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Seanad Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 18 Oct 2006

Vol. 184 No. 20

Current Situation in the Middle East: Statements.

I am grateful to the Members of this House for, once again, devoting time to consideration of the situation in the Middle East. It remains the most serious challenge to international peace and security.

The events of recent months in Lebanon, Israel, Palestine and across the region, serve to confirm an essential point, namely, there can be no unilateral or military solutions to the interlinked problems of the region. Lasting peace and security will be achieved only through a credible process for a comprehensive settlement. At its core must be a negotiated two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The need for a settlement is now more urgent than at any time in the past 60 years.

The Middle East has been a central concern of Irish foreign policy under successive Governments. We are consistently active on the issue in the European Union and at the United Nations and have no selfish national interest to pursue. However, we have a clear interest as Europeans in a democratic and peaceful Middle East in which the rights and security of the Arab and Israeli peoples are secured. Along with our partners in the EU we are determined to work with all parties in the region on the basis of respect for fundamental principles and rights.

The fraught situation across the region, which continues to blight the lives of so many innocent people, imposes a clear and compelling obligation on the international community to come together in a major effort to launch serious negotiations for a peaceful settlement.

No one can remain indifferent to the suffering witnessed in the past year. Lebanon has experienced violent death and destruction on a wholly unacceptable scale and the Palestinians continue to face a security and humanitarian crisis. Israelis feel insecure and unsure about the political path forward. The daily toll of violence and death in Iraq has reached previously unimaginable proportions and efforts to encourage Iran to play a positive and constructive regional role seem to have reached stalemate.

Against this bleak background there are some signs of hope. Agreement on Security Council Resolution 1701 created the conditions for an end to the conflict in Lebanon. It was provoked by Hizbollah and accentuated by the harsh and disproportionate Israeli response. The ceasefire, which we had called for unambiguously from the outset, is holding well but there is no room for complacency and the national Government of Prime Minister Siniora requires, and deserves, the full support of the European Union in the difficult period ahead. There is now a credible international framework for a stable peace based on Lebanese sovereignty and territorial integrity. All parties in the region have a role to play in support. This includes Syria, which has an opportunity now to demonstrate a genuine commitment to the search for regional peace and stability.

The EU has demonstrated in Lebanon an ability to act with clarity and conviction on its stated intentions. The member states are providing the backbone of the strengthened United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon, UNIFIL, which has, so far, deployed more than 5,000 troops in southern Lebanon, alongside units of the Lebanese army. This has enabled the withdrawal of the Israeli army and full deployment of UNIFIL will be completed during November.

Ireland is making an important contribution, building on years of commitment to UNIFIL and to the people of Lebanon. Following our Government's decision and the approval of Dáil Éireann, a contingent of 150 members of the Defence Forces will deploy, as part of a joint Finnish-Irish unit on 31 October.

The EU will use all of the instruments at its disposal to support the reconstruction of Lebanon and the full implementation of Resolution 1701. Our Government has responded rapidly and effectively to the needs of the Lebanese people. During the crisis we committed a total of €1.3 million in immediate emergency humanitarian assistance and we have also pledged a further €2 million for longer-term reconstruction and assistance in Lebanon and the occupied territories over the next two years.

Our UNIFIL contingent will also engage in humanitarian work, including the dangerous work of clearing unexploded ordnance. Our Government has made clear its very serious concern at the terrible risk posed to the civilian population of the area by the large number of exploded cluster munitions and we have backed the UN in its criticism of the Israeli army in this regard. We have also been active on the issue at international level, along with a small group of other states. At the forthcoming Review Conference of the Convention on Certain Conventional Weapons in Geneva we will again call for agreement on the opening of negotiations for a legally binding international instrument to address the humanitarian concerns posed by cluster munitions.

The violence in Lebanon shocked the world, however it pales in comparison to the daily slaughter in Iraq. There are no simple solutions to the increasing divisions in Iraq and there is no sign at present that the insurgency and the inter-communal violence are being brought under control. The EU continues to support the efforts of the national unity government formed last May on the basis of democratic elections. The reality is that this government has requested the continued presence of the international force, which is mandated by the UN Security Council, until the end of 2006.

