Seanad Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 25 Oct 2023

The Political Situation in Northern Ireland: Statements

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

I welcome to the Visitors Gallery Councillor O'Callaghan and all the lads from Clare. They are most welcome guests of Senator Dooley. We had a great event on Sunday in Clare commemorating some of those tragic events that happened during the Civil War. I also welcome Colin Harvey, human rights and equality commissioner, and a professor in Queen's University Belfast. I thank him for being here today.

I welcome the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs. Given all that is going on in the world, the issues in Northern Ireland are foremost in our thoughts. It is great to see the economic envoy for Northern Ireland, Joe Kennedy, here this week, hopefully bringing investment to Northern Ireland but also underlying the support of successive US Administrations for the peace process. The Tánaiste has ten minutes.

Minister for Foreign Affairs (Deputy Micheál Martin)

Is mór an onóir dom a bheith arís ar ais libh agus an deis seo a fháil chun cúrsaí a bhaineann le Tuaisceart na hÉireann a phlé. Is mór an onóir freisin a bheith in éineacht libh agus ceist an-tábhachtach dúinn ar fad a phlé, is é sin an staid pholaitiúil i dTuaisceart Éireann faoi láthair.

I and my Government colleagues appreciate the consistent and thoughtful engagement from this House on matters related to Northern Ireland, including last month's Commencement matter on the UK's legacy Act, proposed by Senator Blaney. The Seanad, and indeed the Oireachtas as a whole, has been united in its opposition to this legislation, regardless of party background. Along with many in this Chamber, I believe that this Act actively undermines the process of reconciliation in Northern Ireland. The next steps in the Government's response to this Act remain under active consideration. I greatly regret that things have come to this pass. This situation is, unfortunately, a direct result of a lack of genuine engagement with us by the British Government on this issue. Neither has it listened to the international human rights community, to its own Parliament's human rights committee and, most importantly, to those most impacted by the legislation: victims and their families.

No one in this Government wishes relationships between our two countries to be defined by division and disagreement. There have been significant improvements in bilateral relations from the low point that was sadly reached as a result of the political dynamics created by Brexit, and that is very welcome, but there is work yet to do to fully restore the trust, mutual understanding and the reflex for mutually beneficial co-operation that were defining factors in previous times. Nowhere is this more important than in how our two Governments approach the process of peace and reconciliation in Northern Ireland. In short, a Leas-Chathaoirligh, we need to see a return to the partnership approach and the esprit de corps that has underpinned the Good Friday Agreement and the process itself when it has worked best.

At the moment, politics in Northern Ireland is not working or, more accurately, it is not being allowed to work. It has been 18 months since the people of Northern Ireland voted for their representatives to take up their responsibilities for a new term in the Assembly and Executive; 18 months in which this fundamental democratic right of the people of Northern Ireland has been frustrated; 18 months where the absence of Northern Ireland's political institutions has prevented the North-South bodies from operating as intended under the Good Friday Agreement - prevented from delivering as they can and should do for all of our people.

I spoke with Northern Ireland's party leaders earlier today. I have also heard from civil society organisations, and from people young and old, across Northern Ireland. The strongest message coming through is one of deep frustration at the current impasse. All of us in this Chamber are aware of the reasons given by the DUP for not restoring the institutions. I have listened to the DUP to better understand its concerns. All communities have been affected by the outworking of Brexit and all must deal with a new reality and new requirements that fall far short of the arrangements that were possible while the United Kingdom was part of the European Union. I believe that the DUP's concerns were heard, resulting in the ambitious agreement reached between the EU and the UK in the Windsor Framework. In my view, unionism should have claimed victory in respect of many of the issues that were resolved in the context of the Windsor Framework, some of them issues people were told could not be resolved. Other political parties were happy to see better arrangements for the seamless conduct of trading arrangements. In all my discussions with people in Northern Ireland, no one said to me that there should not be continued access to the European Union's Single Market, which is a significant point in itself.

For the past several months, the British Government has been in direct contact with the DUP on further specific concerns. My Government has exercised strategic patience in this period. We have and always will be constructive in how we engage with all parties. We have tried to help build space for the DUP to reconsider its blockage of the institutions. Northern Ireland's other parties have exercised similar patience but patience is not infinite. The delivery of services in vital areas is under enormous pressure in Northern Ireland, but there is no local leadership in place to manage this. Opportunities to make the most of the North's unique dual access to the British internal market and the EU's Single Market cannot be fully grasped without an Executive in place, and the stability that this unlocks.

This week, the United States Special Envoy for Northern Ireland, Joe Kennedy III, is in Northern Ireland with a significant commercial and trade delegation. The message from business to Northern Ireland's leaders is clear: deliver stability and we will deliver investment. It is unfortunate to say the least that such a high-powered trade delegation, led by Joe Kennedy, is not meeting with an executive and an assembly. That adds nothing to Northern Ireland or its prospects.

When we strip away the layers of complexity and rhetoric surrounding the current political crisis in Northern Ireland, a simple truth remains: people are much worse off without an executive and an assembly in place. Northern Ireland will do better and will deliver more for its people when local leadership is in place, using their knowledge, passion and commitment to make the decisions that need to be made. I was heartened that in his recent party conference speech, Jeffrey Donaldson strongly made the case for devolved government in Northern Ireland. It is past time for this to be put into action. Let us get back to what we know works. That means getting the institutions back up and running, Northern Ireland's parties, representing all of the political traditions, aligned and non-aligned, working together in committees, in ministerial meetings, on the floor of Stormont and in the North-South Ministerial Council to advance policy and make decisions to improve people's daily lives.

The absence of strand one has created significant challenges for strand two and the North-South bodies in terms of their programmes, confirmation of staffing appointments and so forth. This means that partnership between the two Governments is essential with a united approach based on a shared understanding of our responsibilities as guarantors of the agreement.

There are certain realities which are inarguable. There is the reality of geography, which means that our relationship with our closest neighbours will always be one of our most important, underpinned by historic cultural, economic and people-to-people ties. This is a relationship in which it is in all of our interest to invest. There are also the fundamental principles that underpin the Good Friday Agreement and the entire process of peace and reconciliation. Among these are the commitment to resolve our differences exclusively through democratic and peaceful means. Violence has cast a long shadow over the history of these islands; we will never return to those dark days.

The principle of consent has a very specific and well-defined meaning in the framework of the Good Friday Agreement. Northern Ireland will remain a part of the United Kingdom until such time as the people of this island, through a democratic expression of will, choose otherwise. We changed our Constitution by referendum to reflect this principle. All are free to argue for the future they would like to see, something that I, as a republican from a proud democratic tradition, take very seriously.

There is the principle of parity of esteem. In the British-Irish Agreement, the legally binding treaty underpinning the Good Friday Agreement, the two Governments affirmed this principle and the importance of "just and equal treatment for the identity, ethos and aspirations of both communities". Regardless of the political make-up or constitutional preference of the Government of the day in Ireland or in the United Kingdom, we have a solemn duty to uphold this principle without prejudice. We must respect and be seen to respect the principle of parity of esteem.

