Skip to main content
Normal View

Dáil Éireann debate -
Thursday, 3 Jul 1924

Vol. 8 No. 4

COMMITTEE ON FINANCE. - ESTIMATES FOR PUBLIC SERVICES. VOTE 48.—PUBLIC EDUCATION.

Motion made—That a sum not exceeding £2,290,679 be granted to complete the sum necessary to defray the charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1925, to defray the expenses of the Department of National Education, including Grants in aid of the Teachers' Pension Fund.

Mr. O'CONNELL

This Vote is very important. It is important because of the subject with which it deals, and it is important because it is one of the largest Votes that we will be called upon to discuss during the Committee on Estimates. There is a particular reason why this Vote should get a very thorough examination. Some of us have been complaining from time to time that we were treated to an avalanche of legislative measures emanating from the various departments of the State. That is a charge which we cannot level at the Ministry of Education. Most of its activities are carried out by way of administrative work, and that is a particular reason why the administration of this department should receive a good deal of attention from the Dáil. The Dáil is at a disadvantage—a considerable disadvantage—in discussing this important Vote, inasmuch as for a reason which has not been vouchsafed and for which we are entitled to demand an explanation, no report has been issued during the past two or three years. Certainly no report has been issued since the present Ministry took charge of the administration of education. We are, therefore, at a loss because we have not before us the vital statistics concerning education, which would help us to form some proper idea of the work which the department is concerned with. For instance, we have no report supplied to us, as was done in this department under the old regime, giving us the number of children under instruction in the schools, the ages of those children, their classification in the various standards according to their ages, the number of schools in operation under the Ministry and the number of teachers engaged in those schools. All these, as I say, are vital statistics. The statistics are collected and supplied to the department quarterly and annually as heretofore, and I think it is right we should say that it is highly advisable that the public should be made aware, through the publication of the annual report, of these statistics. I think it was Deputy Cooper who a few days ago complained of the "dignified deliberation" of the Board of Works because they had not issued a report since their report of 1922-23. I wonder what would Deputy Cooper say in this case if he were here? On the last occasion on which the Votes for education generally were under discussion, I called attention to the fact that no move had been made up to that time to bring about a proper scheme of co-ordination between the various departments engaged in educational work. That has been done to some extent under the present Ministry and I hope it will be carried on to a greater extent under the powers given to the Ministry under the recent Ministers and Secretaries Act. We are in this position, that the old complaints which were made in pre-Treaty days about the various departments of education working in watertight departments and more or less independently on one another are more or less true up to the present time. I think anyone who knows anything about educational administration or educational matters must admit that that is not a satisfactory state of affairs and that it is a state of affairs which ought to be remedied. In pre-war times there was issued with the annual report an appendix which contained the reports of the divisional or senior inspectors. These were long, detailed reports in which the state of education in the particular districts was discussed at very great length. These reports were very valuable and it is a pity that the practice of compiling them and issuing them for the information of the public generally should not be revived. I hope it will be possible to revive that practice.

They were, in my opinion, very valuable for what they contained, and sometimes instructive for what they did not contain. What I have said with regard to the report, applies to the rules and regulations of the Department, and what I might call the code. In the old times it was possible for a teacher to be supplied with a code of rules and regulations so that teachers, managers and everyone else knew exactly where they were. That is not the case now. The teacher who knows all the rules and regulations under which he is carrying out his duties at present is a rarity. I doubt even if there are many at the headquarters of the Department who are in a position to know these, because, for the past five years or so there has been no regular publication of the code, no codification. What rules and regulations have been made are issued to the schools and managers by way of advertisement in the newspapers. It is not a matter of surprise that these circulars get mislaid and that the advertisements are forgotten. The rules and regulations, consequently, are not always observed, and somebody gets into trouble. I strongly urge on the Minister the necessity of immediately codifying all the existing rules and regulations and putting them into one volume. That is one of the things which call for immediate attention. If somebody took up the old code they would find regulations that have been deleted and abolished for the past seven years. There is, in consequence, a good deal of confusion.