Iraq has vast reserves of natural resources which should provide the basis for its prosperity and stability and the Iraqi people deserve a better future after years of war and dictatorship. The historic divisions between the communities of that region of the Middle East are deep. Nonetheless, the EU remains convinced that Iraq's future will be assured only through its territorial integrity and the development of strong political and economic links with all of the countries of its neighbouring region.

It is obvious that Iran has a particularly important role to play in relation to Iraq and it can also play a leading role in underpinning regional security. Iran could be a hugely constructive influence in support of a historic settlement of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and the EU wants to develop a closer, more productive, relationship with that country. We believe it is possible to develop such a relationship through patient and constructive diplomacy on all sides.

We have, at the same time, serious concerns about Iran's role in the region and about the deterioration in the Iranian human rights situation. I therefore welcome moves towards a meaningful resumption of the human rights dialogue between Iran and the EU.

Inevitably, however, our current concerns are dominated by the nuclear issue. Our Government, in common with our EU Partners, wants to see a diplomatic solution to this serious matter. We call on Iran, even at this stage, to respond positively to the imaginative and wide-ranging proposals which have been presented to it. We fully support the efforts of the EU three on behalf of the EU. We share the disappointment at the lack of progress in the sustained efforts of High Representative Solana to encourage Iran to address the requirements of the International Atomic Energy Agency, IAEA, and the UN Security Council and return to talks on long-term arrangements. The core issue remains the suspension of enrichment activities.

At its meeting in Luxembourg yesterday, the General Affairs and External Relations Council, at which I represented Ireland, agreed that Iran's continuation of enrichment related activities has left the EU with no choice. The EU will support consultations in the UN Security Council on further action, including some form of sanctions. We deeply regret that this impasse has been reached. However, it is essential that the will of the international community and the authority of the Security Council be respected. At all stages in this process the preferred option of negotiations will remain on the table.

The Government shares the grave concern about the continuing crisis in the occupied Palestinian territories. The situation in Gaza in particular is unsustainable. Our Government has been among the strongest supporters internationally of the establishment of a democratic, sovereign and independent Palestinian state, living in peace and security alongside the state of Israel. Since 1993, the EU has taken the lead under the Oslo process in supporting the building of the institutions of a future state.

The process has reached a critical point this year. The democratic Palestinian elections in January last gave Hamas an absolute majority of seats in the legislative council. The Quartet set out clearly the principles which Hamas must adhere to in government if it is to engage with the international community. There is a strong international consensus that Hamas must complete its transition to politics and commit unambiguously to the peace process. Despite the efforts of many, it still has not done so. The terrible violence since last June has further undermined the prospects for political progress. We continue to give strong support to the courageous efforts of President Mahmoud Abbas to negotiate a Palestinian Government of national unity committed to a two-state solution and reflecting the Quartet principles. Progress has been slow.

There have been setbacks. The President's work has been complicated by the recent violence between armed Palestinian groups in Gaza and the West Bank. However the Government has stated consistently that if President Abbas succeeds in forming a government seriously committed to the peace process and based on an end to violence, Ireland will argue strongly for a positive and creative political response by the EU.

The political hopes of the Palestinian people have been disappointed repeatedly but it is clear that they remain committed to the vision of a two-state solution. In Israel the limits of the temptation to unilateralism have been revealed by the dreadful violence of this past summer. The EU now has a central role to play with its international and regional partners in encouraging Israeli and Palestinian political leaders to take the difficult decisions required for peace in the region. We want to see an early and substantive meeting between Prime Minister Olmert and President Abbas and an active commitment to a solution based on the essentials of the Quartet roadmap.

This roadmap, international law and the requirements of peace and security impose obligations on all of the parties. The Palestinians must ensure an end to violence and terror against Israel and Israelis. The Israeli Government must end the illegal construction of settlements, stop the illegal construction of the security barrier on occupied Palestinian land and end activities in and around East Jerusalem which threaten the viability of a two-state solution.

What do we do if they do not?