We will also be guided by the principle of fundamental human rights standards. Incorporating the European Convention on Human Rights into the law in Northern Ireland was an explicit requirement of the Good Friday Agreement. We must continue to be guided by these standards, including in relation to the legacy of the past, as mentioned earlier.

These principles and the finely-wrought balance they represent are the threads that hold the Good Friday Agreement together. Upholding these principles is not about taking some imprecise moral high ground. It is about fairness, inclusion and better futures in a society that has been deeply marked by division and violence. While we have a binding and solemn responsibility to uphold them this should not be our only motivation. We return to these principles again and again because they are still needed. We must hold to these principles because they are utterly necessary to the unfinished and vital work of reconciliation.

Taking forward the work of reconciliation remains a priority for this Government. I was delighted that the recent budget saw a 40% increase in my Department’s funding for reconciliation work. Next year, the reconciliation fund will be more than €7 million for the first time. A more reconciled island will work better, co-operate better, and deliver more for all our citizens. This is the same ethos at the heart of the shared island initiative. I believe that there is so much potential to be unlocked when we work together.

A necessary condition for reconciliation is to understand, respect and create space for the different identities and traditions on this island. Earlier today, I took part in a shared island dialogue on the topic of identity. Throughout the day we heard from individuals who reflected the diverse heritage of this island. I particularly want to recognise those who challenged themselves by taking part in the discussion. It is vital that their voices are heard as we consider how to find better ways to work together, regardless of constitutional outlook. I look forward to more conversations like the ones we had today.

I am grateful for the opportunity to discuss these issues with the House today, together with my colleague the Minister of State, Deputy Fleming. I hope we will have more time to elaborate on these issues in other debates. The engagement of Senators and the large measure of agreement across all parties in both Houses strengthen my hand when I discuss these issues with the UK authorities and with international partners. We look forward to hearing the views of Senators and sharing their insights on the current challenges and opportunities facing the Good Friday Agreement and facing the process of peace and reconciliation on this island. Go raibh míle maith agaibh go léir.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

I thank the Tánaiste for outlining the complexity of the situation in Northern Ireland, particularly in respect of the legacy Act. It is one issue that has united all groups in Northern Ireland on the fact that the opportunity to seek justice, however difficult that path might be, should never be denied. The legacy Act is certainly an impediment to this.

Senator Niall Blaney

Cuirim fáilte roimh an Tánaiste. We are particularly glad the Tánaiste is back safe after the journey he had last night. I thank the Tánaiste for the speech he has just made. It was quite a strong speech. The Tánaiste was very clear on his position on the legacy Act. My colleagues and I are very pleased about this as we await a positive outcome from a court case taken before the European Court of Human Rights.

We are in a very difficult period trying to get an Executive up and running in Northern Ireland. Recently I attended the British-Irish Parliamentary Assembly in Kildare. It was also attended by the Minister of State for Northern Ireland, Steve Baker. We all need to be careful about our language and our approach in dealing with issues North and South. I found his language and approach to be somewhat inflammatory and a little bit reckless to say the least with regard to any proposed referendum. I know this is tough language to use but I thought it was inflammatory and a little bit reckless. In anything he was asked about, there was a little bit of an air of this throughout his contributions. I am very disappointed about this. We discussed the legacy Act. I outlined to him the three meetings I had with Jonathan Caine from September last year until June this year and how dissatisfied I was as a political representative at how the various views I brought to the table at those meetings were not addressed. I also expressed how the people of Northern Ireland feel let down and how victims feel like giving up at this stage. They have been left in a very precarious situation and the Irish Government has no option but to try to look after their interests in the case. I hope this is how it turns out.

It is important, particularly in the Republic and even from a Government perspective, that we lead with a united front. We have to have the empathy that is at the heart of the shared island approach. This has to be led by the Taoiseach, who has to consider how he uses his remarks on Northern Ireland and how we share this island. It is very important that he leads in a proper manner that is reflective of this. After all, the shared island unit is in his Department and his words really matter. Unionists do listen to everything we say. It is only in recent days that I have heard of unionist groups taking a step back from youth diversion programmes in Northern Ireland because of some remarks made in the past. This is regretful.

As politicians in the South, we need to do everything we can to work at a greater level with politicians in Northern Ireland and reach out more to them. It is only by doing so that we break down the barriers. If we have learned anything from the Good Friday Agreement it is that politicians, taoisigh and Governments worked for many decades to get us to the stage where it was achieved. It was not done by talking up a united Ireland. It was to the contrary. It was about building trust and relationships. Organisations such as the British-Irish Parliamentary Assembly are there to build these relationships and they have helped to do so. These relationships are very important. They are as important today as they were then.

I am very glad the Tánaiste said what he said about bringing back the devolved Government in Stormont because there are so many outstanding issues that need to be addressed in Northern Ireland for the people of Northern Ireland. One of the more recent ones relates to the algae bloom that developed over the summer on Lough Neagh. I cannot but ask whether that is as a result of Brexit and Britain leaving the EU. Have standards dropped? Is there a body now responsible for putting a plan in place to ensure this lough, which is the source for 40% of the drinking water for people of Northern Ireland, is brought back to the standard required to be in line with the EU directives that no longer need to be complied with? Work needs to be done in co-operation with the stakeholders, such as farmers around the lough, on the sources of water coming into the lough and in the towns near the lough which need sanitary services to ensure that raw effluent is not going into the lake, thereby contributing further to the difficulties there.

Is there anything the Irish Government can do? I put this question to Steve Baker in Kildare. He readily said that this was a devolved issue and had nothing to do with him. That is not good enough for a representative of the British Government which should have more respect for the people of Northern Ireland. He knows there is no assembly in place so there should be some efforts. I ask the Tánaiste to take it upon himself to see if anything can be done. In the absence of Stormont, can the Irish Government negotiate with the British Government in the short term to find a way of addressing the needs of Lough Neagh to maintain the quality of the water source into the future?

Given all that has gone on in the recent past as regards legacy, it is important that we send a strong message to unionists that we in the South want to work with them and want them to work with us. We do not want to be driven by any recent revision of history but rather to look to our history, for example, the United Irishmen of the past. Who is standing at their graves? Who is remembering them? That is a history of Protestants in this country standing up for the rights of Catholics. Protestantism and unionism have had a much greater role in Irish society over many hundreds of years than people want to know. They should be proud of that history and be proud to come forward now and work with us politicians down south. Let us share this island together. Let us make sure that future generations have opportunities that we can be proud of. We need to build an Ireland that is about all creeds and identities. I would like to say much more. Perhaps I will have another opportunity to do so in future.

Senator Victor Boyhan

I welcome the Minister of State, Deputy Fleming, to the debate and I thank the Tánaiste for his further comprehensive presentation to us today. Before I discuss Northern Ireland specifically, I want to touch on the Irish-British relationship, which is an important one. I acknowledge the Government's commitment to east-west ties in opening consulates in Cardiff and Manchester post Brexit. That was the right thing to do and was an important move. I thank the Government, particularly the Minister for Foreign Affairs in recent years, for building up a team in the Irish Embassy in London, which is another important aspect of the Irish-British relationship.

