Vol. 299 No. 3
A cháirde, for statements to mark the second anniversary of Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine I welcome the Minister of State, Deputy Peter Burke, to the House.
I understand that the ambassador of Ukraine to Ireland is here. She is very welcome to Seanad Éireann, céad míle fáilte. The Minister of State has ten minutes.
I would like to thank the House for inviting me to participate in today’s timely debate marking the second anniversary of Russia’s illegal and unprovoked full-scale invasion of Ukraine. For more than 700 days, Ukraine has been exercising its inherent right to self-defence against Russian aggression in accordance with international law, including the UN Charter. The people of Ukraine have endured unimaginable violence and suffering, and the destruction of their homes, livelihoods, and critical infrastructure at the hands of the Russian Federation. They continue to demonstrate remarkable resolve and determination in the face of such brutal adversity. We honour their heroic efforts to defend their country. Meanwhile, internal repression continues in Russia. Ireland was shocked and outraged by the death of Alexei Navalny in a Russian prison last week. Mr. Navalny was a fierce and outspoken critic of Vladimir Putin’s regime. For this he paid the ultimate price. His death raises further serious questions around respect for the rule of law and human rights in Russia.
Ukraine has been subjected to an armed aggression, the likes of which had not darkened our Continent in decades. The actions of the Russian Government in invading the territory of a sovereign, independent state are an affront to humanity, conducted with flagrant disregard for international law. Ireland is a militarily neutral country. However, as we have said many times, we are not politically or morally neutral in the face of violations of international law and war crimes; quite the opposite. Our position is informed by the principles that drive our foreign policy: support for international human rights law, for humanitarian law and for a rules-based international order. The rights of all countries to choose their own path. We are not neutral when Russia disregards all of these principles. We will continue to stand with Ukraine because Ukraine is fighting not only for its own survival but in defence of European security and European values. Putin underestimated not only the strength and resilience of the Ukrainian people, he underestimated the strength and unity of Europe. The response of the EU and its member states to Russia’s war of aggression has been unprecedented in its scope and its scale, encompassing political, diplomatic, humanitarian, military, and economic assistance.
Ireland has been a strong supporter of EU support for Ukraine, and has also been providing bilateral assistance. Since February 2022, we have committed €212 million in bilateral funding to Ukraine, comprising more than €90 million in stabilisation and humanitarian support, €80 million of which was provided by the Department of Foreign Affairs, and commitments of approximately €122 million of non-lethal military assistance under the European Peace Facility. Ireland has worked with the OECD, the World Bank and others to provide key supports to Ukraine to sustain critical government services and core government functions, and to support the Ukrainian authorities in their ambitious policy and reform agenda, linked to their goal of EU accession. Ireland has always been a strong supporter of enlargement. We believe that all countries that demonstrate a commitment to European values, and meet the criteria, have the right to join the EU. We welcome the European Council’s decision in December to open accession negotiations with Ukraine, which sends a strong message of hope for a brighter future. This is also recognition of the significant progress Ukraine has made in the reform agenda, even while it continues to defend itself against Russian aggression. We will continue to work with Ukraine as it moves forward on its European path.
As the war enters its third year, it continues to have devastating consequences for the Ukrainian people, and Ireland continues to focus on Ukraine’s significant and ongoing humanitarian needs. The UN estimates that at least 14.6 million people are in need with 8.5 million people targeted for immediate assistance. We are supporting the UN Refugee Agency to provide housing and shelter to internally displaced people. We support United Nations Fund for Population Activities, UNFPA, in its work to prioritise the protection of women and girls in emergency, including through prevention and response to sexual and gender-based violence. We support the Ukraine Humanitarian Fund, which is one of the quickest and most effective ways to directly support urgent and lifesaving humanitarian relief in Ukraine. The fund is a critically important channel to support in-country relief operations and ensures that urgently-needed humanitarian assistance reaches the people in Ukraine who need it most. We support both the International Committee of the Red Cross and the International Federation of the Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies to reach communities in hard-to-access areas, and to provide immediate and lifesaving medical assistance to those most in need. These organisations provide direct financial, operational and technical support to the Ukrainian Red Cross Society.
We have also made significant contributions of in-kind assistance, primarily channelled through the EU civil protection mechanism. This includes vital donations such as electrical components that have supported the Ukrainian power network and ambulances and other medical supplies to the health service. This year, in line with our humanitarian assistance policy, we will continue to target those most vulnerable and hard to reach, such as women and children, displaced persons, those closest to the conflict lines and marginalised populations. At the same time, Irish people have welcomed 105,000 Ukrainians who have been forced to flee their homeland. This has not been without its challenges but it was, and is, the right thing to do. On this two-year anniversary, I would like to pay tribute also to those towns and communities across the country who have opened their hearts and homes to those displaced by this horrific war.
Ireland also recognises that the impacts of this war stretch far beyond Ukraine’s borders. It has compounded an already fragile global food security situation, with major implications for food and agricultural commodity prices. Russia continues to weaponise hunger by targeting Ukraine’s grain and port infrastructure, disrupting supplies. Meanwhile, Russia itself benefits from increased demand and higher prices for its own agricultural exports. Despite Russia’s cynical withdrawal from the Black Sea grain initiative, Ukraine has managed to continue to export its grain via the humanitarian corridor in the Black Sea and the EU solidarity lanes with neighbouring countries. Concerted action is needed to ensure that the grain sitting in Ukrainian silos can continue to be exported through Black Sea ports and onward to reach populations in desperate need. Ireland was pleased to support President Zelenskyy’s grain from Ukraine initiative. So far, the initiative has delivered more than 100,000 tonnes of grain to World Food Programme operations in sub-Saharan Africa, reaching communities and regions most in need. Ireland will continue to work closely with our partners in the EU to advocate for efforts that mitigate the wider consequences of the war in Ukraine, including on global food security.
Russian actions in Ukraine raise profound questions and challenges for the international community. If Russia is allowed to prevail, seizing territory it has no legal right to and causing untold death and destruction with impunity, this will simply embolden Russia, and give a green light for others to attempt the same. What happens in Ukraine reverberates across the globe. Such unprecedented challenges to the international rules-based order have necessarily been met with an unprecedented response. Ireland has been at the forefront of these efforts. Ireland continues to use its position and voice in international fora to support Ukraine’s sovereignty, territorial integrity and right to live in peace. At the United Nations, Ireland along with our EU partners, has sponsored all six General Assembly resolutions in response to the Russian invasion of Ukraine, including successful action to exclude Russia from the Human Rights Council. During our term on the Security Council, Ireland delivered consistent, principled and powerful criticism of Russia’s war, and defence of the UN Charter and the people of Ukraine. At the Council of Europe, Ireland is a founding member of the register of damage, which will serve as a record of evidence and information on claims of damage, loss or injury caused by Russia’s actions in or against Ukraine. Ireland believes that this register will be an important first step towards establishing a compensation mechanism for Ukraine and its people. Ireland has also been supporting the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe, OSCE, which is facing significant challenges as a result of Russian actions and obstructionism. We have used our voice at the OSCE to repeatedly draw attention to the situation in Ukraine and to call out Russian human rights abuses at home and abroad.