There is another point I would like to draw attention to. I am not quite certain whether it is within the administrative powers of the Minister, but I rather think it is. It is the question of the setting up of an advisory council or some form of council, consultative or advisory. Personally I am of opinion that such a council should have more powers than mere advisory or consultative ones. In any case, I believe there is a tendency to centralisation, and bureaucracy, if you like, in the fact that there is no machinery at present whereby bodies naturally interested in education are in a position to be consulted and give direct advice to the Ministry. It is highly advisable that steps should be taken in that direction, if, as I believe, it is within the present powers of the Minister to set up such a body.

Our whole scheme of education centres around the child. It does not matter very much what kind of machinery you have, or how perfect that machinery is, if the child is not there to be taught. One of the most common complaints at present, and one which has been continually made during the past two or three years, has reference to this question of attendance. I do not want to be ruled out of order by being told this is a matter which must be dealt with by legislation. I admit that. But as the Minister's salary is on this Vote, I think we might draw attention to the fact that the Minister has not been as active as some of us would like in pushing on this legislation, and I think we are entitled to criticise him for that. It is admitted on all hands, it is not a question of dispute or discussion any longer, that the position whereby 30 children out of every 100 on the school rolls are absent every school day in the year is not a satisfactory one. I say on the school rolls, but that does not include all who are absent, as any one acquainted with the problem knows. I will leave that particular question by saying that there is considerable disappointment amongst those who are keenly interested in education that the Government has not taken steps long before this to deal with this very vital problem. In speaking of that I would like to say, more or less in opposition, if you like, to the views which are naturally held about compelling children to attend school, that it does not seem to me to be just to compel children to attend who are either hungry or ill-clothed. Nor does it seem to be just to compel children to attend and spend a great part of their youth in buildings which are unhealthy and insanitary.

That brings me to the question of the present school buildings. Again I must complain that I am not in a position to say how many schools there are in the country. I am not in a position, except from my own experience in going through the country and seeing the schools, of saying how many of these schools are suitable for the purpose for which they are used. I do think it is necessary and advisable that the Ministry should take steps at the earliest possible opportunity, through their inspectors, to take a census of the school buildings and give them at least a rough classification. Some could be classified as satisfactory, more would be decidedly unsatisfactory, and you might have a middle classification such as "tolerable." But it is essential that we should be in a position to know definitely how many of the present school buildings are entirely unsuited, from the point of view of health and sanitation generally, for purpose to which they are being devoted and which are in fact a danger to the community, to the children, and to those engaged in teaching. I have seen some of these schools. I know there are some very fine schools, splendid institutions that cannot be bettered in any country. But we also have hovels doing duty for schools, the like of which would not be found in any country. That is a problem that the Ministry ought to deal with, by finding out first of all what is necessary in the way of providing new schools or replacing unsuitable, insanitary ones, and then, by pressing forward for the necessary supplies, to make good that necessary accommodation.

And in this connection I would like to point out that we have a very primitive method indeed for the maintenance of our schools. Our schools are maintained, heated, cleaned, furnished and repaired largely by voluntary effort and voluntary contributions. It is well known that the vast majority of our schools are under clerical management. The local parish priest or the local rector is the manager. Sometimes—the number is few—they are under lay managers, but I would like to say this, that these managers have been in the main struggling against great difficulties, and in the main, they have done their best and done good work towards raising the funds which are necessary to maintain the schools in a more or less satisfactory condition. There have been exceptions, of course. There have been schools which were totally neglected in that respect, but in the main, the managers have made great efforts to raise these voluntary funds. But in my opinion the system of raising funds by voluntary methods for the upkeep of the schools has broken down. The managers find it a task that is too great for them to face. It is impossible to continue much longer raising these voluntary funds, and we know that no matter how earnest they are and no matter how anxious they are to do it, the amount they have been able to raise in the past has not been at all sufficient to meet the necessities of the case. I do not know whether or not it is within the power of the Minister, without seeking fresh legislative authority, to make arrangements for the proper maintenance and upkeep of the schools. My own opinion is that legislative powers are needed. I think that the school-house ought to be the care of the locality in which it is. It ought to be the duty and not only the duty but I should say the privilege of the locality to look after its school buildings and to keep them in the state that they ought to be kept in. In this connection I would like to say that some of our school buildings, even where they cannot be said to be unhealthy, can certainly be said to be ugly, and some of them seemed to be built, as somebody said, like fortresses which would withstand not only the ravages but the improvements of time.