I also welcome the bilateral frameworks in place between Scotland and Wales. This week, I travelled to the British-Irish Parliamentary Assembly, BIPA, of which I am a member. It is very clear from talking to our Scottish and Welsh counterparts that they value the framework that particular relationship, which is growing stronger and stronger. That is something I took away very strongly from our discussions at BIPA. I acknowledge also the exceptionally helpful briefing we had from the Department of Foreign Affairs and I convey my thanks to the staff in the Department.

In May last, the Government approved a major investment in the first Ireland House in London, again another Irish-British relationship which will bring together the Embassy of Ireland, Bord Bia, Enterprise Ireland and IDA Ireland under one roof. That is to be welcomed. It is a measure of the important economic relationship and vision that we have and of our intent to work in partnership in a proactive way to the benefit of all the people on the island of Ireland. I sometimes think we get lost in all of that. There are other aspects to it. The economic partnership will build long-lasting bridges of prosperity. While we need peace, we also need prosperity for the island of Ireland to thrive. It is important that I acknowledge that.

Last Thursday, I attended the shared island climate action conference under the shared island initiative involving Armagh city, Banbridge and Craigavon councils, along with Galway County Council and Leitrim County Council. It was hosted by Teagasc at its campus in Athenry in County Galway. It gives a clear indication that the shared island initiative is building bridges and delivering results. I commend the Department, in particular the Tánaiste, on its commitment in driving this initiative. It was the Tánaiste's idea and it is a good one. Again, we talked about North-South cross-Border projects relating to agri-tourism, enterprise and energy. There was significant buy-in from the councils as part of that all-island initiative. Again, we are building relationships and friendships and, ultimately, trust and respect. That also feeds into the North-South and British-Irish relationships which need to be peaceful and prosperous.

As the Tánaiste mentioned, the US Special Envoy to Northern Ireland on Economic Affairs, Joseph Kennedy, is currently in Ireland leading a US investment delegation to Northern Ireland. The significance and importance of this intervention cannot be understated. I like the Tánaiste's line that when we deliver stability, we will deliver enterprise. That is the key message from business in Northern Ireland. The recurring message at the BIPA meeting in Kildare earlier this week was that if we deliver stability, we will deliver for enterprise and business. That is the clear message coming from businesses in Northern Ireland.

As I said, I am a member of the British Irish Parliamentary Assembly. I ask the Government and the Department to continue to explore its enormous potential, which is not being maximised. It is not being fully used. It needs additional resources and it needs time and more imaginative collaboration between the BIPA jurisdictions, including Scotland and Wales, which are exceptionally important strands to our relationship. I ask the Department to consider that.

Over the past three days, BIPA considered many issues. While I will not go into them, I can say that the issue of the British Government's Northern Ireland Troubles (Legacy and Reconciliation) Act, which received royal assent on 18 September, was a major concern. It was raised by many people on the floor of the BIPA meetings. I understand the Irish Government is now considering the next steps for this Act and the Tánaiste spoke about that to us tonight. It is clear that the Government's approach to legacy and reconciliation is that they should be human rights compliant and victims centred, taking, of course, the Stormont House Agreement as a starting point. Again, I support that approach.

The Irish Government has made clear to the UK Government its strong opposition to the Northern Ireland Troubles (Legacy and Reconciliation) Act.

There is universal opposition, or virtually universal opposition, on this island to the legislation. I have never seen anything that has united more people on more sides than this issue, and that is an important point for the Government to take on board. The five main political parties in Northern Ireland, survivors, victims' families, victims' groups, civil society, the Northern Ireland Human Rights Commission and the Government of Ireland oppose the British Government's unilateral action on this issue. It is the view of the Irish Government that this Act is not fit for purpose. It is not compliant with Article 2 of the European Convention on Human Rights.

In January a bipartisan group of the US Congress wrote to Prime Minister Sunak expressing its strong opposition to this legislation. On 15 May, US Congressmen Bill Keating and Brian Fitzpatrick wrote to the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland to express their grave concerns about the legislation. In addition, the Council of Europe's Committee of Ministers has adopted six decisions since the introduction of the Bill which express concerns about compatibility with the European Court of Human Rights. The committee urged the UK to reconsider the immunity provisions of the legislation. Many groups representing victims have called on the Irish Government to initiate an interstate case before the European Court of Human Rights in respect of the UK legacy Act. I support that call. It is an important one. I know the Government is considering the matter but it is important that it keep the Houses of the Oireachtas informed of what is happening. Time will run out and we need a decisive, clear indication of the Government's commitment to take the case. It is an important one and one that people expect.

I thank the Department of Foreign Affairs and the Department officials for their proactive engagement. The British-Irish Parliamentary Assembly and its potential should be expanded because it is doing good work. More importantly, we should continue on the road of the all-island initiative. It is an important one, and I believe it can expand and we can grow our relationships in peace and economics and, eventually, in trust. That is so important in this process.

Senator John McGahon

Like Senator Blaney and others, I met Lord Caine as a member of the Good Friday committee and a member of the British-Irish friendship group recently. When we were downstairs, beneath this Chamber, speaking to Lord Caine, 95% of the discussion was about the legacy Act - rightly so - and how horrific we as Irish parliamentarians find it to be. I pointed out to him that I was sitting at one end of the room and John Finucane, the Member of Parliament for Belfast North, was sitting on the other end and that I disagree entirely with most of his politics. With all due respect to Senator Gavan, I am sure he will agree with that in terms of my outlook on Sinn Féin - and its outlook on me equally, might I add. I said, however, that on this issue Mr. Finucane and I were utterly at one and that I agreed entirely with what he had said and he agreed entirely with what I had said. I said there was a microcosm in the room in that, if Mr. Finucane and I are on the same page on this issue, and if every political party in Northern Ireland is on the same side as well, surely that tells you in some shape or form what we as parliamentarians in this country think about the legacy Bill. I felt that Mr. Finucane and I being in the same room that day provided an idea of that. I told Lord Caine as well that my political tradition and outlook come from the Redmondite tradition. I value the relationship we have with our nearest neighbours. I want us to have a very good, strong working relationship with our nearest neighbours. That is the political heritage I have always come from. Yet I look at this and say that the relationship between our countries is at an all-time low. I look at the reception that was given to Queen Elizabeth when she came here ten, 11 or 12 years ago, I look at how Martin McGuinness met her, I know how much it meant to the unionist community that that happened, and I wonder if that would even be able to happen in today's political climate - not from our side whatsoever because I know our side would still give the same reception to any visiting dignitary. I wonder, however, if Britain would be able to provide that same level of outreach and friendship towards us. I do not think that would be the case, and that worries me.

It worries me because it has happened for a few reasons. Brexit was obviously the light that lit the torch, for want of a better word. There were the successive Governments of Boris Johnson and Liz Truss, which were both car crashes in terms of an Irish-English friendship and relationship. Rishi Sunak seems to have got that back on track a little, which is what I had thought would happen. I had thought this legacy Act would be shelved or something would happen to it. Then I see that the Bill was fully supported at every stage.