We shall deal with that later. The immediate priority must be to end the crisis in Gaza.

We shall roll over.

This must involve the ending of violence on all sides, including an end to rocket attacks on Israel and the complete withdrawal of Israeli forces. The captured Israeli soldier must be freed. The detained Palestinian legislators must be released from prison. The closure of Gaza must be brought to an end through the re-opening of border crossing points for people and goods. The EU has made it clear that it is ready to play its part locally.

Despite a common misconception that the European Union has cut off assistance to the Palestinians, the member states of the Union are providing essential assistance at higher levels than at any time in recent years. Community assistance administered by the European Commission stands at €330 million so far this year — a third higher than the annual total over the past five years. The EU has taken the lead in establishing a temporary international mechanism to channel assistance directly to the Palestinian people.

We continue to impress on Israel the urgent need to resume the transfer of taxes and customs revenues to the Palestinian Authority, if necessary through this special mechanism. The withholding of more than €450 million since April last is the main component in the financial crisis facing the Palestinian Authority. At national level Ireland's bilateral assistance will rise by about 25% this year to €5.4 million. I assure this House that the Government remains ready to respond further to the humanitarian needs of the Palestinian people.

The building of a momentum for peace in the Middle East represents the greatest challenge to date for the foreign policy of the European Union. The Government and our partners are determined that the challenge will be met in the interests of all the people of the region. I warmly welcome the opportunity to hear the views of the Members of Seanad Éireann here today.

I welcome the Minister of State. I realise time is short for discussing this important issue so I will try to keep my comments as brief as possible.

The issues in the Middle East, whether it is the Palestinian conflict or the situations in Iraq or Iran, are all deeply profound and have been debated ad nauseam in this House. It is regrettable that since we last spoke, all these situations have worsened. Now the urgency of a response from the international community is more important than ever. I agree with most of what the Minister of State has said to some degree. The question now, however, is where the political priorities lie and what the emphasis will be.

The conflict in the Middle East over the summer months was tragic and disastrous. While recognising the right of Israel to defend itself, its response to the initial dispute was very much over the top and has caused very grave difficulties. We recognise that the two-state solution which we have spoken about so often in this House — the so-called Quartet roadmap solution — is the only political show in town. It is a question of trying to get that process back on the road to have political attention focused on this issue. Without a permanent political solution, the sad events of the summer will be repeated.

The Israeli response was excessive, has caused enormous humanitarian hardship and left an enormous level of civilian casualties in its wake. It has undone much of the good economic work achieved in rebuilding Lebanon in recent years and that is regrettable. The civil war in Lebanon from 1975 to the early 1990s profoundly damaged that country. We thought that trend had been reversed but, alas, the tragedy of the summer conflicts has made matters worse.

Obviously there was a need for the international community and the United Nations to intervene. Fine Gael is very happy to welcome the decision of the Government to deploy a contingent of the Defence Forces in the Lebanon. We have a very long and distinguished record in this regard and Irish soldiers will play a genuinely constructive role locally. Our efforts in this regard will be helpful. One of the issues which the Fine Gael Dáil spokesman on defence, Deputy Timmins, has raised with the Government is the need for the Joint Committee on Justice Equality Defence and Women's Rights to take a much greater hands-on role in reviewing this issue. He has urged that the committee have its remit considered. That is something I hope the Minister for Defence will consider.

The situation in Iraq this has been debated in this House on five or six occasions over the past two years. Sadly, it has become even more tragic. At a conservative estimate hundreds of civilians lose their lives there every day and it is a civil war situation. What can be done? The invasion and what it has caused can be replayed over and over. A shocking statistic, which claims more than 600,000 people have died as a result of the Iraq conflict, was released last week. I am not sure how accurate it is — it is probably being disputed. Killing on that scale is shocking. It shows the invasion and its aftermath has not solved a problem but rather made it worse.