There is the question of the supply of teachers, and on this point I would like to criticise the policy—the want of policy, rather—of the Ministry. At one end teachers are being trained and turned out for the service. At the other end teachers are leaving the service, and there does not seem to be any proper relation between the numbers admitted and the numbers who may reasonably be estimated to leave in any particular year. Teachers were trained and they are still trained in private institutions, subject, no doubt, to a certain amount of control by the Education Department. If these got appointments in this country, well and good. If not, they sought appointments in England or Scotland, or in Canada, South Africa or somewhere else, and perhaps it might be argued that at that time it did not matter very much whether the relation between the entrants to the profession and those who were leaving would be observed. But that is not the position now. It has changed, and teachers trained under the new conditions and the new provisions will not be in a position to get employment outside the Saorstát.

I always held that it was a wrong policy that we should train teachers for export, but that will not be the position now, and it is essential, I think, that each year the department should estimate—and there is no great difficulty about estimating—the number of teachers who are about to retire in any given year and the number of vacancies which will thus be created, making allowance for those people who leave the service for any reason other than simply retiring on pension, and that a corresponding number of vacancies should be announced, that the number who would enter the training colleges in any given year should correspond as closely as possible to the probable number of vacancies. In this way there would be no wastage and no unemployed teachers.

In this connection I would like to stress that the Ministry should not in future appoint teachers who are untrained. Some women teachers are still appointed who are technically called untrained. They have a certain standard of education, of course, and they must pass a certain examination, but they have not the hall mark of training, and I think it is no longer necessary that they should be appointed, because so far as women are concerned a sufficient supply of trained teachers is available. In connection with the matter of the supply of teachers I would like the Minister, if he is in a position to do so, to give us some information regarding the conditions which were complained of a few years ago, and complained of with very great reason and on very good grounds, namely, that the students coming forward for entrance to the teaching profession were not all of the type which one would wish to see. When some years ago a new and approved salaried scale for teachers was introduced, it was hoped that as teaching was being—anyhow was then being—adequately remunerated there would be a marked improvement in this direction. I did not hope that the improvement would come rapidly. Others thought that students would be knocking in crowds at the doors of the training colleges for entrance. I would like the Minister to tell us what is the decision on that matter. I think the time has come when the Government should make plain what exactly their position is with regard to the programme which is taught in the schools, or which they have introduced. We hear a good deal about the programme from time to time, and I think there is a considerable amount of misunderstanding with regard to the aims and the objects of the Ministry.

I take it that, candidly, their object is, at a future date, to make this country largely, if not entirely, an Irish-speaking country. If that is their intention, in my opinion they should say that distinctly and clearly, and let the people understand, because there is a considerable amount of doubt among people as to what their children are being taught in the schools, and as to the value of what the children are being taught in the schools. Therefore, I think it is highly advisable that the Minister should avail of an opportunity of this kind to say what exactly is the object aimed at by the changes which have been made, the very revolutionary changes that have been made in the curriculum which is now being taught in the National schools. I may say right off that I do not for a moment agree with those who put it this way very bluntly, that the children are learning a few things in the way of education, and that Irish is thrown in —as much as to say that the Irish language in fact is not education at all, but is something outside of that. That is not my view, and I do not think there is any necessity to argue that matter here. I will, however, say this much, that let their aim be what it is, the Ministry must recognise that we are in a period of transition, and that they will not reach their goal any sooner by trying to rush towards the goal. That is my candid view of the matter. There are complaints, and some of them substantial complaints, that there is a tendency to undo in a year or two what has been the work of forty, fifty or sixty years. I do not believe that we can revive the Irish language in a year or in two or three years. I would be very satisfied if I felt that we could revive the Irish language in twenty or thirty years. A period of that length is not very much after all in the life of a nation. I do believe that there is a tendency to try and get ahead in a spirit of enthusiasm possibly, but in my opinion that is a wrong line to take. I say that especially in reference to the idea of using the Irish language as a medium for teaching other subjects.