When I was with Lord Caine a month ago, I asked him, "What is the process behind this Bill? What is the politics behind it? Why are you guys, as a Government, after 13 years in power since 2010, now deciding that this Bill has to happen at this point in time?" He said to me that it had been a long-standing commitment of all Governments since 1998 and that the current Government was going to do something about it. That is all hogwash, however, because three days previously, at the Tory Party conference in Manchester, Chris Heaton-Harris gave a very clear outline of what the politics behind this were:

This Conservative Government recently passed the Northern Ireland Troubles ... Act.

And whilst it delivers on a manifesto commitment we made to our Veterans ...

There it was in black and white four days previously, in Manchester, in front of the Tory Party conference. What is really sickening about that, if I may be quite frank, is the fact that the Tory party, for political survival in the UK, the prospect of which is virtually non-existent as it is goosed, but for its own perceived political survival, is trying to play to a cohort of a very small political demographic in the United Kingdom that it thinks may vote for the Conservative Party, that is, military veterans. Imagine being willing to sacrifice the political unity and political stability of Northern Ireland to appeal to a very small political demographic, not even in Wales or Scotland but in England, in English constituencies, and in a small subset of English constituencies at that. It is the most disgusting thing I have ever seen and the most transparent ploy for votes I have ever seen a British Government engage in. It is sickening to listen to comments such as those and similar made in a gruffer way by the veterans' affairs minister, Johnny Mercer. I know that Mr. Mercer, as someone who formerly served there, has his own view, but it is horrible that families in Northern Ireland who have every right to seek justice through courts of law will now have that hope wiped from them because of the politics being played by the Tory Party. That is my view on the legacy Bill and I was keen to put it on the record of this House because I have not had the opportunity to do so previously, although I have made my views known in private meetings, as I did with Lord Caine two months ago. I am therefore happy to take this opportunity now to put my views on the legacy Act on the record here.

I commend what Hilary Benn, the new Northern Ireland shadow secretary, said recently on his visit to Northern Ireland, which was that the Labour Party would do everything to repeal this Act if it were to get into government but that it would have to be replaced with something else. At least that is a very good key indicator that the Labour Party is very much at one not just with the Irish Government but with all political parties on the island of Ireland. Those are my views on the legacy Bill and where we stand in that regard.

As to where we are with the Windsor Framework agreement, I commented in this House a number of months ago that Northern Ireland is now in an enviable, unique economic position whereby it is able to trade with both the EU Single Market and the British internal market, so now Northern Ireland can be held up as a beacon as the place to come and do business in. I am from Dundalk, and that will be beneficial to my area because businesses will be attracted to south Armagh and Newry and south Down, and that spillover will come across the Border, the same way as with Senator Blaney and Derry and Donegal. A rising tide lifts all boats. That economic attraction and business and jobs that will flow into Northern Ireland as a result of the Windsor Framework will be very beneficial to everyone living in a Border area on either side of the Border. The Border area for the past 40 years, really until the last ten or 15 years, has been an economic wasteland at times because of everything that went on. It is good, therefore, to see that from that perspective.

However, what makes it more frustrating that that economic advantage cannot be pushed home at this point in time is the lack of an effective Executive running in Stormont. I understand the politics behind that in terms of the principle of consent. In 1998 it was the case that we would have to have everyone on board, but in this day and age, in 2023, it is just unacceptable that a democracy in the western hemisphere, for want of a better term, is able consistently over the past ten years, through various periods, not to have a functioning Executive and a functioning democracy.

The Tánaiste said that while the Government here and the political parties in the North are to be complimented for their patience over the past 18 months, patience is wearing thin. That is the case and it is important that we get people back into the assembly and have a functioning government in Northern Ireland not only for the people of Northern Ireland but for the island of Ireland.

Senator Vincent P. Martin

The Minister of State is very welcome to the Chamber. In opening the debate, the Tánaiste referred to parity of esteem. That is, of course, from the two governments who affirmed the importance of the principle of just and equal treatment for the identity, ethos and aspirations of both communities. As a guarantor of the agreement, one cannot say today that there is fairness, proportionality and reasonableness. I appreciate that the Government, as a guarantor of the agreement, has to act in a measured and constructive way but we are currently at a protracted impasse in Northern Ireland, which stands in sharp contrast to the meeting of the British-Irish Parliamentary Assembly in County Kildare a few days ago. That east-west strand on the island was very constructive and positive. I met John Taylor, a staunch unionist member of the House of Lords. Something is fundamentally broken in Northern Ireland at the moment. How long ought it stay broken?

I do not expect the Government to outline its plans. Plan B, if one said it in the wrong way, could be inflammatory. Can the Government assure us that there is a plan B and that one party cannot cause this near-permanent paralysis and stagnation of a democratically enshrined agreement that was working? A former leader of the Minister of State's party spoke in the 1980s of Northern Ireland as a failed political entity, and so it was before the Good Friday Agreement. There was, and still is, hope. Why should one group of politicians block other politicians from doing their job and representing the people who elected them? The people lose out.

The veto system has outgrown its usefulness. I appreciate it might not be the appropriate time to amend it, but one party in Northern cannot pull the plug and stop politics from working. While advancements are being made in the Republic with nature and biodiversity measures, the lack of an executive in the North has hindered the response to serious issues like Lough Neagh. Our nature does not see or recognise borders. We must restart co-operation between North and South to ensure we do not do irreversible damage to our land and water. We must make sure that the structures for protecting the environment are equally robust in both jurisdictions. Some €11 million has been allocated for the all-Ireland biodiversity actions on peatlands restoration and biosecurity through the shared island initiative. Is this being progressed, given the current stalemate caused by the unilateral action of one party?

In the absence of an executive, we can at least progress the cross-Border and all-island community climate action initiatives that have been allocated €3 million. This funding is to support local authorities to step up climate action, including nature recovery networks, farming for nature, just transition, improving land use and water quality, peatland restoration, renewable energy solutions and flood forecasting. Can the Tánaiste update us on initiatives that local authorities have been implementing under this strand? We need to end this impasse for the sake of the people, the planet and jobs.

Only today, a presentation was made to us by the European Movement in Ireland at the Joint Committee on European Union Affairs. It has opinion poll results, the methodology of which is as fair as it can be. We have to take opinion polls with a slight health warning. Notwithstanding that, in response to the question, "Since Brexit, do you think Northern Ireland in overall terms is better or worse?", 66% of those polled in a professional online poll system - polls before the Good Friday Agreement were not that reliable for obvious reasons - a larger majority than those in Northern Ireland who voted to remain in the EU said it was doing worse. In response to the question, "Do you think that Northern Ireland should have representatives who would sit as MEPs in the European Parliament?", 74% of those in Northern Ireland said they want a voice in Europe. That voice is needed now more than ever before because devolution is not working.

There is no government in Northern Ireland. I do not wish the Minister of State to go into specifics of plan B, but are we pushing for a voice for Northern Ireland in the European Parliament? We have to think outside of the box about how that happens. Where there is a will, there is a way. There is a vacuum. The good people of Northern Ireland do not have a voice in Europe at the moment. We have done our best and are facilitating them in different committee meetings and there are informal contacts. Commissioner Mairéad McGuinness and others are doing their best, but the people of Northern Ireland have no formal voice in Europe.