This is part of our broader engagement with the international community on ensuring accountability for Russia’s actions, including support for the investigations of the ICC prosecutor in Ukraine and ongoing efforts towards establishment of a special tribunal for the crime of aggression. It is our firm belief that any peace process to end Russia’s war in Ukraine must have justice and accountability at its heart.
Finally, no one wants peace more than Ukraine. We are working systematically with our EU partners to consolidate and build support globally for a just and sustainable peace in Ukraine. Ireland supports President Zelenskyy’s "peace formula" and is active on many of the areas it covers. It is the only credible peace plan to have gained traction amongst the international community.
I can understand why some countries question why they should care about a conflict in Europe, but we must continue to make the case that the impact and implications of Russian aggression in Ukraine go far beyond Europe. This is a question of right over might, respect for international law and the universal principles which underpin the multilateral system. What happens today in Ukraine can tomorrow happen anywhere in the world.
Ireland, like the rest of the EU, reaped the benefits of the post-Second World War peace dividend. We believed that large-scale conflicts throughout Europe were a thing of the past and embraced the peace and prosperity that flourished since. However, peace on our continent was shattered by Putin’s actions. His revisionist interpretation of history seeks to re-establish an imperialist Russia that has no place in a modern world. We must now contend with the new reality that we face and take a clear position on what is likely to be the most defining episode in European history since the collapse of the Berlin wall.
This is why Ireland will continue to stand with Ukraine. It is quite simply the right thing to do and I have no doubt that history will be on our side.
Gabhaim buíochas leis an Aire Stáit.
I thank the Acting Chair for the additional time.
No problem at all.
I failed to welcome the Lithuanian ambassador to Ireland. He is very welcome.
I also extend welcome to the ambassadors of Lithuania and Ukraine. Throughout the entirety of her tenure here, H.E. Larysa Gerasko has been dealing with this situation. It is awful and difficult to understand.
In that regard, I will start with the Minister of State’s concluding remarks. The illegal invasion of Ukraine by Russia reverberates across the world. There is no country in the reasonable world, if I can put it that way, that can ignore what is happening. The disrespect and disregard for the rule of law that has been shown by Russia compromises the security of every nation in the world and certainly those of us in Europe.
It is difficult to believe that on Saturday we will mark two years since the invasion took place. It is difficult to believe there has been an ongoing pitched battle throughout that time, but it is easy to understand how it has moved off the agenda in many respects, and the news agenda in particular. One of the things that Ukrainian friends here in Ireland and colleagues in Ukraine consistently say to me – today I have been in contact with some of our colleagues who are MPs in Ukraine in the Verkhovna Rada – is that they do not want us to forget what is happening. They do not want to slip from sight. They do not want the news agenda to move on from what continues to happen because it is no less awful today than it was two years ago. The injuries to children, civilians and ordinary people in Ukraine are no less severe and no less horrific today than they were two years ago. Let us remember, continue to talk about and continue to be active opponents of what is happening in Ukraine because of the imperial and illegal actions of Russia, in no uncertain terms.
I welcome what the Minister of State said. I am proud of the response of this country - not just this Government, but communities throughout Ireland. They have accommodated Ukrainians who have come here, welcomed them into their communities and benefited from the additions that Ukrainians have been. In my own community in Dún Laoghaire, we have an active Ukrainian community who do not just live among us and have become our friends but contributed in many ways through their work, skills and companionship. We are lucky to have them. I hope we will continue to provide shelter and asylum for them for as long as they need it. Speaking to them locally, most of the people who have come here since the beginning of the conflict want to go home. The reality is the people who have come here have constituted a brain drain for Ukraine and it is difficult for Ukraine to continue to operate when so many of its key citizens, skilled citizens and people with resources and capacity have had to move away. It is an incredibly difficult situation for those in Ukraine both from the point of view of fighting but also from the point of view of looking towards rebuilding when that time comes.
This morning, I heard the unfortunate statistic that most people do not see Ukraine winning, or at least do not see Russia losing, in this conflict. I visited Ukraine shortly after the outbreak of hostilities in 2022 with Senator Garret Ahearn. We travelled to Kyiv and witnessed the destruction in places such as Bucha and other places immediately adjacent to Kyiv and just how horrific that was. I had been to Ukraine on a number of occasions before hostilities broke out. When I went there, I did not see how Ukraine could ever stand up to the might of the Russian army and the extraordinary military might that is Russia. However, when you stand in Kyiv with Ukrainian people and when you talk to their soldiers, politicians and public representatives, there is a steeliness that none of us anticipated and, clearly, Vladimir Putin did not anticipate either. When I was there, I was convinced they have a capacity. I do not know what winning means, but they have a capacity the repel the Russian invasion, which is why I resist the calls from some quarters that there should be a ceasefire or some sort of a truce between the two countries. That sounds good on paper or just as a bald statement but the reality is that a truce means the Russian position is consolidated. Russia still occupies key parts of Ukrainian territory and, therefore, having a truce means that Russia holds what it has.
Let us remember that while we mark two years this week of the invasion specifically that was so bloody and appalling, this war has been going on since 2014. Russia first invaded and annexed Crimea in 2014. For Ukrainian people, the borders of Ukraine go right through Yalta and Sevastopol and into Crimea, and that territory is now occupied by Russians. The major problems Ukraine faces in resolving that is that land and portion of Ukraine has now been occupied, planted, colonised – whatever word one wants to use – by Russian people. To get that back, those people will have to be displaced, which creates a whole other legal problem for Ukraine.
Leaving that to one side, there is a more violent invasion in the past two years that has encroached on the eastern borders of Ukraine, and that needs to be resolved. That is where the international community needs to show its unfaltering resolve to President Zelenskyy, the members of the Verkhovna Rada, the politicians in Ukraine, the soldiers in Ukraine and the people of Ukraine that we are behind them. The alternative is unpalatable.
If we stand back and say that this is okay, there are any number of examples in history where dictators, autocrats and imperialists similar to Vladimir Putin have been appeased and allowed to get away with a lot, and it is impossible to row it back once that has been done. We must agree that what Russia has done is of course illegal and awful but that it also must be undone. We cannot stand back and say, "Let us draw a line under it here". That cannot be allowed to happen. If it is allowed to happen here, where else will it be allowed to happen? God knows there has been much conflict in recent years in the world. Before Ukraine, there was Syria, and that is still going on. Since Ukraine, there has been what is happening in Gaza. These are only just two examples close to us in Europe. Throughout the world, conflicts of a similar nature are occurring.