In the case of a teacher who is a native Irish speaker, or who has acquired a good speaking knowledge of Irish, a man who can speak Irish as freely as he could speak any other language, and who has to deal with pupils who are able to speak the Irish language, and understand quite clearly what the teacher is saying to them, I agree that in such a case there is no reason why the ordinary subjects of the programme should not be taught through the medium of Irish as the ordinary language of the school. But it is nothing but the height of foolishness, apart from anything else, to expect a man who has only a half knowledge of Irish, who may be only struggling through it, and possibly only able to read it, having to pause now and again for a word or term, to teach the ordinary subjects of the programme through the medium of Irish, and to teach pupils who, possibly, do not understand a quarter of what he is saying. I think if that is not only asked for, but if it is allowed to go on, a very grave injury will be done, not only to education but to the Irish language itself. I believe that the Ministry recognise that fact, but I think that they have not made it sufficiently clear to those who are engaged in the ordinary work of the schools, either to teachers or inspectors. I know teachers who, in their enthusiasm for the language, or in their anxiety to carry out what they believe to be the wishes of the Ministry, are doing what I have attempted to describe here, and in that way they are not doing a service to the language, and are certainly not doing a service to education. I think it is the duty of the Ministry to call special attention to the fact that only is such a thing not expected but that it should not be allowed.

I must apologise for taking up so much of the time of the Dáil in dealing with this matter, but the subject is such a wide one that it is hard to condense what one has to say on it. There is only one other question that I will deal with at the moment, and that is the question of inspection. Now, inspection is necessary, and no matter how much people may object to being inspected, and I suppose that is a natural feeling, there is nobody but must admit that inspection is necessary.

While that is so there is inspection and inspection. In the old days, under the education system, the inspector was really a policeman or a detective who came into the school. He visited the schools to find out what was wrong in them, not to find what was being done, whether it was good or otherwise, but rather to catch the teacher as it were in some little breach of the regulations, and much was made out of these breaches of the regulations. I readily and willingly admit that that spirit has now decreased very considerably, but it is hard to kill an old tradition, and there is, to some extent, evidence that that tradition has not been finally killed in our schools. There is first in this matter the question of the spirit which should underline the system of inspection. I have no hesitation in saying that the main object of an inspector should be to act as a co-worker with the teacher, to be what you might call the guide, philosopher and friend of the teacher, a man who, from his wider knowledge, wider experience, higher scholarship and higher attainments generally, should be in a position to direct the teachers in the various schools which he visits as to the best method and best way of getting on with the work which they are charged to perform. I would prefer that instead of being called an inspector he should be called a Director of education for his particular district, a man who is charged primarily with seeing that the education of his district is up to the standard, and a man who would be the first to be blamed by the department if education in that particular district was not up to the standard. But that is not the conception which the ordinary inspector of National Schools has of his duty. I am afraid that all the blame, if anything is not up to the standard, is put on the shoulders of the teacher, and that is supposed to be the last word.

I do not think that should be the spirit underlying the system. Both Inspector and teacher should regard themselves as co-workers, and it should not be so much that the Inspector is the boss or Commanding Officer, as that he is the general director or general manager of the schools in his particular area. He should be a man to whom the teacher would be always ready and willing to turn for advice and help in any difficulty in which he might find himself. You cannot have that when the Inspector has, as part of his duty, to go round to all the schools in his district, and in the classrooms examine every subject that is taught by the teacher, and then stick labels on each particular subject—"This is good,""this is very good,""this is fair,""this is very fair,""this is middling," or "this is bad." While that may be all right in theory, it is really beyond the power of any man to go into a school and spend two or three hours, and at the end of the visit to take up seven, eight, or ten subjects taught there, and label them, making the very nice distinction between "good" and "very good,""fair" and "very fair," and "very fair" and "good."