It is the best of both worlds, but in one of those worlds the people of Northern Ireland do not have a formal voice. They do not have a formal voice in Belfast because there is no government at the moment. I am trying to progress a Bill through this House, which passed Committee Stage, to ban the importation of non-native honeybees in the 26-county Republic because they will hybridise the dark native bee. Ireland is one of its last strongholds in Europe. This is just one example, but it is a good example of how we need joined up thinking when it comes to protecting our environment.

I am at an advanced stage and trying to publish a Bill for consideration by Members of the House that will look at the safe disposal of the carcinogenic substance formaldehyde used in embalming. Again, unless there is joined-up thinking on the island of Ireland, it will not have an effect. The environment and people will lose because one party has decided that at the moment it does not want to go into power. I appreciate the encouraging remarks of Jeffrey Donaldson at a recent conference. I am not into the explicit politics of deadlines; that does not work in Northern Ireland. Do we have a plan B? I think it is a fair question to ask. Can what is happening stop everything forever and kill off and bury the Good Friday Agreement, which is against the will of the people on the island of Ireland? Can we stand up as a Government, along with Great Britain, to ensure that the people of Ireland north of the Border have a voice and proper working politics?

Acting Chairperson (Senator Shane Cassells)

Before I go to the next slot, I welcome former Minister of State, Áine Brady, and her group to the Gallery. I welcome her back. It is great to see her and I hope she and her group have a lovely evening in Leinster House.

Senator Paul Gavan

It is good to see the Minister of State. The people of Ireland, North and South, have been adversely affected by the behaviour of the DUP and its boycott of the institutions of the Good Friday Agreement. The political institutions of the agreement have not been fully functioning since February 2022. Since October 2022, the all-island institutions of the agreement have not met. The North's executive, assembly and the various government committees have not met. In effect, the DUP has blocked all areas of governance with respect to the agreement.

The DUP stance has added to the divisive and poisonous atmosphere created by Brexit and the handling of this by the British Government regarding the politics of this island. Serving its own interests in its power struggle with the European Union, the British Government has used Brexit, the DUP and the Good Friday Agreement as a battering ram. Of course, the DUP is a willing pawn in this political game in the forlorn hope that cosying up to the British Government will help its political project of undermining the Good Friday Agreement and holding back political progress among the people of Ireland, North and South.

The British Government has failed in its malign endeavours with respect to the EU, and the DUP has also failed. The DUP has been encouraged in its political delusion by the attitude of the British Government and the most recent nonsense from the Minister of State at the Northern Ireland Office, Mr. Steve Baker, to the effect that a core democratic principle of the Good Friday Agreement, a simple majority in a referendum, should be abandoned and the undemocratic unionist veto returned. The British Government, including its Secretary of State for the North, Mr. Christopher Heaton-Harris, has refused to act in the face of the DUP's boycott and to consult or involve the Irish Government. It has taken a single-handed approach and is excluding the Irish Government. This is a major departure from the principles of the Good Friday Agreement, which clearly states a joint approach and joint stewardship are the responsibility of both governments as co-guarantors of the agreement.

While the political paralysis induced by the British Government and the DUP continues, workers and families carry the burden of a cost-of-living nightmare. Inflation and higher mortgage interest payments are badly stressing household budgets. Energy costs and food prices all remain alarmingly high. Public services are in crisis and the sick, elderly and young wait for basic treatments and surgery on ever-increasing waiting lists.

The parties in the North have tried to restore the institutions. Sinn Féin, the SDLP and the Alliance Party convened the assembly on five separate occasions to nominate a First Minister and Deputy First Minister but the DUP boycott blocked this. In March this year, the Windsor Framework, negotiated by the EU and the British Government, provided new arrangements and lasting solutions for businesses and addressed the concerns raised by unionists. These new arrangements are in place and operating since 1 October at designated ports but the DUP boycott continues.

The situation has been made even worse by the British Government's legacy Act of shame, which became law last month. The relatives of those who died in the conflict are looking to the Irish Government to represent their interests and take an interstate case against the British Government's legacy Act in the European Court of Human Rights. I call on the Minister of State to tell us when the Irish Government will initiate this action.

This year marked the 25th anniversary of the signing of the Good Friday Agreement. It not only survived 25 years but it also prospered, and much progress has been made in transforming politics and society on this island and between Ireland and Britain. One of the big lessons from the past 25 years of progress is that progress could not have been achieved without the joint approach by the Irish and British Governments. The problems of recent years arise primarily because there is no joint approach by both governments. Both, for reasons best known to themselves, took their focus off the North. The British Government is still on a solo run with the unionists. The Irish Government must use its influence on the British Government to restore the joint approach. It is a co-guarantor of the Good Friday Agreement in every detail and its presence is essential as we look forward.

Much has happened and there is so much to do: eradicating sectarianism, advancing reconciliation, ensuring the peace dividend reaches every community and ensuring a new generation can reach its full potential through education and employment opportunities. The First Minister designate, Ms Michelle O'Neill, is keen to lead the executive, demonstrate her credentials as First Minister for all the people of the North, engage positively with the Irish Government and develop fully the all-island institutions of the Good Friday Agreement. In particular, a functioning executive could take full advantage of the growing all-island economy. In that regard, I commend the businesspeople, business organisations and trade unions for their stewardship and leadership in developing the island-wide economy in the most difficult of circumstances.

This week, we saw the goodwill and potential economic opportunities to strengthen the economy and the North and create more and better jobs. The United States Special Envoy for Northern Ireland, Mr. Joe Kennedy, brought a trade delegation to the North. It included American investors from various sectors willing to create jobs and give young people new opportunities. We must not allow these opportunities to be squandered. The DUP never had any justification for its boycott. It is unacceptable that there is nobody at the wheel and that there are no Ministers running departments in the North. Political stability, maturity and a pragmatic approach are required by all political parties at Stormont to get things moving. Time and space have been given by everyone but there are clear limits, and the end point to that is now upon us. Therefore, the next short number of weeks comprise a critical period for us all in the effort to restore the power-sharing institutions of the Good Friday Agreement.

I wish to emphasise again the importance of our Government taking the interstate case. I have spoken out on the legacy Bill at the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe and produced a report on the topic of the impact of Brexit on human rights. I am glad there was almost unanimity across all 46 member states of the Council of Europe on calling on the British Government to call a halt to its legacy Bill. In fact, it was only the British and a couple of very strange delegations that actually stood up against it. The vast majority of people from across Europe called on the British Government to halt the Bill. Unfortunately, no such halting occurred and the British Government carried on blindly. The Irish Government has no choice now but to move immediately to instigate the interstate case. Otherwise, instead of taking months to come to court, it will take years. We all know that the relatives of the victims do not have time on their side. We need action from the Irish Government, particularly on the legacy case.

Senator Frances Black

The Minister of State is very welcome. I also welcome the officials from the Department and thank them for all the work they do. This is a really important issue. I welcome to the Gallery Professor Colin Harvey, a professor of human rights law at Queen's University Belfast and a commissioner of the Irish Human Rights and Equality Commission.

