annan, and EU Foreign Ministers when they met last May. The close co-operation between the two organisations was reflected in formal conclusions adopted by the General Affairs Council.
The deployment of Irish personnel and resources in any overseas mission will only be considered by the Government where a UN mandate is already in place. The Government is open to having this position clarified further. As part of ongoing efforts to dispel fears and anxieties which arose in the lead-up to the referendum, we are examining what steps can be taken to allay people's concerns.
As with all aspects of our involvement in the activities of the European Union, but particularly where we have such an extensive history of involvement in UN peacekeeping activity, it is essential that the issues are debated thoroughly on the basis of the facts. We should not proceed on the basis of scare-mongering or on unfounded perceptions of what the EU is doing in this field.
The debate about security and defence should not be seen as a theoretical discussion – recent history in the Balkans and Africa has shown that the international community did not always have the necessary capability and resources to tackle real problems with enormous humanitarian implications. It is in the context of the appalling tragedies in the former Yugoslavia that our personnel are making a positive contribution on the ground. Many of our citizens have served in that region as monitors with the EU, the OSCE or as UN police. We have a duty not only to help pick up the pieces but to do our best to ensure that it will not happen again.
The current rehabilitation efforts in the western Balkans clearly illustrate the way in which European Governments are working together to prevent conflict and maintain peace. It is heartening to see that new patterns of security co-operation involving former adversaries have emerged. This is the core of what European security and defence policy is all about. We should not turn our backs as though the horrific events which we witnessed in the Balkans region over the past decade had not taken place.
The positive contribution we are making in the EU context is fully consistent with Ireland's tremendous record of involvement in UN peacekeeping operations over the past 40 years. I want to see Ireland continue to play its part in preventing conflict and to have a constructive role in international peacekeeping.
Ireland will do itself a great disservice if we do not make an appropriate contribution in keeping with our traditions and values. Let us be clear in what we are talking about and avoid confusion on Ireland's role in this area.
There has been confusion regarding the description of the capabilities for the EU Headline Goal as a rapid reaction force. It is emphatically not a standing army, nor does it impinge on Ireland's policy of military neutrality to which the Government remains firmly committed. The rapid reaction force is a catalogue of capabilities available to provide the means to carry out humanitarian or crisis management operations.
It is also important to highlight that European security and defence policy is not an exclusively military project. In parallel with developing its military capabilities for humanitarian and crisis management tasks, the EU is also developing its capabilities for civilian crisis management. Extensive work has been done by the outgoing Swedish EU Presidency to facilitate progress in this area, particularly in policing. A key objective is to carry forward work on enabling the EU to provide police in support of peacekeeping operations and to provide added value to existing UN arrangements for international police missions. The Garda has served with distinction from Bosnia to Western Sahara. It should be able to continue to provide its much sought after expertise in the EU context as well.
The incoming Belgian Presidency has signalled its intention to carry forward the civilian dimension to security and defence policy. As well as facilitating work in the policing area, it hopes to make progress on a number of other priority areas in the civilian sphere, notably the rule of law, civilian administration and civil protection.
We should not overlook the important developments in the field of conflict prevention. A key test will be to enhance the union's ability to prevent conflict. This was a prominent theme at the recent Gothenberg European Council. As the EU programme agreed in Gothenberg points out, the development of ESDP has, since the outset, been intended to strengthen the EU's capacity for action in the crucial field of conflict prevention. We will continue to prioritise conflict prevention in keeping with our well-known views and experience in this area.
Critical to the success of the European Union has been its ability over more than four decades to adapt to changing circumstances. The carefully designed institutional balances, which give the union its unique character, have ensured that it operates effectively, while at the same time protecting the interests of all its members, including the smaller member states. I believe strongly that these balances must continue to serve as the foundation stones for an enlarging and developing union. It is precisely for this reason that I am convinced the Treaty of Nice merits our full support. I acknowledge that the people remain to be persuaded in this regard. I hope, as the process of reflection continues, that the electorate will come to recognise that Nice – the actual content of the treaty, not the wild claims made on its behalf – is part of a wider picture of Irish engagement with an evolving Europe in a fast-changing global environment. The case for being a full participant in that process, rather than serving as an ineffectual bystander, is overwhelming. I am confident that the people, having reflected carefully on the issues, will come to the same conclusion.