As members of the international community, we have an obligation to stand up to that and say that it is unacceptable, we will not tolerate it, we will never encourage it and we will never facilitate it. We are a militarily non-aligned country but we have had conversations in this Chamber on a number of occasions about how we are not neutral, notwithstanding being militarily non-aligned. I have always supported the policy we have of not getting involved in foreign wars. I do not want us involved and I do not want Irish members of the Defence Forces serving over there or fighting; that is not what it is about.
We have a diplomatic might. We have a credibility on the international stage that we can use as leverage against the likes of Russia and all the other global actors that seek to throw out the rule of law and disregard the norms of humanitarian law throughout the world.
We have that power. Recently we were members, albeit temporary ones, of the UN Security Council. We have a good reputation with other members of the United Nations. We have a stellar reputation as peacekeepers in the United Nations. As a country, we can be honest brokers in this situation and we are not neutral on the question of Ukraine. I do not believe anyone in this House thinks we are neutral on the question of Ukraine. It does not mean we have to get militarily involved, but it does mean we have an obligation as a country, as a member of the community of nations, to say we will not accept what has happened or a consolidation of what has happened and that there can be no truce that allows Russia to hold a position where it occupies large portions of legal Ukrainian territory. That cannot be allowed to happen. We must reject the narratives from Russia, the disinformation about what is happening and the claim of denazification that is entirely without basis.
Ukraine, no more than any country, is not perfect. It has its problems, has had its problems and will have its problems in the future, quite apart from this and the rebuilding it will have to do. None of us is perfect but no country deserves to be occupied, attacked and invaded the way Ukraine has been. It is important we put down that marker clearly. A young student is on work experience with me this week, Caolán Tokar. His family came from Ukraine many generations ago. We discussed this. This reverberates through the generations. Everyone who knows someone from Ukraine - everyone in this country now does - understands just how visceral this is. I appreciate the Minister of State's words today but we have a clear obligation to stand up to bullies, imperialism and those who disregard the rule of law, whether it be Russia or any other country. I believe this Government will do so. We must, because the alternative is totally unpalatable.
I welcome the Ukrainian ambassador, H.E. Larysa Gerasko, to the Chamber. We have come to know the ambassador well in recent years. She has engaged extensively with politicians in this House and the Lower House. She has done a fantastic job of keeping the issue to the fore, despite other things happening in the world. It is important that we maintain our focus on what is happening in Ukraine because there is still a war on Europe's borders.
It is hard to believe we are two years into this conflict now. There has been an impact on the people of Ukraine, but also on Europe with the mass migration of people across the EU. Many have found sanctuary and a home in Ireland and have integrated well into our communities. Yesterday or the day before, I watched with a warm heart the RTÉ coverage of schools in rural parts of Ireland that had been almost at closing point and that have been reinvigorated with new life breathed into those communities and of the difference that has made to parts of our country. As one teacher put it, the diversity in the school community now is something to be grateful for. That is the lovely part of this. However, I watched one mother talk about her son going to school who said that was a happy place because when he is with her, she is troubled because of what she is going through. She is dealing with the fact that her husband and the rest of her family are still in Ukraine. That the human element. It is difficult to imagine how the large number of women and children who live in Ireland, women who have left their husbands, partners and elder sons behind to fight on the front line, deal with that level of trauma and with waking up every day wondering whether they will get bad news that day. That is what they live with every day of the week.
That story is replicated in every member state of the European Union that has become home to Ukrainian refugees who have fled the conflict because they cannot live in Ukraine any more. That is the human impact. I was watching Euronews this morning and learned that 2,500 Ukrainians have made Japan their home. They have gone beyond Europe, which was amazing to see. Again, another young mother, who had left her husband behind, and her son have spent the past two years living in Japan. They went to Germany first where they lived in a refugee camp and then they decided to make the journey to Japan. These are incredible stories. I think about the impact that will have in two generations' time and the stories they will have to tell. Many of those who have been displaced and have fled will possibly never make it home to Ukraine. The longer they are away, the longer they spend growing up in a community and the more children become integrated and make friends, the more difficult it will become to return home, although their hearts and families will still be in Ukraine. It is a challenging time and we have become used to this being our norm now, but those people are still dealing with that trauma every day. It is a very live trauma for them.
There has been an impact on Europe and sometimes we fail to grasp the existential crisis for countries bordering Ukraine, such as Poland. The question is often asked, if Putin succeeds in taking Ukraine, where will he go next? Let us not think for a second he will stop there and bed in. There will be somewhere else to go after that. It is unfortunate that NATO has stopped short of defending Ukraine properly. Ukraine cannot defend itself alone. It is too small and Russia is too big. Although arms are being provided it is not proving to be enough. In the poll Senator Ward referred to that was done across 12 member states - if I am correct, Ireland was not polled - only one in ten Europeans believe Ukraine can be successful, mainly because its counter-offensive has not been successful to date. It is a real David and Goliath story because, as Russia has shown in history, it will just outlast everyone else. That is what they do. The value they place on individual lives is not the value we place on lives. Their Government is quite happy to expend the lives of its citizens in this battle, however long it takes. Ukraine will find it very difficult. Unless it continues to get the support of countries like Ireland and, let us be honest, the bigger countries such as the US, the UK and Europe as a whole, it will not be able to withstand those forces.
We are also focused on the conflict in Palestine and what is happening in the Middle East. A lot is happening globally, which means that sometimes what is happening in Ukraine is not getting as high a level of discussion or focus as it needs. It is important that we not only mark the two-year anniversary but that we continue to debate the issues that are happening at that level. I acknowledge the work being done by the Department of Foreign Affairs and the Minister and Minsters of State in that Department, including Deputy Burke. The Tánaiste and the Taoiseach have been extremely strong on this issue and it is consistently raised at European Council level. European leaders understand what is at stake. They know how important it is for the future of Europe and the EU, as regards the geopolitical situation and global stability, that this conflict be resolved. Ultimately, we want to see peace because every day people are losing their lives. There are people dying every day in Ukraine, including Russian soldiers who are there on orders. We have to question that. Young people are heading out under orders who I am sure would like to be somewhere else and I am sure their mothers and fathers would also like them to be somewhere else. That is an issue that comes with conflict.
The message from here is that we want to ensure the Irish Government continues to support Ukraine in whatever way we can. The point has been made that we are not neutral on this conflict; we are very much on the side of the Ukrainian people. This is an illegal invasion. No one condones what is happening and on a global stage we have to be seen to be playing our part in ensuring our voice is a voice for peace and is used to advocate for the people of Ukraine and their right to defend themselves and to protect their territory.
