I beg to move: "That in view of recent developments towards peace the Dáil is of opinion that it would be in the National interest to release the prisoners now in a precarious condition as a result of hunger-strike." I thought when I was introducing this resolution it would be unnecessary to go so far, but, being in doubt, I gave notice of motion, and it is unnecessary for me to say anything more than I said the other day. I appealed to the Government to be generous in this matter, and they not having responded to that appeal I now have to appeal to the Deputies. I understand that three, at least, of the women in prison on hunger-strike are seriously in danger of death. At least they are in some danger. I do not know how many days they are on hunger-strike. I never saw a person on hunger-strike, and am not sure whether a doctor can say when, after a certain period, they are likely to die. They are likely to collapse after a certain period at any time. If the Cabinet have made up their mind to let them die I think it is very regrettable at this particular time. Rightly or wrongly, many people think that the struggle or the war is over. We may have a blaze up here and there, but on the whole it is safe to say that it is over, that the Government is in a secure position, that they are the victors, and, being the victors, they can afford to be generous.
Again I would urge them to be generous in this matter, and not allow these women to die. Hunger-striking may be right or it may be wrong. It may be justifiable or it may be unjustifiable, but the death of Terence MacSwiney created a sentiment in this country that will take some time to get over. No matter whether the strikers are right or wrong, public opinion in this country would be strongly in their favour, and I think it will militate against any chances of immediate security in the country if these are allowed to die. I think the more generous the Government are at this particular time the more likely are we to have genuine security for life and property in the near future. I would not urge them to act in this matter if I were not strongly convinced that it will help the Government rather than weaken it. I am not going to argue about the charges against those on hunger-strike. I do not know why they are on hunger-strike. I do not know whether they have been tried or whether they have not been tried. If tried I would like to know their sentence; and if there are charges against them I would like to know the gravity of the charges. I got a statement of the charge against one of them. That charge is for having ten copies of Poblacht na h-Eireann in her possession. Any Deputy might have more than ten copies of that paper. I often had more than ten copies of it. I was keeping a file of them, and I had more than ten copies. Others of them I destroyed. There may be other charges. I do not dwell upon that either. If the Government have made up their minds to let them die, I think the Dáil should know the actual charges and should know the actual reasons why they are being let die.
I am sorry the Minister for Defence is not here. Perhaps it is a military reason, and, if it is, we should have a military answer. If it is a military reason, I cannot see why Miss MacSwiney, who has been very active, was let out as being of no military importance. Why should she have been let out while three women who have not been as active as she was, are allowed to die? I do not wish it to be understood that I was against Miss MacSwiney being let out. I think the Government were right in letting her out at the time, as I do not think it is right to allow any woman to die of hunger-strike. It may be justifiable or unjustifiable. At any rate, Miss MacSwiney and others were not allowed to die hunger-striking. It may or may not have happened, but it is possible that these people when going on hunger-strike may have imagined—or they may not have cared whether or not—but it is possible that they may have imagined that they would receive the same treatment as Miss MacSwiney got. Therefore they were probably under some misconception
I think, therefore, that all who are on hunger-strike should be released, and, as I suggested the other day, a declaration should be made by the Government, or the Dáil that if anyone decided in future to go on hunger-strike that they would have themselves to bear the consequences of their acts. But until such a declaration is made I think it is unfair to the prisoners.
Now I see the Minister for Defence has come in, and I will repeat what I said. If they are being kept in prison for any military reason, I think it is due to the Dáil that we should know the military reason. It is a very serious thing if we have to put three women to death. You may say they are doing it themselves. Perhaps it is partly true, that they are doing it themselves, but when they have started hunger-striking it is very hard for any individual to give in. It injures one's self-respect. You must consider it is very difficult for those on hunger strike to break the hunger strike. On the other hand, the Government are in a strong position and can afford to be generous. I would urge them to be generous. I am sorry that this resolution had to come before the Dáil. I am strongly of the belief that it is wise and that it is in the interest of the Nation to release these prisoners—at least not to allow them to die on hunger strike. Being strongly convinced of that, I have introduced the resolution. If the Dáil decides to let them die, well, I feel that I have done my duty in trying to save them, have acted as I think best. Others may feel convinced that it is in the interests of the Nation to let them die. I can understand that. I hope they will be generous, in view of the collapse of the opponents of the Government, and I do not think they will regret it. Even at this late hour I urge the Government to give us a promise that these women will be released.