Where do we go from here? Pressure is mounting for the withdrawal of British and American troops. I am not a military expert and I am not sure what the immediate effect of such a withdrawal would be. Someone needs to take charge. It is now time for the United Nations to call an international conference bringing together all the parties involved to put in place a roadmap that charts the way forward. We cannot stand by and leave things as they are. While it is easy to be critical we must try to be constructive. There must surely now be political will in both London and Washington to find a solution to this dreadful morass of murder and mayhem. A UN-sponsored international conference would allow some degree of dialogue and might determine the bones of a long-term settlement. The number of deaths reported is a human tragedy on an unimaginable scale.

The other issue that needs to be urgently examined is the reconstruction money committed for the rebuilding of Iraq. A UN Security Council resolution in May of 2003 established a development fund for Iraq. This fund was to preside over the spending of moneys from Iraqi oil and other seized assets to help rebuild the country. There are doubts about how this money is being spent. There are questions about its practical impact and whether the citizens of Iraq are benefiting from it. These are significant moneys and their expenditure needs to be investigated. We must try to ensure some degree of help, hope and confidence is given to Iraqi citizens. The United Nations should also examine this issue.

I concur with what the Minister of State has said about Iran. It is opportune to speak about Iran's nuclear programme when we have seen what has happened in North Korea in recent days. We can be critical of the United Nations from time to time — sometimes we can be critical of the critics of the UN — yet when Iran, North Korea, or rogue states appear to give two fingers to it, it makes the UN look powerless. We must redouble our political engagement with Iran to ensure its nuclear capability is not used for destructive military purposes. The region will become much more dangerous if Iran is allowed to develop nuclear weapons.

The scale of the threat from North Korea must be a lesson to us as to what can happen. I am unsure of the full military capability of North Korea's nuclear weaponry. Unless the international community pulls together, what is happening in North Korea today could happen in Iran tomorrow. The UN is the only hope for taking charge of this process. It may need reform and more teeth, but it is the only show in town. Whether it is a conference to deal with Iraq, or a get-together to deal with Iran, the Government must work to have the UN redouble its negotiation and mediation efforts.

I too welcome the Minister of State, Deputy Treacy, to the House. I am pleased he has returned refreshed from his recent exertions. The assertion by some elements of the media that Deputy Treacy needed that type of publicity to gain a profile showed an appalling ignorance of the political system and the role he has played not only here and in his Galway East constituency, but representing Ireland as our Minister with responsibility for European affairs in many international fora. In his speech to the House, he informed us he represented Ireland at a critical meeting in Luxembourg yesterday. This perceived lack of profile is more a reflection on the ignorance of those journalists than it is on the Minister of State. I have wanted to say this for the past week, and I am glad I have the opportunity of saying it in his presence. He is someone for whom we have great respect and admiration, apart from the affection we hold for him personally in the House.

I am a member of the Association of Liberal Democrats for Europe within the Council of Europe. At a recent meeting we listened with great sympathy to the story of Karnit Goldwasser, the wife of Udi Goldwasser, one of the three IDF soldiers kidnapped on 12 July 2006 by Hizbollah. I have in my hand a photograph of the couple on their wedding day which took place on 14 October last year. He is still in captivity. Karnit's story brought home to us the human dimension to the unfolding tragedy of the Israeli-Lebanon war and the impact it continues to have on families in both countries. Udi Goldwasser is one of three IDF solders kidnapped, the others are Gilad Shalit and Eldad Regev. The European Union has called for their immediate release and the group of which I am a member supports the call.

The Israeli army, I am glad to say, has now withdrawn from all of Lebanon. UNIFIL has deployed 5,000 international troops in south Lebanon alongside units of the Lebanese army. I welcome Ireland's decision to contribute 150 peacekeepers to the new force. The first stage has now been completed and full deployment is on course for November.

Let us not forget that the immediate cause of the recent conflict was an unprovoked attack by Hizbollah on Israeli territory on 12 July. Official Lebanese figures put the number of Lebanese deaths at 1,191, with 4,405 injured. The UN estimates that some 30,000 homes were damaged or destroyed, and physical damage amounting to between €3 billion and €6 billion was inflicted by Israeli attacks.