I wish the Minister of State well in his work. The Government has done a good job to date. The longer this goes on, the more difficult it will become to do what we need to do. It is important we continue to do what we have been doing, to fight for the people of Ukraine and to provide practical support, not just words.
The Minister of State and the ambassadors of Ukraine and Lithuania are welcome to the House.
The Ukraine war has been ongoing for two years now and we constantly see some images, but let us be honest, the Ukraine war has slipped down in media importance, if you like. We are seeing more from Gaza now than from Ukraine and one wonders whether we swing to the latest, greatest war, wherever it is. We have to be realistic about this. More than half a million people are currently casualties of this horrible war that no one asked for. Russia decided, for whatever reason, to push the button and go into Ukraine.
The first thing I will talk about is Ireland's position as a neutral State. I constantly hear colleagues say that because of our neutral position, we are in a strong position to negotiate or comment. The Minister, Deputy Coveney, was first to say, that in the case of the Ukrainian war, Ireland is not neutral.
That has been repeated by several Ministers. Who in God's name gave them permission to come out with such a statement? If Ireland's neutrality is to be changed it has to be brought to the Houses of Parliament and discussed. People cannot just unilaterally decide we are no longer a neutral state.
When it comes to neutrality, the 1907 Hague Convention IV states that we cannot, under any circumstances, support either belligerent in the case of a war. Our Government has decided unilaterally to provide non-lethal, non-military aid to Ukraine, but this goes against the Hague Convention. We cannot supply any sort of support. Why am I bringing this up today? I am sure the ambassador is wondering if I am backing away from my support for Ukraine but on the contrary. We have weapons in this country that are coming to the end of their lives. Instead of having to spend millions trying to dump them or render them useless, why not give them to Ukraine? This would give the Ukrainians the power they need to fight a ruthless enemy. What is the big deal about this? At the end of the day, we have said we are not neutral in the case of Ukraine. Does anyone think the likes of Vladimir Putin gives a continental damn whether it is a few bandages we provide or weapons? At the end of the day, we have made our position clear that we are not neutral. It is a pity they did not bring it to the Houses of Parliament before they decided this but the decision has been made, so it is time that we rowed in behind it. I hate to say this in front of the Ukrainian Ambassador but right now promises are being made by the West about weapons, tanks, money and all sorts of things coming the way of Ukrainians but very few of them have been delivered.
For those wondering why the war is at a stalemate, it is because the weapons being promised are not being delivered. It is at a stalemate because the Ukrainians are not able to move forward. I agree with what Senator Ward said, that they are up against a massive army. I also agree with what Senator Chambers said, that they are up against an army that really does not care how many of its people it throws under the bus. The Russians are quite prepared to slog it out for as long as it takes in order to try to win a war that should never have started in the first place.
Constant promises are being made to Ukraine. Then we hear the talk of sanctions being put in place and penalties for countries breaking the sanctions. We need to look at the Russia-friendly states and see how their international trade has increased quite substantially in recent years, particularly over the period of the war. Why has it increased? It has increased because we cannot export to Russia but we can do so to countries that are friendly to Russia and these then export to Russia. If sanctions are in place then every item exported needs to be traced as to where it is being exported to and where it is being moved on to from there.
I was in Iran some years ago and there were sanctions in place at the time. One could buy a 7 Series BMW or any computer one wanted in Iran. Let us be honest about it, when it comes to sanctions, commercial interests will always find a way around them. If we are going to engage in sanctions, let them be real sanctions. If we are going to engage in providing support, then let it be full support. If we have decided that Putin's attack on Ukraine was unjust, then for God's sake let us get behind them, not with bandages but everything we can to support them in their battle.
We talk in Ireland about militarily non-aligned and neutral, as if they were one and the same thing. They are actually polar opposites. A country is either non-aligned or neutral. Those who stand up in this House and talk about Ireland's neutrality while we spend 0.2% of our GDP on defence should hang their heads in shame, for God's sake. We should be spending somewhere close to 2%. We should have a proper air force. We should have a naval service that is capable of patrolling our seas. That is what being neutral is about. A country can be militarily non-aligned and be like Iceland, have no army at all and depend on somebody else for defence. We tend to do that. An article yesterday in one of the papers said that if there was a competition for hypocrisy in Europe, the book should close now because Leo Varadkar has won it. He has done so by saying that we do not have a problem in Ireland, we have no one looking after our back door and we are able to look after ourselves. We are not. That is a fact we need to wake up to.
If we are not going to use the weapons ourselves, we should give them to Ukraine. Several countries have offered to take our weapons and get rid of them for us. I know where they would go. They would go straight to Ukraine, and what about it? Bandages are one thing but real support is about putting whatever resources we have behind the people of Ukraine. I agree 100% with the points made by Senator Ward in the closing part of his speech. A peace cannot be negotiated with the likes of Russia. In a peace negotiation, they would probably accede to some sort of a temporary border until two years down the line when they decide to infringe on it again. We saw what happened in Georgia. The Russians simply do not adhere to treaties they make. In fairness to Senator Ward, he was one of the first people, along with Senator Ahearn, who went to Ukraine to see for themselves what was happening in Ukraine. They came back here and related what they saw. I see Senators Martin, Horkan and Malcolm Byrne here today. They are great supporters of what Ireland should be doing for Ukraine.
We are hamstrung by this ridiculous, non-aligned definition. We are not part of NATO. We never want to be part of it. It would not have us. However, if we are going to be supportive of Ukraine and if somebody has decided that we are not neutral in the case of Ukraine, the let the matter be brought to the Houses of Parliament. It can be debated and a process can be agreed upon. We can give them anything we can to help them fight the war.
That brings us to the Ukrainians living in Ireland. Again, the Senators I have referred to already have been true supporters of Ukrainian refugees in Ireland. They should be commended on this. However, a disturbing undercurrent is beginning to develop in Irish society, which is rather worrying. If one or two Ukrainians arrive in a particular village or town and they happen to have a big jeep, some people question how they got here with a jeep. Very few people realise that some Ukrainians had to run for their lives through countries like Moldova to escape. They took everything they had, including their cars.
I am not interested in the nonsense that is being pushed. No one from Ukraine is here because they want to be. They are here because they have to be. The one thing I can say about the Government is that it has been hugely supportive of them. I hope the Government continues to support the refugees coming here from Ukraine. They need our help and support. I know that my colleagues will all echo that sentiment. I think I have said enough for one day and I will leave it at that. Let us actually be honest about the support for Ukraine. Send bandages but we have 84 mm anti-tank weapons, which are now obsolete. One round from one of these weapons can take out a tank. If we send 1,000 of those, there is the capacity to take out 1,000 Russian tanks. That is what we should be thinking about.