All these things bring with them definite rewards, if you like, and a definite benefit to the teacher. The question of his annual increment might depend on whether the report for a particular subject is marked "good" or "very good." I think that is trying to shave the matter altogether too much. The Inspector should be in a position to sum up in a broad, general way his impressions of the school, whether it is satisfactory, whether the man is doing his duty in a satisfactory manner, or in a highly satisfactory manner. He should be in a position to detect negligence or inefficiency where there is negligence or want of skill on the part of the teacher, and he could give directions as to how such a state might be improved or reformed.

To think that the Inspector can stick labels like you would on a lot of jam-pots, around the room, and do that justly and fairly, and leave no sense of irritation behind, is expecting too much from an ordinary mortal whom we must trust for our inspection work. There are several other matters which I would like to mention, but perhaps I would get an opportunity later, and I do not want to monopolise the time of the Dáil.

Tá dhá nídh go mbudh mhaith liom roint eolais fhághail ortha. 'Sé ceann aca —fé'n uimhir E3. Tá £55,000 airgid ag dul do choistisí múinteóirí i gcóir cúrsaí Gaoluinne. Ba mhaith liom go n-innseadh an tAire dhúinn (1) cad é an tslighe 'na bhfuil beartuighthe aige an méid sin airgid do chaitheamh, agus (2) cad é an toradh fé leith atá súil aige leis ón chaitheamh san airgid.

Agus an dara ceann—Ní fheicim aon airgead i n-aon chor leagtha amach i gcóir gleacuidheachta cuirp, nó physical training, in sna scoileanna. Ní foláir nó go dtuigeann an tAire an dluthbhaint atá ag an obair sin— cursaí sláinte leanbhaí na tíre—le sláinte an náisiúin ar fad. Ag cur síos le déanaighe ar obair na scoil, dubhairt an Teachta, Sir James Craig, gur ab é an tsúil a bhí againn as na hógfhir agus ógmhna go raibh aca—

(1) meon maith agus sláinte aigne;

(2) sláinte cuirp;

(3) Eolas éigin.

Cuir sé "sláinte" roimh "eolas," agus is dóich liom an ceart a bheith aige. Is tabhachtach an cheist í. Tá uaim go ninnseadh an tAire duinn cad tá beartaighthe aige 'na thaobh.

Deputy O'Connell has dealt with the general question, and I would like if Deputies followed on those lines, confining themselves, if possible, to one speech. The Minister could deal with that matter, and then we could take details under the different sub-heads. If we get the general question and the question of details entangled, the Minister will be making constant replies without any really satisfactory conclusion. I would like if Deputies would keep to the general question; we can come to the more detailed matters afterwards. The question of courses for teachers in Irish would occur under sub-head (E). The question of physical training is a general question.

I would like to touch upon some matters referred to by Deputy O'Connell. He is very conversant with educational matters, and no doubt he has dealt fully with subjects of great importance which I am sure will commend themselves to the favourable consideration of the Ministry. There is one matter I am anxious to refer to. That is the growing demand for some system of compulsory attendance of children at school. Before that would be undertaken I think it very advisable that better school accommodation should be provided, particularly in the City of Dublin, where at present there is not sufficient accommodation. I am not in a position to speak for the rural districts. I think that this is a matter which ought to commend itself to the Ministry. In the matter of teaching Irish, I think the results are not at all satisfactory, and that is a matter that should also receive consideration.