I am not taking account of the hundreds of thousands of cluster bombs which were dropped almost exclusively in civilian areas——

Will Senator Mooney show us photographs of the children injured by those bombs? It would be good to see a photograph of the children as well as the photograph of the Israeli soldier.

Please allow Senator Mooney to proceed without interruption.

The Israeli Government and the IDF dropped some 300,000 cluster bombs, mainly in civilian areas. I understand there is no international legal prohibition on this. However, there are moves to introduce such a prohibition and it will not be before time. One could not help but be moved by stories, graphic photographs and television footage that we have seen of innocent south Lebanese husbands, daughters, sisters and children who have been incapacitated as a result of stepping on these outrageous pieces of ordnance.

The outcome of the war has been hailed by Hizbollah as a victory over Israel. This poses a considerable challenge to a weak central government in which Hizbollah holds two cabinet positions. The society is still marked by deep inter-communal tensions. The challenge of disarmament remains. Sheikh Nazrallah claimed at a rally in Beirut recently that the organisation still holds 20,000 rockets. The United Nations Secretary General has stated that the disarmament of Hizbollah will only be possible as part of the political process.

There are also territorial disputes remaining, particularly the status of the Shebaa Farms, which the UN has concluded were on Syrian territory, but those and other matters will have to be resolved in the context of a comprehensive settlement involving Israeli withdrawal from the Golan Heights.

We must support the efforts of Prime Minister Fouad Siniora and those of our Government as outlined by the Minster of State, Deputy Treacy, in his contribution. Not only must we support the Prime Minister and his Government but we must support them in reasserting their authority in the wake of the war. They will require strong international support. Unfortunately, due to the complex power sharing arrangements between the diverse religious groups in place since the end of the civil war in 1989, successive Governments have been inherently weak and fractious. That lack of a strong central authority has been exploited both by neighbouring states such as Syria and groups such as Hizbollah.

I welcome the EU-Lebanon ENP action plan agreed at the Stockholm Conference for Lebanon's early recovery on 31 March, which provides an agreed framework through which the EU can assist the Government in implementing its reform agenda. The territorial integrity of the sovereign state of Lebanon must be restored and strengthened and the people of all Lebanon allowed to rebuild their lives in peace, security and prosperity, free of outside interference by proxy armies or those who have interfered in the affairs of that country to the detriment of its people and of the wider Middle East.

In the aftermath of the war, the scale of the humanitarian disaster which has befallen the people of the region cannot be underestimated. While the majority of internally displaced people have returned to their homes earlier than expected following the ceasefire, the immediate humanitarian concern I raised earlier but want to repeat because it is an outrage to humanity, is the existence of thousands of unexploded ordinance in the cluster bombs, which at the time of my research had claimed the lives of some 12 people and dozens wounded. The consequences may be even worse now.

Senior UN figures have condemned Israel for using such weapons and I, too, share that condemnation. It is unacceptable in any theatre of war, especially when it is directed at a civilian population. The Israelis say the reason they dropped them in that location was because Hizbollah fighters were operating out of civilian locations. That is unacceptable. The vast majority of that ordinance was dropped by the Israeli air force in the final days of the conflict, which makes it even more unpalatable. Knowing it would have to pull out, that was the legacy it has left to the innocents of south Lebanon.

Several countries are currently co-ordinating their efforts at the UN and in Geneva for the negotiation of a legally binding instrument that addresses the humanitarian concerns posed by cluster munitions. I hope the Minister of State, if he has an opportunity to reply, will endorse that Ireland fully supports that initiative.

The Israeli Government has not yet adequately explained the reason its fighter jets demolished a clearly marked UN observation post in south Lebanon during the war, killing several UN personnel on peacekeeping duties. That happened despite the urgent appeals — nine in all — to the IDF commanders on the day of the bombings informing them of the UN presence. We await the outcome of the internal investigation by Israel with great interest.

Ireland has a particular interest in this matter because the urgent appeals that were sent to the commanders on the day came from an Irish UN staff officer who, by the mercy of God, was outside the building. Had he been inside it he would have been killed and we would have had another State funeral for yet another Irish peacekeeper while the Israelis continue to deny that it was anything other than an accident.