I welcome the Minister of State to the Chamber. I thank him for his unequivocal and heartening remarks. These are the latest in a series of consistent remarks of support from the Irish Government since the war began two years ago. I also welcome H.E. Larysa Gerasko to the Chamber. She is a good friend of so many of the Members of the Houses of the Oireachtas. I got to know the ambassador just before the war broke out. We had our fears at the time and, unfortunately, they were well-founded. Why are we at a two-year stage? We can say that the sanctions are not biting hard enough. We can say that the US is divided on the matter of its support and should be doing more.
Sometimes we forget to spare a thought for the innocent Russians who have to live under that dictator. An article published recently in The Economist on internal suppression in the country stated:
Cowed compliance is no longer enough for the president who, like any paranoid dictator, sees danger everywhere; the number of treason cases each year has gone up tenfold since the start of the war. With its opponents rotting in jail, dead or exiled ... [...]
This internal war is waged against the young and cosmopolitan in Russia’s great cities. Any mention or display of LGBT attributes has been criminalised. Access to abortion has been restricted. Priests who preach peace instead of victory have been expelled from the church. Children as young as four are being dressed in military fatigues to play “patriotic games”. Schools have been prescribed textbooks declaring that Russia has always been at war with the West. Halloween and Valentine’s Day have been demoted as alien holidays, while the Chinese new year has been elevated almost to the level of a state holiday, [surprise, surprise] with lanterns and dragons decorating the centre of Moscow. China, after all, is seen as Russia’s ally in its war against the West.
Maybe that is an area we could review. Perhaps we could reach China and break that bond. Perhaps the Irish Government with its diplomatic influence could consider doing further work there. The article continues to say that private property has been violated in Russia, noting that: "Dozens of private firms have been nationalised without compensation. First it was foreign assets that Mr Putin was after. Now it is Russian businessmen who have been told to return assets that they legally bought in the 1990s." Criticising the war in Russia can result not just in prison sentences, as we all know well, but in loss of property. Further in the article it states: "On February 14th Mr Putin signed a law that allows the confiscation of property and assets from people convicted of discrediting the Russian army or spreading [so-called] “fakes”, calling for sanctions or helping international organisations that Russia does not take part in."
It is easier said than done and I understand opponents are being persecuted and suppressed, but Putin continues because of, and sustained by, fear. He reigns through fear. He injects fear in people. We know what happens when people question Putin and in a war situation he has doubled down. Until the fear is overcome by the people of Russia it is going to be very difficult to have a definitive moment in this war. I fear that is the case, to use the word "fear" in a different context. We must overcome fear to ignite the flame of freedom. That is what has to happen. It can happen all over the world, but we must hope and pray it happens in Russia, that they can overcome the fear they are under, the fear for their lives and for their freedom, in order to ignite that vital flame of freedom. It is a lot to ask for, but if we want a seismic catalysing moment, the catalyst for this is to overthrow Putin. It will not take tens of thousands or hundreds of thousands, but millions of Russians to somehow come together and overthrow this dictator.
Sanctions are not biting sufficiently. We were told they take time, but it is reasonable after two years to reflect on the sanctions to date. They are having an effect, but it is very difficult to say in any objective way that they are having the desired effect because that is not the case, so we must redouble sanctions. On this sad anniversary, maybe the message can come out from Ireland - and we lead on this - that sanctions must be redoubled.
We need a stronger EU in its battle to face down Putin. We need Irish influence through the upcoming St. Patrick’s Day ministerial visits like never before, especially to talk to Republican members of Congress. We must further expedite Ukraine’s request to become part of the European family because that is where the ambassador’s country belongs. I have seen at first hand, since this awful, brutal war broke out, Ukraine’s solidarity with its European family. It is epitomised by the Lithuanian ambassador to Ireland, who is very welcome. All the EU family has stood with Ukraine, but we must do more. As an international community, we were asleep at the wheel when the invasion of Crimea happened in 2014. We are paying a big price for not doing enough in 2014. We should be extremely concerned by the new poll findings that suggest 10% of Europeans believe Ukraine can still defeat Russia. As I said about the awful death of Alexei Navalny, one cannot kill hope when hope, life and fairness springs eternal. Let us be in no doubt that if Ukraine loses this war against Russia there will be further significant risk to our European values that we cherish so much. Fortunately, support for Ukraine remains strong and most Europeans are desperate to prevent a Russian victory. It is up to us all in the democratic world to show leadership in this matter and to support our fellow democratic state, Ukraine, against Vladimir Putin’s thuggish ambition.
I extend my welcome to the ambassadors of Ukraine and Lithuania. I thank the Ukrainian ambassador especially for showing resolute steadfastness in the face of the untold horror in her home country. She has kept all of us reminded of what continues to happen in Ukraine.
Since Russia's full-scale annexation of the Donetsk region in Ukraine, military deaths have reached 500,000 and civilian deaths over 10,000, including 560 children. This imperialistic invasion is obviously unnecessary and is an abhorrent breach of international law. Others have mentioned the death of Alexei Navalny. That, partnered with the Ukrainian loss at Avdiivka this week certainly puts Putin's cruelty and the regime's intentions of total domination and political tyranny at the forefront of our minds. I note other people have said it is unlikely Putin is going to stop there. Should Ukraine fall to Russia it would probably be incomprehensible that he would stop there, so to fight for Ukrainians’ rights and autonomy is not only of course the right thing to do globally, but it is certainly in the interest of other countries, because who knows where and what that would end up as otherwise?
I pay my respects to Alexei Navalny and the political opposition in Russia which is pushing for peace and democracy under Putin’s oppressive regime. I give my condolences to his wife and mother, who are campaigning tirelessly in the wake of the news of his death - possibly his murder to be quite frank – to maintain opposition support for a peaceful Russian state, which we hope includes respecting Ukraine’s self-determination. Alexei’s death has rightly caused global outrage and continues to highlight the abominable regime in Russia under Putin. When another death is announced all the comments underneath ask what happened and there is almost a lightness to it because it has become so farcical that a country is literally murdering people with impunity. I am very taken by the political opposition in Russia who I am sure have been deeply affected by his death.
I note also that Russia has recently moved to interfere with Ukrainian information systems and spaces in what is obviously a further attempt to undermine morale in the wake of its annexation of the fuel plants in Adviivka.
The role of the international community is to maintain support for and instil hope in Ukrainians, whether they are staying here in Ireland or remain in Ukraine. We have a moral responsibility to care for Ukrainian refugees who are seeking a life here, whether they do temporarily or for the medium term or whether they end up staying for the rest of their lives, which will mean generations to come will talk about their families coming here having fled atrocities and war.