I would like to ask the Minister whether the educational expenditure on national schools is as economic as he would wish. I refer particularly to the national schools in rural districts. If he would say that it is not, I would agree with him. I would agree with him for two reasons. The first reason has already been mentioned, the irregular attendance of the children. It is a well-known fact that because we have no compulsory attendance in the national schools the children are kept away for various reasons. It may be a wet day, and they might not be sufficiently clad to go a distance which might extend beyond the limit of that required for a bona fide traveller, and they would not have the advantage, if it happened to be wet, of having that draught for anti-sickness which senior members are allowed. Then, again, the programme has no relation to the education of the pupils in after life. It is largely intellectual or artificial, and is out of touch with modern advance. As a result of this, the training and preparing of teachers are largely wasteful. They are more or less on a false basis. I do not complain of the expenditure itself, but that it is spent on a system which yields very little result towards raising the economic life of the country and making it one in which skill and capacity are demanded, and reducing the amount of clerical work. In this respect our educational system shows poor results, because the love of labour is lacking in a number of our finished pupils. This should lead to a thorough investigation of our present educational system, and to a demand for its reform. Technical instruction also needs investigation, and, from my experience of the present system, it is also lacking in satisfactory results. This is also the case with the primary system, which is on a false basis, and, perhaps, we may attribute the same reason to higher education. A thorough investigation of this problem would probably lead to economy and the cutting off of wasteful expenditure, and lead, perhaps, also to a settlement of the just claims of our secondary teachers.

As one who owes a lifelong debt of gratitude to the present Government for having relieved him of the interesting but weighty responsibility of helping to look after National Schools, I should like to make some general remarks. I will keep off details altogether, and I can do that somewhat easily because I agree with Deputy O'Connell in wishing to protest against our difficulty in getting hold of any details to make actual use of them. One of the troubles, in fact, in discussing this Vote is that we have such little real knowledge as to what is the present standard of education that is attained in National Schools. We do hear unsatisfactory rumours that the standard is not high. I think it is regrettable that we are not in a position either to deny the rumours and say that the standard is better than it used to be, or give an explanation as to why the rumours exist. I wish in the first place to say that what seems to me to be the most striking thing about this Vote is its enormous magnitude. I suppose that this country is unfortunately one of the most badly educated countries in Europe, and I suppose that at the same time we give a larger sum for this purpose in proportion to our revenue than probably any other country in Europe—very nearly at any rate. I know that it is quite true that the present Government are not to blame for that state of things. We, old Commissioners of National Education, might have the very same thing said against us, and the present Government have very largely carried on the old system—perhaps disimproved it in certain respects, and, perhaps, improved it in others—but there is no great change. I think it is interesting to try to consider what is the real cause, and if there is any real cause for that serious blot in our national system, what is the remedy. Many of us, I think, tried on other occasions to make this point, and to get the Ministry of Education to admit that our present system is unsatisfactory and that they are determined to find out the cause of this dissatisfaction, and also that they are determined to bring into the country a better system of education.

There is one thing we want above all others, and that is, a proper and thorough primary system. We have not got it. Why? I know there are difficulties and that one of them is the scattered population, but after all that is only a small part of the real trouble. The whole country is badly educated, both in primary and secondary education. Will the Ministry undertake to inquire into this enormously important question? Will they undertake to treat it as a big problem and say that, though it is bristling with difficulties, they are determined to get over these difficulties and give us a sound economic system of primary education? I am convinced that if we spent half as much again on primary education we would not get half as good results as we ought to get. This is a big question, and I want the Ministry to face it. Will they go into the question and bring out a sound economic primary system? It is the most important thing that could be done for this country. Whether you look to one branch, that of industry; to another, that of commerce; or to any technical branch of work, and last but not least, to our friends on the adjacent benches who are interested in the agricultural industry, one thing that is wanted above all others is a system of sound primary education backed up by a system of applied education for use in ordinary life.

I thoroughly agree with all the matters raised by Deputy O'Connell. I do not intend to discuss the education problem in all its phases. There are enough educationalists here who will do so, and who know more about the subject than I do, but there is one subject about which I know something—though I have no doubt the Minister will say that I know nothing about it—and that is the teaching of Irish in the schools. The instruction, implied or otherwise, from the Ministry of Education, is that all subjects are to be taught through the medium of Irish. Did ever anyone hear a more ridiculous thing? The English-speaking children are to be taught English, Euclid and other subjects through the medium of Irish. It would be more reasonable in England to teach English through the medium of Low Dutch, Latin or any other language that English is derived from. Then there is the subject of the summer school. I dare say nine-tenths of the teachers of Ireland are English-speaking. Those men of forty, fifty or sixty years of age are trotted off to summer schools every year at an enormous expense—a waste of effort and a waste of money—and presumably they are taught Irish. One-tenth of them who know Irish will probably return with some literary knowledge of the language. Others of them who will have to teach Irish will be unable to do it for years. If they do teach it, it will be Irish without a soul. The Compulsory teaching of English-speaking children, through the medium of Irish, is nothing more than the method of the stone age, or the stone axe that we hear so much about from the Ministerial benches. I hope to goodness there will be some effort made in order that the children will be taught Irish properly and also taught English; that is, that English-speaking people will be taught English properly and not through the medium of Irish by any means, but just as ordinary common people of this country and other countries are taught, through the medium of the language they speak from their childhood.