Any debate on Lebanon cannot ignore the developing situation in Palestine and Israel, to which the Minister of State referred. The proposed meeting between Prime Minister Olmert and President Abbas is to be welcomed with a view to relaunching negotiations. There was an announcement by President Abbas on an agreement to form a government of national unity between the Fatah and Hammas factions. However, recent events suggest that President Abbas is finding it extremely difficult to agree on a coalition government with Hammas and he is now contemplating calling early elections to perhaps re-establish Fatah. If it leads to some political stability, however, it is to be welcomed.

We should support the Minister's call for a freezing of all settlement activity, including natural growth in settlements. The decision by Ministers of the EU not to recognise any changes to the pre-1967 borders, other than those agreed by both parties, and the decision by the EU to expand the temporary international mechanisms, again referred to by the Minister, whereby substantial resources have already been channelled directly to the Palestinian people, are to be welcomed. We call on Israel to resume transfers of withheld Palestinian tax, as the Minister has done, and custom revenues, some €450 million in all. Israel should, as a humanitarian gesture, immediately reopen the Rafah and all other border crossings, and allow them remain open.

I call Senator Norris. The Senator has nine minutes. The Minister of State has kindly agreed to reduce the time for his closing remarks to five minutes.

That is very kind. I very much appreciate it.

The Minister of State has indicated he will take just three minutes to reply.

I have telegrammed mine, so to speak, and there may be an opportunity for my colleague to contribute.

If the Senator can be brief Senator Minihan will get a few minutes of the time.

I also welcome the Minister of State to the House and I welcome the tone of his speech. It is significantly different from some of the earlier speeches delivered on this subject in this House. I also welcome very much the balanced speech of Senator Mooney, particularly his condemnation of the use of cluster bombs. He is right. That was condemned by the most senior humanitarian official as an international war crime, which is what it is, and those responsible should be brought to justice. I say that as somebody who has traditionally supported Israel. I love that country and I love its people, whom I know well.

I want to make a specific and urgent request to the Minister. I am proud to say that my former partner, Ezra Yitzhak, is an Israeli born native Jewish citizen of Israel who, like many in Israel, is a man of conscience and who opposes the criminal activities of his government. He is involved particularly in the building of clinics providing sheltered housing to the indigenous inhabitants, the native people, of the villages in south Hebron, particularly a village called Al Toani. They have been building facilities for health, sewerage and so on. It has been announced in Al Haaretz, the Israeli newspaper, that the Israeli Government has been under pressure from the international community to demolish some of the illegal settlements. It now proposes to do that. The Israeli military is moving to do that as we speak but for political reasons, in order to counter criticism, the Israeli Government is cynically preparing to instruct the military to demolish clinics and houses in Al Toani. Those communities are under the most severe threat. I ask the Minister to contact Jerusalem through the Israeli ambassador and urgently request that any such action be halted and indicate to them that any such action, which is clearly illegal, will be registered and remembered, and those responsible held to account.

I am glad the question of cluster bombs was mentioned. That was an outrage. The whole adventure in Lebanon was a disastrous mistake. I could not understand how the Israelis could allow themselves to be lured in, and the pretext was nonsensical. Did the kidnapping of two soldiers require the massive invasion, the colossal destruction and the huge loss of life? That from the people who use targeted assassination.

Let us hear it for the very considerable number of Palestinian parliamentary representatives who were kidnapped. They were not arrested or detained. They were illegally kidnapped. I regularly attend the interparliamentary union and have been very lucky to be selected many times. The treatment of parliamentarians, their human rights and their immunity from this sort of action is one of the standard items on the order paper of the IPU yet there was scarcely a peep about it. I was glad the Minister of State mentioned it in his contribution.