The situation in the North of Ireland is not getting the attention it deserves but I totally understand why. There are many other issues at the moment. However, there is a protracted crisis in the North and power-sharing has collapsed, not for the first time. Much of the manoeuvring and negotiations to restore power-sharing is happening behind the scenes, with little drama to animate extensive news coverage or political debate, but that should not blind us to the very real democratic and social crisis unfolding before our eyes. This situation can be summed up by what journalist Sam McBride wrote in an article for the Belfast Telegraph. He stated, "There's an end of days feel to Northern Ireland [right now]" and that a "sort of half-hearted anarchy pervades" as "swathes of what society takes for granted are breaking down". He also stated, "The scale and nature of the crises now unfolding will have profound political consequences." He adds that basic social functions are beginning to break down as the people of the North no longer have a devolved administration that could shield them from the worst excesses of the Tory Government's drive to cut social spending with no regard for human dignity or community cohesion. I could give so many examples of how this calamity is impacting people's lives.

I go to Northern Ireland all the time, particularly to Rathlin Island, and talk to people all the time. Northern Ireland's health service is on its knees and faces a typical wintertime surge in demand with totally inadequate staffing resources. That is very worrying for the people of the North. Women's Aid Federation Northern Ireland is one of the many voluntary sector organisations doing essential work serving a community that has been impacted by a massive cut in funding for the sector. Unlike the Women's Aid organisations in Scotland, England, Wales and Ireland, it is receiving no state funding. That kind of austerity is so wrong and is literally killing people, and it shows callous disregard for the safety and welfare of women living in the North. It cannot be allowed to continue and we cannot stand by it.

The Irish Government investment in the North, co-ordinated by the shared island unit, is a very positive and foresighted development. Investments like the one in increased places for nursing students will benefit everybody on the island.

Providing grants to alleviate this funding shortfall for Women’s Aid in Northern Ireland and other organisations providing essential services could be a powerful demonstration of solidarity and an excellent use of our budget.

I wish to give another example, which is Northern Irish libraries that will not be able acquire books this year due to the funding shortfall. That might sound like a small thing in the grand scheme of things but it is a painful example of the ways in which the crisis in the North’s politics is impacting culture and education. The situation is made all the worse by the fact that this year saw the publication of many wonderful pieces of writing by Northern writers. Yesterday, Michael Magee won the Rooney Prize for his beautiful book about a young man coming of age in west Belfast entitled Close to Home. Rachel Connolly captured the life of a young woman returning from London to live in south Belfast with depth and clarity in her novel Lazy City. These books are available for readers to borrow from the wonderful and well-stocked library system in the Republic. However, it makes me sad to think of young readers – the next generation of great young writers in Belfast – who cannot get wonderful new books like these at their local library. It is a stark failure and betrayal of the aspirations of young people.

I hope the DUP realises its failure to make power sharing work is a far bigger threat to Northern Ireland’s place in the union than any of its anxieties about the Windsor Framework. I have a huge concern that the British Government, in its attempts to coax the DUP back into Stormont, is making representations in private about constitutional issues that undermine its commitments to nationalists and other voters in the North.

Minister Steve Baker’s comments at the British-Irish Parliamentary Assembly meeting on Monday about a 60% threshold for constitutional change were very unhelpful and inflammatory. Comments such as these undermine people’s faith that Britain will act fairly regarding any future border poll. The principles of the Good Friday Agreement - the principles of consent and parity of esteem - empower a majority of voters to maintain the union and that equality is absolutely vital. We must cultivate political discourse where everyone, including figures in the British and Irish Governments, can speak candidly about their constitutional aspirations. Chris Heaton-Harris’s unionism does not undermine my nationalism. Our Taoiseach, Deputy Leo Varadkar’s, and our Tánaiste’s republicanism does not undermine Jeffrey Donaldson’s unionism. We are all entitled to our views as long as we are respectful. Disagreement can be healthy and productive. I was disappointed with the negative response from some quarters to Leo Varadkar speaking about the prospect of Irish unity. It is a sign of insecurity and I am very concerned about that. To my work in Ireland’s future, I see a positive engagement that can be had when people put aside their anxieties and insecurities and speak candidly about their hopes and fears. The reality is that the persistent dysfunction in the North only amplifies the relevance of discussions about potential constitutional change.

This is also I think the first opportunity I have had to speak about the North in this Chamber since the legacy Bill was passed. I reiterate how dismayed and disappointed I am that the British Government has refused to listen to victims, human rights organisations, academic experts or even the Irish Government. I know this view is shared universally in the Oireachtas and it is wonderful to see so many of us all speaking with such a united voice.

In its statement responding to the passage of the Bill, the Oireachtas Committee on the Implementation of the Good Friday Agreement called on the Irish Government to consider interstate litigation in the European Court of Human Rights to stop it. I understand the Taoiseach and the Tánaiste are considering this course of action subject to legal advice. I ask them to please proceed on this vital issue. Ireland has an ironclad case, and interstate legislation would save victims' families huge amounts of struggle and heartbreak. Nobody can understand what it is like for those victims and this legacy Bill is absolutely soul-destroying for them. The Government now has a wonderful opportunity to demonstrate practical and tangible solidarity and it is absolutely vital it is followed through.

Acting Chairperson (Senator Shane Cassells)

I join Senator Black in acknowledging the presence of Professor Colin Harvey, who has published some extremely important reports on Irish unity in the EU. I acknowledge his presence here.

Senator Malcolm Byrne

Cuirim fáilte roimh an Aire Stáit. I agree with colleagues' remarks on the legacy legislation and the importance of getting the Assembly back up and running. It is only through dialogue that we can achieve progress.

I echo the concerns of my colleague, Senator Blaney, around the ecological disaster happening at Lough Neagh. This is not just something that impacts on the North; it impacts on the entire island of Ireland. It is critical that the Government takes a strong stance in trying to preserve something of importance to all of us on this island.

A number of colleagues have asked about building forward and where we move, and I am always conscious of that. I was listening to Senator Black’s point about whatever new constitutional arrangement we enter into and about our own identities. The reality is that no matter what constitutional arrangement we have in the near future, on this island of 7.5 million people, there will still be more than 1 million people who will define themselves as British. There will still be about 750,000 people who are neither green nor orange because they have come here from Poland, Ukraine, the Czech Republic and so many other countries. Part of what we have to do is look at how we can build a common identity - those things we have in common are far more important.

Perhaps in recent weeks, the success of the Irish rugby team – I still regard it as a success even though a bounce of the ball did not get us as far as we wanted to go – built on an identity. It is something that we shared as an island. Listening to the voices of some of the players on that team has been important. It shows that sport, as well as the arts, literature and other things, can bring us together.

I commend the initiative of the Department of Foreign Affairs around global Ireland and how it is trying to build that broader identity. It is also about celebrating the diaspora. We are not just an island of 7.5 million people. In our celebration of the diaspora, it is critical to also celebrate the Ulster Protestant diaspora, which has had a global impact around the world. Perhaps sometimes we do not acknowledge that sufficiently in how we mark the impact of Ireland globally.