I was glad to hear such a recognised and well-known authority on Irish education as Deputy Professor Thrift speak so strongly on the importance of primary education. I join with him in deploring that this Dáil has done nothing whatever to deal with this most important of all problems. We in industry find the very feature that Deputy Professor Thrift has complained of one of our greatest difficulties. A little while ago a conference was held amongst the commercial men and educationalists to find out why so few boys were offering for apprenticeship. We found after a very superficial enquiry that the reason was that the standard of education was so low amongst the rising generation that seventy-five per cent. of those who were anxious to follow industrial occupations were unable to pass a simple qualifying examination in order to get into a technical school.

In Dublin seventy-five per cent. of those anxious to follow industry were unable to pass a simple qualifying examination in order to obtain the advantages to be derived from our technical schools. That point was supported by a statement made by an educationist a short time ago, Professor T.D. O'Rahilly, when he stated that the Irish people were probably the most ignorant in Western Europe to-day. That is a shocking state of affairs. Notwithstanding that state of affairs, this Dáil has done nothing. We have dealt with all subjects, but we have left this one, as Deputy Thrift has termed it, the most important of all subjects, alone, and it seems to me that we are determined to leave it alone, because amongst the Bills that have been slaughtered there was one and only one that attempted to deal in any way with education. It was a Bill dealing with school attendance. That has been slaughtered. So we stand to-day, in this Dáil, face to face with the accusation that during the whole of our term we have not attempted, in any way, to deal with this most important subject.

Two reasons have been put forward for the low standard of education to be found amongst our young people to-day. The first is the need for a better school attendance. We are supposed to have a compulsory school attendance system established in the Free State. Owing to the laxity of our school attendance system we find to-day in our own city amongst girls—it has come before me—that there are in certain classes ten per cent. of illiterates. The other reason that has been assigned why our standard is too low is that our leaving age is too low. The school-leaving age to-day is, as Deputies know, fourteen, quite irrespective of the standard that the pupil has reached, and the average standard reached by the average pupil to-day at the age of fourteen is somewhere between the fourth and fifth standards. The fourth and fifth standards are so low that in some cases they do not mean a knowledge of reading and writing. How can we hope to progress in industry when this is the material you are giving us to work on? This matter is within the knowledge of the Minister for Education and of those in his department. Again and again attention has been directed to the necessity for raising the school age and thereby raising the standard of education. There is one feature in connection with this standpoint that I would like to draw attention to and which almost amounts to a scandal. Boys and girls are allowed to leave school to-day at the age of fourteen. Those of them who are entitled to unemployment grants cannot get those grants until they reach the age of sixteen, and in order to get those grants at the age of sixteen they have to attend certain classes in certain schools for a number of hours per week. What is happening? There is no employment, or very little employment to-day, owing to bad trade and other causes, for boys and girls between the ages of 14 and 16 years. We are letting them run wild in our city. At the age of 16, when they apply for the unemployment benefit, we say that in order to get it they must attend certain classes at school. Owing to the low standard of education when they leave school at 14 years and the two years of idleness following on that between the ages of 14 and 16, when we get them to attend these classes at the age of 16, their education is so deficient that it is almost impossible to do anything with them. It has, therefore, been urged on the Minister on more than one occasion that it would be in the interests of these boys and girls I have spoken of and in the interests of the nation that they should be kept at these schools up to the age of 16 years. We even went as far as to state that any of them who could get employment should be freed from the qualification of attending a school. That was all set aside. Nothing could be done. That state of things exists to-day. It is a most unfortunate state of things. I would plead with the Minister that this is a matter that ought to have immediate attention. As I said at the outset, there is nothing of greater importance to industry to-day than the raising of the standard of education. I go further and say that much of the bad trade and much of the unemployment that we suffer from in the Free State to-day is attributable to the bad system of primary education which we have.

