Section 2 relates to the restriction on the transit of military items and dual-use items to Israel in the context of the International Court of Justice ruling and the provisional measures it outlined, which were very clear about the responsibilities of all states to ensure they are not contributing to the risk of genocide and to take all necessary steps to prevent acts that may be committed in contravention of the Genocide Convention. Many right across the world and across Ireland in particular - I know because they have told me - were absolutely heartbroken when they saw Israel renew its bombardment of Gaza on 18 March, killing 400 people in just one night, including 174 children. It is horrifying to think the weapons being used to destroy so many lives may well have been allowed to pass through Ireland.
When we brought this Bill forward previously, we were met with a large number of excuses and evasions. There is no more time for excuses or evasions. Since we first brought our Bill to the Seanad, there have been many more deaths, bombardments and reports of executions, most recently the very worrying reports of 15 paramedics being killed and buried in a shallow mass grave. There have been multiple breaches of the Geneva Conventions. The Government can no longer turn a blind eye. It cannot rely on excuses or evasions and it cannot plausibly look at the massive increases in certain categories of flights seeking exemptions for the carriage of weapons and munitions over the past 18 months, even in the months since the Bill was delayed by the outgoing Government, and say it does not know where the bombs, weapons, munitions of war or dual-use goods with military purposes are likely to land and what purpose they are likely to serve. Ireland's exports may well be contributing the military machinery of the illegal occupation.
As we go through Committee Stage of the legislation and look towards Report Stage, I note the previous Government had indicated it would look at the legal provisions of the Bill and take relevant actions. I am very discouraged to hear that exemptions have continued to be granted. A total of 142 exemptions were granted in January 2025 alone. A total of 1,354 exemptions were granted in 2024. There is one category in which there has been a very substantial increase, almost a doubling since the former Minister, Eamon Ryan, was in the House and far more than a doubling over recent years. I would like to know what actions or investigations the Minister has undertaken in respect of requests for exemptions in this particular category. In 2022, there were 26 requests for exemptions for Irish-registered aircraft operating outside of the State. In 2024, the number had increased to 519. This increase from 26 to 519 can be mapped directly onto the period of time in which Israel has been conducting its bombardment. Indeed, it announced today that it intends further annexation of Palestinian territory. It is not plausible to see increases in these categories and claim not to see a correlation or the risk of one. I do not believe the public find credible the idea that we would continue with business as usual.
We may need to take a step back. To be clear, when we talk about exemptions, the base law in this State is that there should be no carriage of munitions through the State or transport of weapons or dual-use goods that can be used in military machinery. That is the base law in our State. Each individual time a flight carrying such weapons, munitions or dangerous goods goes through our airspace, permission must be granted by the Minister. Each individual exemption is a ministerial decision. We need to bear that context in mind when we see 1,300 decisions by the previous Minister and current Minister allowing weapons to be carried through here, to be carried on an Irish-registered civil aircraft or to be landed at our airports. Each of the 519 Irish-registered civil aircraft permissions that make up that substantial increase resulted from a decision. With this Bill, we are saying exemptions should be the exception and not the rule. Despite this, we have seen 99% of all requests for exemptions being granted. We have not seen any indication from the Government of the safeguards it might apply to ensure none of the weapons on these flights that are the subject of the exemptions it is granting are going to play a direct or indirect role in the appalling actions taken by Israel.
This Bill is particularly urgent now because the United States has promised another €12 billion in military aid to Israel. We know where the weapons are coming from and what they are doing. We have to ask if we are playing a part between the supply of those weapons and their landing on the children of Gaza. As a reminder of what we are talking about, according to UNICEF, 100 children a day have been killed or maimed in Gaza over the past ten days. It would be a useful clarification and would help us as we bring this Bill forward - of course, we want to engage with the Government to strengthen it as we bring it to Report Stage - if the Minister would indicate what measures the Government is taking in respect of these exemptions.
What transparency or guarantees can be offered to the Irish public, because it seems exemptions are being granted 99% of the time as a rule without having due regard for or putting in place additional safeguards concerning the fact that the ICJ has signalled a risk of genocide? I would like an indication from the Minister as to the approach he is taking regarding exemptions. Is there going to be a change? Will it be business as usual?