As many mentioned, the shared island project has been critically important in terms of investment in infrastructure projects and I am particularly happy to see a lot of the investment in high education and research. However, it is more important that we look at supporting engagement between people. As many colleagues said, it is about building trust. I recall at the time of the Good Friday Agreement and my time as a student and a youth activist that there were far more opportunities for engagements between students and young people or those involved in the arts North-South and east-west. I would argue we do not have the same level of engagement between people on the ground. The more that we can support those engagements among civic organisations that people can build trust and understanding, the better. It is critical.

One of the disastrous aspects of Brexit – there were so many – was that on the fringes of some of the EU meetings, there were opportunities for Ministers from Ireland and the UK to meet. It is important that we continue to see politicians at senior level, but including at local authority level, Deputies and Senators, meet on a North-South and east-west basis in as far as possible.

Words matter. We have been marking a number of anniversaries and the peace process is precisely that. It did not just end with the Good Friday Agreement; it is long-running. I note that this week was the 30th anniversary of the Shankill Road bombing, a bomb that was planted without warning. It was particularly concerning that some prominent members of Sinn Féin chose on social medial to commemorate and mark the bomber – the guy who planted the bomb – this week, a time that is particularly sensitive. It would be as if people decided to mark the Ulster Defence Association, UDA, terrorists responsible for the Greysteel massacre, which happened 30 years ago and we need to mark appropriately.

We have to always remember the rights and importance of victims in this. It is critical that in building our peace process, we do not forget the victims of what has happened and that they are always central to our discussion. The Government's approach has been positive and the cross-party support for that is to be welcomed but I agree with colleagues that we need to get the Assembly back up and running.

Senator Gerard P. Craughwell

I want to recognise my colleagues. Senator Blaney has had a deep commitment to Northern Ireland and Senator McGahon, has equally pointed out the things that he sees that need to be done. Senator Martin made a point about representation for Northern Ireland in Europe, which would be a massive step forward by the Republic if it looked for it, albeit that representative would have to be elected to a constituency in the South. That would be an amazing step forward. I cannot speak without mentioning Senator Black. Her work in Northern Ireland is incredible and she is to be commended on that. I spent last Saturday evening in the Raven Social Club in Belfast at a play about David Ervine. If ever we needed a David Ervine, we need one now. Northern Ireland is in freefall.

I recognise our Department of Foreign Affairs people, who work in Northern Ireland and who do an incredible job. Nobody sees them out banging a drum; they just do their work and get on with it and they need to be commended on what they do. Deputy Micheál Martin's work as Minister for Foreign Affairs since his appointment to that portfolio has changed the environment I experience when I go to Northern Ireland and I commend him on that. I mainly mix with members of the unionist community when I go up there and by and large, they are just like you, me and anybody else. They want a peaceful life and coexistence and they want to see their Assembly up and running. They are deeply concerned about the way things are going. I hate to say this but people are saying that maybe it is time we looked at the Good Friday Agreement again and that the veto that Senator Martin was talking about needs to be examined to see where we will go. It is just wrong that the tail is wagging the dog and that needs to stop.

On the legacy legislation, it is no secret in this House that I am veteran of two military organisations, the Defence Forces and the Royal Irish Rangers. As a veteran I can say that none of the veterans I know who served in the British forces have an appetite for shielding murderers or those who did wrong. Those who did wrong must be brought before the courts. The families that suffered as a result of those who did wrong need their day in court. I do not just say this here; I have given a speech to the Ulster Defence Regiment Association in Northern Ireland where I addressed the issue of collusion and I am not afraid to address that with veterans in the North of Ireland. It was a dirty war; nobody had clean hands coming out of it. We need to confront those issues and be honest with one another.

We talk about the Good Friday Agreement and God knows, Senator Black has been talking about it for the last nine or ten years since we first met. We got the Good Friday Agreement over the line and we all stopped and clapped ourselves on the back. We said we are all living in harmony now and it is great that you can drive North and South with no border checks or anything and we said that everybody was happy. If we are being totally honest about it we did not work hard enough at it and we did not bring the communities, particularly the unionist communities in Northern Ireland, forward as much as we should have. When I say "We", I include the leadership of the unionist community. The nationalists educated themselves. They brought forward education programmes and they raised the expectation levels for their communities. Sadly some of the unionist leadership did not do that. We have to try to understand why that happened. What I like about today's debate is that I have not heard anybody stand up, bang the drum and say to hell with them all and that it is our way or the highway.

On a border poll, I am a democrat. I know that a small group among the unionist community would not be happy with a 50% plus one majority but we are democrats and if that is the outcome then that is the outcome. If we want to have a border poll then the first thing we should do - and I am asking everybody here to do it, particularly my colleagues in Sinn Féin - is have greater engagement. We must meet and talk to people and let them know there is nothing to be afraid of. One of the questions I was asked in Northern Ireland after the speech I gave on collusion was "What about our land?" I asked this person what they were talking about and they said they were talking about the land that was given to them when they were planted. Another guy asked me if they would be interned in the event of a united Ireland. These are genuine fears expressed by people, albeit they may seem ridiculous to you and me.

I will leave it at that. I want to compliment our Department of Foreign Affairs and drive the Tánaiste forward. We are doing a good job at trying to build bridges.

Senator Ned O'Sullivan

I welcome the Minister of State. I will put a few brief points on record. The Good Friday Agreement was a watershed in the long and troubled history of our country. We have failed to deliver on the full potential of the Good Friday Agreement and that is highly regrettable and frustrating for those of us who invested heavily in a peaceful way forward and in new relations between nationalists and unionists. Nationalists and unionists are both victims of their history and experience. As a young man from a republican household, I saw only one side; green was right and orange was bad. Thankfully I grew in maturity and came to realise that unionists do not have horns on their heads and that nationalists are no angels either. Some people, alas, will never be able to escape from that outdated tribal mindset and the failure of the Good Friday Agreement is that to date, it has not been the catalyst for the normalisation of society in Northern Ireland.

The shared island initiative is the most significant attempt to break the deadlock. An Tánaiste's vision of the future is generous and non-threatening. It offers real paths to progress and I am proud of the major investment the Government is committing on a yearly basis towards meaningful cross-Border and cross-society relations. The biggest mistake nationalists can make is to bully and threaten those who have no interest in a 32-county Republic. Thirty years of paramilitary slaughter failed to achieve this outcome. The biggest mistake unionists can make is to give the back of the hand to overtures such as a shared island initiative just because it came from the south of the Border.

It is my personal opinion that there will not be a united Ireland in my lifetime or for many decades to come, if ever. Neither can the political stand-off that has stagnated all chance of progress go on forever. We need to use the next few decades to start creating normal conditions, which might eventually lead towards a unity of minds and perhaps a unity in other ways eventually. In that regard, calls for a border poll or to prepare for a border poll are most unhelpful and irresponsible. Equally unhelpful is the trivialisation of the Northern Ireland Assembly, which we have seen from both the DUP and Sinn Féin. When the DUP is not in the Assembly, it is the villain but when Sinn Féin brought down the Assembly for three years, that was a fine thing. The partisan use of human rights campaigning and political journalism, where each side only has an interest in the rights of their own side and denies the legitimate rights and grievances of the other side, is also to be condemned.