Senator Mooney mentioned the cluster bombs. There have been many other events that were clear and gross violations of human rights. I would like the Minister of State and his advisers to ponder this question because I have raised it in the past 18 months to two years in the Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs, that is, the matter of the external association agreement between Israel and the European Union. There are human rights protocols attached to that which are supposed to be triggered by violations of human rights. Will the Minister of State explain the reason they have not been triggered? Has Ireland played a role in raising that issue in the forum of the European Union? We must be honest. It does a disservice to human rights to attach those kind of provisions to a treaty and then ignore them and treat them with contempt. Those matters should be examined. The situation in the Middle East is not confined to Israel and Lebanon, although that is one of the most urgent cases. The situation in Iraq is very dangerous and is getting worse, as we predicted before the invasion began. This prediction came not only from the Opposition. Senators Ó Murchú, Minihan, Mooney and Dardis stated the same thing. Coalition forces are now getting ready to withdraw and beat a retreat from Iraq. The invasion was not programmed; it was brutal, ham-fisted and blunt.

The withdrawal must be correctly carried out in a regular way. Otherwise, the catastrophe will be even worse. The head of the British army, James Baker and others are choreographing the withdrawal. The old saying in America used to be: "If you break it, you take it." The Americans are now blaming the Iraqis for the mess. Let nobody forget that they created it. It is reported that levels of torture in Iraq are now worse than under Saddam Hussein. Sunni and Shia groups have confirmed this. How can we be proud of that record and what will we do about it?

Regarding the ludicrous trial of Saddam Hussein, I opposed Saddam Hussein while Ireland sold beef to him for his army so I hold no brief for him. I had a row about human rights in Baghdad. His trial is a farce. Defence lawyers cannot be protected and every so often another is assassinated. The trial is grossly prejudiced and could not continue in a European country because the Iraqi Government has already found him guilty in press statements and has decided what to do with him, namely, kill him. A judge at the trial has been removed because he was believed to be favourable to the defendant. That will make a martyr of Saddam Hussein and this is nothing other than a botched trial.

What is the point of the war on terror? I commend to the Minister and his observers an interesting article in The Irish Times by David Keen, of whom I had not heard until today. The headline states “Winning ‘war on terror’ may be irrelevant” and the article confirms some of my nastiest suspicions. It confirms the accuracy of the prophecy made by President Eisenhower in 1957-58 when he stated that the greatest threat to America was not communism but the takeover of the apparatus of government by the military-industrial complex. That is what has happened in America under President Bush.

The operations of the American Government often seem to be counter-productive. The stated foreign policy aims of the US are being contradicted by results. We all think President Bush is stupid but he cannot be that stupid. What is behind this policy is very sinister.

The article reads, "tactics which actively promote the strength of the enemy have been widely adopted; they have also been maintained even when it has become clear that, from a military point of view, they are counter-productive". The reason suggested is a political one. As Hannah Arendt confirmed in her analysis of attitudes in Germany after the First World War, it is very politically effective to have a vague, diffuse enemy that one can blame for everything. It is also usefully economically. The article states:

One key aim has been to make money. US interest in Afghanistan has been inseparable from the oil and gas fields of the Caspian, just as US interest in Iraq has been linked to the oil.

Beyond this, there is the vast US military-industrial infrastructure which burgeoned during the Cold War. In this "war", too, the (Soviet) enemy was not engaged directly: that would obviously have been suicidal; instead, the casualties were mostly exported to civilians and soldiers in Third World countries hosting proxy wars and to those Americans (often poor, often black) recruited into the proxy war in Vietnam.

This is what is happening in Iraq.

The Minister of State must tell us the truth about Shannon Airport. A number of Senators have consistently raised this matter. It is unacceptable for the Government to answer questions that have not been asked and to respond to statements that have not been made. I never stated I knew that people were brought through Shannon Airport in shackles, although it is possible. What is incontrovertible is that some kidnapping expeditions, whose ultimate product was to yield innocent people to torture in some of the most barbarous regimes in the Middle East, were assisted by refuelling in Shannon Airport. Under international law we are complicit. That was the finding of the Marty report and the Secretary General of the Council of the European Union confirmed it and stated that it was a liability.

I knew that the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Deputy Dermot Ahern, would state that he knew nothing about it. I arranged to have the correspondence I sent to the Department of Foreign Affairs and the debates in this House forwarded. I hope this material was used and that the Government was embarrassed. It has every reason to be so embarrassed.

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