We cannot just speak empty words at such a tipping point in this conflict. We need to maintain financial support, provide accommodation supports and improved conditions for those coming here, while working toward the abolition of direct provision for other refugees and people seeking asylum here. We have extended the hand of welcome to Ukrainian people coming here. I would like us to extend that hand a little more enthusiastically and to seek to end the direct provision system. Ukrainians and all people in the country deserve dignity, respect and compassion and we have a moral duty to deliver that. I worry when I see some of the scenes at refugee centres or places tipped to accommodate people who are seeking asylum, Ukrainian or otherwise. As time goes on, those who seek to stop this will not care who it is we are seeking to house here in Ireland. The lines between Ukrainians and people from other countries become thoroughly blurred for those seeking to undermine our democracy, whether by burning buildings or driving people out. I worry about that and the pressure the Government and we, as elected representatives, are under. We need to maintain positivity and a sense of calm. Only last week, I spoke about Drogheda where a number of people are to be housed. I said it is the responsibility of public representatives to keep calm, cool heads and a sense of balance in the face of people who are seeking to exploit situations, whether those involve Ukrainians or migrants from other countries coming here.
Internationally, we all need to use our platform in the EU to champion and facilitate diplomacy and peace agreements. I encourage the Government and the EU to consider additional sanctions against the Russian Federation, although I am struck by comments asking how far sanctions can go. I was struck by Senator Chambers's comment that history shows that Russia waits out these things. It has the manpower to literally wait out sanctions and do whatever it takes until all other resources are exhausted.
Self-determination is a fundamental right of states and Russia has contravened this right in a grossly violent and obvious way. We need to continue to support Ukraine to the greatest degree. As I said, with the ongoing global atrocities of which there are unfortunately far too many, for example, in Gaza, Sudan and other countries, I worry that fatigue is setting in among people. I commend the Ukrainian people, the Ukrainian ambassador and all of those who continue to fly the flag for Ukraine and hold us accountable, not just here in Ireland but across the world, in responding to this immoral, incomprehensible and indefensible war on Europe's borders. We should continue to support Ukrainian people not only because of what may come afterwards but also because it is simply the right thing to do.
Cuirim fáilte roimh an Aire Stáit. I too welcome the ambassador of Ukraine, H.E. Ms Larysa Gerasko, and the ambassador of Lithuania, H.E. Mr. Marijus Gudynas, who are friends to many of us in this House. I hope our words today show the solidarity across these Houses with them and the people of Ukraine who must always be in our thoughts. I thank the Minister of State for being here because I know he has provided leadership on this issue. The Government has been particularly strong in doing whatever we can to support Ukraine.
The question today is why this matters. Why are we having this debate here and why is this issue important? There are so many other issues we could be addressing but why is it fundamentally important for the Irish Parliament and people to talk about this and what more can we do.
The Minister of State is a few years younger than me. We are lucky in many ways to have grown up during the nineties or noughties. If we remember that time, it was a period of great global optimism. We saw the old Soviet structures breaking down and the countries of central and eastern Europe getting their freedom. I do not know if the Minister of State remembers but I certainly remember the Berlin Wall coming down. In South Africa, we saw Nelson Mandela being set free and we had the peace process in this country. In the 15 year-period between 1989 and 2004, when many Members of this House were starting to grow up, the number of democracies globally doubled. It was a period of great optimism. However, young people coming of age today are facing into a world, as Senator Hoey has outlined, with increasing levels of conflict but also increasing levels of authoritarianism. We are not just talking about Xi Jinping in China or the despotic regimes in Iran or Venezuela but very clearly about what is happening in Putin's Russia where his own people are suffering as well as the people of Ukraine. The sooner he can be removed, the better.
The values of human rights, the rule of law and, dare I say it, hope are the values we need to continue to express both domestically and at international and multilateral forums, including the European Union and the United Nations. I know we have been doing that. If there is a reason we can learn from history, we need to think about our country's own history, the pain and suffering we went through and the difficult relationship we had with a larger neighbour. Over time, we gained our independence and grew as a State. Citizens from our country found sanctuary in other locations. We need to also communicate that story in saying why we stand in solidarity with the people of Ukraine.
Our 50-year membership of the European Union has been incredibly good for Ireland in many different ways. In 1990, when Ireland held the EU Presidency, we oversaw the unification of Germany, which was not supported by every EU member state at the time. In 2004, during the Irish EU Presidency, we saw the accession of ten countries, mainly from central and eastern Europe, including Lithuania. Regarding the Minister of State's own role, during the second half of 2026, when Ireland holds the rotating Presidency, he must continue to ensure that enlargement is a priority for Ireland. I ask him to continue to ensure that Ukraine's path to membership of the European Union will be a priority. That may be ambitious but he an ambitious man and I do not doubt his ability to drive it. I hope to see Ukraine become an EU member by the time of the EU Presidency in late 2026. We should do everything possible to support that goal of the Ukrainian people.
Ireland has been very strong at the UN Security Council in speaking about our values around human rights. More than ever before, in reviewing our own security and making defence decisions, the removal of the triple lock is critical and essential. Our foreign policy should not in any way be held hostage by the decisions of Russia, China or the United States. We, as a sovereign country, should be able to make our own decisions. The approach of the Government and the Tánaiste in seeking the removal of the triple lock when we make decisions around peacekeeping is the correct one. That is increasingly being shown with conflicts around the world.
I get the point that people have been making around sanctions and asking if we can do more. The European Union needs to do more but there are European companies that are continuing to operate in Russia. Yale School of Management, for instance, has been tracking these companies and some of them are continuing to operate as if nothing has happened.
I am very proud of any Irish companies with operations there that removed them as quickly as they could. They will not trade or engage with Russia. However, the Minister of State needs to raise with his European counterparts the approach of companies in other countries, some of which are well-known brand names. For example, in France, Clarins, Etam, Lacoste - all well-known brand names - are continuing to trade with Russia as though nothing has happened. We need to ensure that we show solidarity and seek to call out those companies which continue to trade.
What we are discussing is also critically important in the context of the upcoming European elections. We need to look at supporting politicians and political parties that have stood up for human rights and the rule of law. There are very legitimate concerns about the approach of the Left group within the European Parliament. The voting records of some of the Independent MEPs and the Sinn Féin MEP within the European Parliament need to be addressed. We cannot pretend to express solidarity on this island and then go to Brussels or Strasbourg and effectively work as puppets for Putin or excuse some of his actions. We know from the voting records of those four MEPs in recent years - and, on a number of occasions, those of members of the Left group - that they have not stood up to Vladimir Putin. In the context of the elections later this year, it is critical that we look at who we are going to send to Europe, the issues they are raising and who they support within the European Parliament.