I appeal to all right-thinking people to step out of the straitjackets of their birth and work for a new Ireland where we can all live in peace together. That is not an easy thing to do. I decided I would try to do it, it has not been easy for me and I am getting plenty of abuse about it. I believe in the truth and justice of my approach and more people on both sides of the divide should take that approach and decide to speak out on what they think is right, not what their father, grandfather or next-door neighbour thinks is right. There will never be change if we go on like that forever. I want to say to unionists that they have a friend in me and that they have a lot of friends in the South if they only reach out to them.

Minister of State at the Department of Foreign Affairs (Deputy Sean Fleming)

I thank Senators for their very thoughtful and detailed contributions. I welcome the Seanad's close engagement with matters relating to Northern Ireland, which is a key priority for all of us in both Houses. The Government welcomes the various opportunities for discussion in this House initiated by Senators this year to mark the 25th anniversary of the Good Friday Agreement and to discuss the impact of the UK’s legacy Act and current political issues in Northern Ireland.

The broad cross-party agreement on a number of fundamental issues pertaining to Northern Ireland - on the need for functioning institutions, on dealing with the legacy of the past and on North-South co-operation - is very valuable. We all want to see this island realise its full potential.

In April, the Tánaiste had the opportunity to reflect with Senators in this Chamber on a quarter of a century of peace since the Good Friday Agreement and on what more needs to be done to consolidate the opportunities of that peace. We are in a far better place than we were 25 years ago in Northern Ireland and across the entire island. However, we recognise that there is work yet to be done to achieve a genuine and full reconciliation. Reconciliation underpins the aims of the Good Friday Agreement, lies at the heart of our approach to Northern Ireland and guides the work of the Government’s shared island initiative.

We have taken good note of Senators’ statements regarding the importance of restoring the full functioning of the Good Friday Agreement institutions. The full and effective implementation and operation of the Good Friday Agreement across all three strands remains a key priority for the Government. This has been the focus of our regular engagements with Northern Ireland’s party leaders and the British Government.

As the Taoiseach and Tánaiste have underlined on numerous occasions, we want to see the power-sharing institutions in Northern Ireland restored urgently. Local leadership is needed in finding better ways forward on the range of issues affecting people’s daily lives, including the debilitating crises in respect of the cost of living, healthcare and public finances.

The people of Northern Ireland voted in elections in May 2022. As democrats, we need to ensure that their mandate is respected and upheld. They deserve to have their voices heard in a democratic institutions guaranteed to them by the Good Friday Agreement. The North-South Ministerial Council must also be allowed to play its critical role in facilitating cross-Border co-operation. Restoration of all the institutions of the Good Friday Agreement will allow us to move ahead with new and existing North-South projects to create a more connected, sustainable, prosperous and reconciled island for us all.

It is vital that we look ahead to the future and drive forward a positive agenda, make the most of opportunities for North-South co-operation and work to deepen connections and overcome challenges across the island of Ireland. Developing the all-island economy will be an important part of this. It is already delivering so much and still has so much potential that we can unlock. Cross-Border trade in goods and services has almost trebled since 1998. It is now worth about €10 billion per annum and supports thousands of jobs across sectors from agrifood to tourism. Behind these figures are real people, real jobs and real lives. Entrepreneurship creates prosperity and deeper connections on both sides of the Border. The growth of the all-island economy is a real dividend of the peace process and one that the Government would like to see grow larger still. Protecting and growing the all-island economy is a core priority for the Government.

With the agreement of the Windsor Framework, we have a real opportunity to move beyond the questions that have stymied us since the UK’s decision to leave the EU. The framework offers genuine economic benefits to communities across Northern Ireland. We want to see Northern Ireland take full advantage of these economic opportunities to bring in much-needed investment and drive increased economic prosperity.

Building on the recent Northern Ireland investment conference, we are delighted that the special envoy, Joseph Kennedy, returned this week to Northern Ireland with a business delegation of US investors. Almost 40% of foreign direct investment in Northern Ireland originates in the United States, while over 12% comes from Irish-owned companies. Our closely integrated all-island economy is a major attraction that benefits us all, North and South.

Looking at my portfolio, Ireland’s diaspora has been vital to maintaining international engagement with peace on this island, particularly in the United States but also in other locations. In recent months, we have welcomed hundreds of city and state legislators to Ireland. Many have visited Northern Ireland. The opportunity to engage with these political leaders about Northern Ireland and other issues is invaluable. It is important we maintain these links with the newer generation of up and coming elected representatives in the United States. This provides a platform for sustained engagement, understanding and support into the future. I recognise the work done by the Leas-Chathaoirleach with these groups this year.

As we all know, the Northern Ireland legacy Act received royal assent on 18 September. The Government has taken every opportunity to raise our concerns about this legislation with our British counterparts and have repeatedly made clear the Government’s view that this legislation will damage reconciliation efforts in Northern Ireland. Many groups representing victims as well as many Members of this House have called for an inter-state case to be initiated before the European Court of Human Rights in relation to this Act. I assure the House that the Government is considering carefully what action will be taken in response to the Act passing into law.

In the few moments I have left, I will refer to some of the comments made by various Senators. Senators Blaney and Martin mentioned Lough Neagh. The straight answer is that the best thing that can be done is to get Stormont up and running because without that, political leaders can disclaim responsibility for the matter.

I acknowledge the very generous and good comments made by so many Senators about the work of the officials in the Department of Foreign Affairs.

The shared island engagement has been mentioned. Today, for example, the Abbey Theatre hosted a shared island dialogue on identity with contributions from across the island. This is part of a series of such dialogues, including an all-island youth forum which has met twice so far.

Many people have made the case for reform of the Good Friday Agreement. While valid cases can be made, the issues are best looked at from a position of stability when the institutions are up and running. It would be premature to talk about reform while the institutions are not up and running.

Other Senators mentioned a variety of issues related to a border poll, when it should happen and what constitutes a majority. We have noted the comments made. I think most people accept that in a democracy a majority is a majority. We do not expect a border poll to happen immediately because it will take time to build trust and reach the circumstances in which that could take place.

Political stability was mentioned. The biggest cause of instability is that the Executive is not up and running. If there is one final message to go out from this debate, it is that we need to see thee institutions up and running. There are so many intersecting crises in terms of public finances, the cost of living and health and education in Northern Ireland. The best way to address them is to have a functioning Executive.

I thank all the Senators for their comments and I appreciate the opportunity to hear from them today. I assure them that the Government, the Tánaiste and I have listened carefully to their statements. I look forward to future opportunities to discuss these matters with Members of the Seanad again. Go raibh maith agaibh.

Acting Chairperson (Senator Shane Cassells)

That concludes the debate on the political situation in Northern Ireland. I ask the Acting Leader when it is proposed to sit again.

Senator Niall Blaney

Tomorrow at 9.30 a.m.

Acting Chairperson (Senator Shane Cassells)

Is that agreed? Agreed.

Cuireadh an Seanad ar athló ar 7.30 p.m. go dtí 9.30 a.m., Déardaoin, an 26 Deireadh Fómhair 2023.

The Seanad adjourned at 7.30 p.m. until 9.30 a.m. on Thursday, 26 October 2023.