Other colleagues referred to those who have come from Ukraine in order to seek refuge on these shores. Irish people are incredibly welcoming. We understand the difficulties that people from Ukraine have faced. Ukrainians are involved in many communities. They enrich them through helping development groups and being involved in Tidy Towns groups, music and so on. The more support we can provide to facilitate that integration, the better. That requires some financial support as well.
We have to continue to tackle the misinformation and, more worryingly, the disinformation being spread by some extreme groups. There are challenges. We should not shy away from that. I am totally happy with us having an open and honest evidence-based debate on immigration, but the Government must tackle some of the deliberate disinformation that is being spread. It is more important than ever that we talk about the values that make us Irish, namely, our generosity and the importance that we place on human rights.
I thank the Minister of State for his work on this matter. The message needs to be sent to the people of Ukraine that for as long as people here in Ireland can, we will continue to support you in your fight.
I thank the Minister of State for his opening remarks. I extend a welcome to the ambassador of Ukraine to Ireland and the ambassador of Lithuania to Ireland. I commend them both on their advocacy for Ukrainian and Lithuanian citizens here in Ireland and for their support for the Houses of the Oireachtas and Members in recent years. The representation they provide has been invaluable.
The world is a very dangerous and frightening place at the moment because of very powerful military forces that are engaging in warfare across the globe. Those who lived through the Cold War era must have a sense of déjà vu for the time when the leaders of the three big world powers at the time - the US, China and the USSR - had their respective fingers on nuclear buttons and were staring aggressively at each other in different areas of the world in which they were supporting conflicts. Those of us who were not around at the time are equally afraid of what might happen in the geopolitical struggle that is being waged by Washington and Moscow. At least in the days of the struggle between the big three powers, there were a clear ideological differences. It was broadly a struggle between the forces of capitalism and the forces of communism. I wonder what ideological basis underpins the wars being waged at the moment. What is the ideological purpose behind the occupation of Ukraine, which has been ongoing for two years, and the Ukrainian people? What ideological purpose is behind the Israeli occupation of Gaza and the mass murder of the civilian population of men, women and children?
Russia’s occupation of and war on Ukraine are morally reprehensible and politically indefensible. Its argument about NATO posing a threat to Russia lost any validity when Russian troops invaded Ukraine. The primary issue revolves around the consequences of the invasion for the people of Ukraine and how the occupation is to be brought to an end in order that the people of Ukraine can live in peace. As the second anniversary of the invasion draws near, I commend the people of Ukraine for their resistance to Russian occupation. It has come at such a heavy price. More than 10,000 people have been killed, including more than 560 children. Some 1,900 children have been abducted. Nearly one third of Ukraine has been contaminated by land mines. Civilian infrastructure, including electricity and health services are regularly targeted and destroyed. It is quite clear to most people, and it must be clear to Vladimir Putin, that two years on, his war aims cannot be achieved. It is time for Putin to end this war in Ukraine and withdraw his forces. Russian aggression must come to an end.
It is a source of great pride to people in Ireland that we, North and South, have supported the people of Ukraine. We will continue to do so until the Ukrainian people have control over their destiny and their own country. The solidarity shown to people of Ukraine by member states throughout the EU is any example of the latter operating at its very best. These are the principles of international humanitarian law. This approach must continue until the Russian invaders have left Ukraine. It is an approach which the EU must apply to other areas of the world where occupation and military aggression is taking place.
I hope we will not have to mark yet another year of this war. Make no mistake, however, if we have to return to this matter in a year’s time - and I hope and pray that we do not - we will remain as committed and supportive to the people of Ukraine and to humanitarian and international law, to peace across the EU and Europe and the world as we did in the hours and weeks before and after the illegal invasion.
There are two speakers left. The Minister of State must be called at 3.35 p.m. by order of the House. May I suggest three minutes each to Senators Horkan and Conway.
I did not think I would get the opportunity to say a few words, but I am very glad that I have. It is useful that there are a few minutes available. I thank the Minister of State for his opening remarks. This is a very important debate. It is very important that the nation and this Parliament stand with the people of Ukraine. I welcome again the ambassadors Larysa Gerasko and Marijus Gudynas from Ukraine and Lithuania. Maybe the only silver lining of everything is that we have got to know both of them much better because of the awful war that is going on.
Let us call the war what it is: the illegal invasion of a sovereign country in Europe. Ukraine is not even on the borders of Europe; it is in Europe. It is very hard to think it has been a full two years. It happened on a Wednesday night. I remember going out on a Thursday morning and met the ambassador at the time. The Polish ambassador Anna Sochaska, was also there, as was Marijus. Two years on, I think about the level of destruction and the loss of life. We know in this country how difficult it is to build a metro line, a children’s hospital, a school or a university. In that context, I think about the level of destruction in Ukraine, with whole towns and villages absolutely destroyed. Some 4 million Ukrainians have relocated to Poland. There are 100,000 Ukrainians here. A quarter of the population of 44 million has moved elsewhere.
We all know Ukraine much better than we did two years ago but for all the wrong reasons. It is a very large country and has a large population. The level of destruction caused by Russia and Putin has been absolutely horrific.
What he has done to many of his own people, in sending them into the war, has not been good for them, but certainly for the people of Ukraine it has been enormously damaging.
We must also call out those other regimes that are helping. For example, drones are being sent from Iran to Ukraine. We must acknowledge that. We must also acknowledge that what is happening in Ukraine is a fight for Ukraine's survival but also for democracy. There are other former Soviet states that fear what is happening in Ukraine could happen to them. Other countries fear that too because Putin is not going to stop. If he thinks he can win this war, he will not stop there. I hope that never happens.
It is very important that we remember all of the damage, lives lost and destruction caused by Russia and nobody else, aided by some of its partners. It is horrific and shocking to think that two years on we have seen so much damage. Let us hope this war and illegal invasion are dealt with rapidly and brought to a conclusion and then we can go in, hold Russia to account and rebuild Ukraine for the benefit of everybody in Ukraine and the wider world.
I too welcome Ambassador Gerasko to the House today. As other colleagues have said, it is quite unbelievable that we are talking about this war 24 months on. I remember very vividly, on the morning the invasion took place, listening to the ambassador on the radio. Vladimir Putin was of the view that it would only be a matter of days before he achieved his military ambition. Little did he know about the resilience of Ukraine. I do not believe Ukraine will lose; I just think that at some stage Putin will probably get worn out and the war will fizzle out. We have a long way to go. What worries me is that the resolve displayed by the international community when the invasion first happened is perhaps becoming somewhat diluted. That may be unintentional but with the passage of time, it is amazing how normality can fester and something becomes the narrative and the norm. That is something we very much need to guard against, so that it does not happen to us in this country or to the European Union or the United States.
The next period of world politics is going to be very challenging. There is an election in America later this year that could be defining if it goes the wrong way. There are elections in Europe in June that could certainly tilt the narrative in a certain way. There needs to be very focused determination so that whatever upheavals occur in the democratic world, in those areas where our influence can percolate, we use the very strong voice we have internationally and across the world to ensure that Ukraine is supported in every possible way.
The Ukrainian community in Ireland has made an enormous contribution. Many of them are working. Two years ago, I invited the ambassador to Lisdoonvarna where a significant number of Ukrainians had very quickly relocated. Since then, many of them have moved on. Some went into private accommodation, some are working, some have gone home and some have travelled to other countries. Their contribution is very valuable. We must support and facilitate Ukrainian people who wish to work in this country. They need to be encouraged and welcomed.
The Government must also provide supports to the communities that have gone above and beyond. I know we have the Ukrainian recognition fund, but that needs to be substantially increased so that communities see the benefit in terms of infrastructure and community services and facilities, and so that they can do the right thing in terms of welcoming the Ukrainian people.
I hope we will continue to show the solidarity and support we have so determinedly given over the last two years. I hope in the not-too-distant future we will see this issue resolved in a favourable way for Ukraine.
Before I call on the Minister of State, I also welcome the ambassador to the Distinguished Visitors Gallery. I thank her for taking the time to be here for this debate. I also thank her for facilitating my visit with the Ceann Comhairle to Kyiv a year and a half ago, along with Seán Kelly and Grace Coyle. We took an 11-hour train journey to the heart of the conflict to visit President Zelenskyy, who has a great knowledge of what Ireland was doing and could do. Speaker Stefanchuk is one of the greatest exponents of ripple diplomacy that I have ever encountered. Not only did he ask us for our support, but he recruited us to get support from other countries and to get the speakers of parliaments around the European Union to support Ukraine's application to the European Union, which we were happy to do. We were also taken to Bucha to see for ourselves the war crimes perpetrated by the Russian army. We heard about the resilience of the people and the soldiers in pushing back the attack when the Russians were on the steps of Kyiv. That resistance is ongoing.
It is hard to imagine that we are now two years into that conflict. The world is distracted by other conflicts. At this time, there are four times more conflicts going on in the world than there were 25 years ago. That does not mean that the independence of Ukraine and all its territories is not something we are deeply concerned about, as are many people around the world. I thank the ambassador for being here.
I thank all those who have contributed to this very important debate to mark the two-year anniversary. I acknowledge both ambassadors who are in attendance. I know that Lithuania is a great advocate for Kyiv and the Ukrainian people. During my time as Minister of State with responsibility for European affairs, we have had a very close relationship with Lithuania as well. We have been working together in partnership. It was great to see the previous Lithuanian Minister for European affairs, Jovita Neliupšientake, take up a role as European Union ambassador to the US.
That will be the Minister of State's next job.
I thank Senator Byrne.
Irish support for Ukraine remains unwavering. Many Members of the House have referred to the circumvention of sanctions. I understand we are now on the brink of agreeing our 13th package of sanctions against Russia, which will be exceptionally important. I acknowledge the great work of the EU sanctions envoy, David O'Sullivan. He is currently working with third countries on the circumvention of sanctions. It requires a huge amount of work and is very challenging because of the various mechanisms countries, unfortunately, employ. We are giving much support to that. Almost 2,000 individuals and entities are now subject to travel bans and asset freeze measures.
In my opening contribution I mentioned the register for damage, which is key to the Council of Europe's strategy to gather vital evidence for the ICC to take a case in the future. It is important that Ireland supports that as well, which we firmly do.
The people of Ukraine have proven time and again that they value the fundamental rights of freedom and democracy and are prepared to fight for them. The decision by the European Council to open accession negotiations with Ukraine recognises the significant progress made in implementing EU reforms in such extraordinary circumstances. It offers the prospect of a brighter future for the Ukrainian people.
lreland is very much committed to supporting Ukraine as it progresses along its European path. Senator Byrne referred to the accession of ten countries, the anniversary of which we will celebrate this year. At that juncture, Ireland held the Presidency of the European Union. We are working closely with Ukraine to provide it with key assistance in that regard, which will be so important.
We have seen countless victims of Russia's war of aggression in Ukraine. We have all seen images and heard reports of the horrors perpetrated under Russian occupation in towns such as Bucha and Irpin. It is likely that similar atrocities have been or are being committed elsewhere. We are working with our international partners to support the documentation and investigation of these cases.
It is key that we put in place structures so that, when the time comes, effective cases can be brought and justice served to these victims and their families.
With respect to the breadth of Russia's violations, Ireland was to the forefront of efforts at the UN Human Rights Council to establish the independent international commission of inquiry. The commission will investigate the alleged violations and abuses of human rights and violations of international humanitarian law and related crimes in the context of Russia's aggression against Ukraine. One of the most egregious issues relates to the large-scale forcible transfer of children. It is clear that Russia is forcibly moving Ukrainian children either to Ukrainian areas temporarily occupied by Russia, to Russia itself or to neighbouring Belarus. Almost 20,000 children have been identified by Ukraine as having been forcibly taken from their homes. This is one of the most horrific aspects of the invasion. I remember that when we were at the United Nations, the first lady of Ukraine detailed the horrific consequences that families are facing, with children being taken out like it is a big reset. It is incredibly horrific to see families suffering so much and some children will never know their parents as a result. This is one of the most horrific aspects of this invasion and Russia needs to be held to account.
At the Human Rights Council, both in our national capacity and as part of the European Union, we have condemned in the strongest possible terms the abduction or kidnapping of these children and we insist on their unconditional release. We are committed to ensuring the safe return of all children and other civilians who have been unlawfully deported during the course of this brutal invasion. To this end, we are participating in the International Coalition of Countries for the Return of Ukrainian Children, whose primary objective is to identify practical steps for the international community to help bring deported children back home. We will continue to engage with the entire international community to ensure accountability for Russia's reprehensible actions in Ukraine so that justice is served to the victims of this conflict and families that were torn apart can be reunited once more.
I thank Senators for their attention and engagement today. Ahead of Saturday's two-year anniversary, although peace might seem an uncertain prospect, we must not falter in our resolve. We recognise that our continued support for Ukraine is a necessity, not a choice. Our response to Russian aggression in Ukraine will have far-reaching long-term implications, not only for Ukraine but for Europe as a whole. That is why Ireland stands with Ukraine now and into the future.
When is it proposed to sit again?
Next Tuesday, at 1 p.m.
Is that agreed? Agreed.