I am glad to have heard the forceful appeal from Deputy Good as to the necessity for an improved standard of education, and an extension of the school period. I hope that the Minister who is responsible for the administration of the education system in this country will answer the questions that are being put to him, and will state as clearly and as definitely as the occasion calls for what is the Ministerial policy in regard to education. It has been said by Deputy Thrift and Deputy Good that this Dáil has not done anything for education. There has been something more since the new administration came into force. Primary teachers are being put into a position, perhaps, on which a foundation can be laid. But it is now two and a half years since you took over responsibility for the administration of educational affairs and I think that is sufficient time to allow to the Government, notwithstanding their preoccupations to be able to state where they are going, what course they are taking, what end they hope to arrive at and, generally, what the Government policy regarding the education system is. I want to hear from the Minister much more than his view regarding what is called primary education. I think the time has come to hear from him what he hopes to accomplish, what his general intentions are regarding the education system as a whole, whether the various sides are to run independently of each other or whether there is to be a coming together and a co-ordination of the primary, secondary, technical and university systems; whether it is intended to retain for ever the difference between the education of the child of the poor man and let that finish at primary, and to encourage another section of the community to expect what is called a secondary education, some of them going to universities and some of them refraining from universities; or whether it is the policy of the Ministry to encourage as large a number as profitably can to take advantage of education right through from primary to university, and to give them the opportunity of taking advantage of all the educational facilities that may be available. I also want to know whether the Ministry has any policy in regard to adult education—in regard to the adults of the present day who, having learned from experience what they have lost through lack of education, may have been stimulated to take advantage of educational facilities offered suitable for adults.

I think the opportunity ought to be availed of by the Minister to state as clearly as he can what has been the decision—assuming a decision has been arrived at—in regard to this general question of the educational policy which is henceforth to be pursued in the Saorstát. I am one of those who believe that there should be a single education system, and that we should not have the sharp distinctions between primary and technical and secondary and university education. I think we will require to make up our minds whether it is intended that the man or the boy who goes from the primary to a secondary school shall set himself apart from the rest of the community, and go through this secondary school because he is going in for a profession, and whether there is any intention to use the secondary education system for the training of people for industrial occupations. On this point, I think we should understand the general mind of the Dáil and the Ministry, particularly as to whether there is any sense in conducting a secondary, or even a university system, which aims at turning out people accomplished in literary subjects, suitable to professions, when the country, if it is to be a prosperous country in any true sense, will not, in future, find place for the exercise of those professions. While we ought to recognise, and all the people associated with higher education should recognise, that the opportunity for those people, who have gone through a higher educational course, in professional careers will be very much less than hitherto, and that we ought not to spend large sums of public money, at any rate in providing education for professions which would be only used in other countries, we ought also to have as wide a system of higher education as possible, to cater for a much larger number, perhaps, than ever before, who will return to the ordinary occupations of life in a country which is carrying on productive labour.

I do not want it to be thought that referring to the limitation of opportunity in future for highly educated people, I am, therefore, suggesting that there should be less higher education. On the contrary, I want to see a greatly increased number of people enjoying the advantages of higher education and returning to the ordinary occupations in commerce, industry and agriculture. We have heard something about the question of school attendance. Undoubtedly it is very little use talking about higher education or of a highway from the primary schools to the university for large masses of the people —not for the selected pupil, but for all who can avail themselves of the opportunity, if we have failed to lay the foundations for education in the primary schools. We cannot lay those foundations unless we take steps to ensure a very much higher average of school attendance than we have yet attained. That, of course, is largely a matter for the enforcement of the law, but it is probably even more a matter of public opinion regarding education. I am forced to admit that the working people in the country, not less than and, perhaps, not more than, any other section of the community, have not realised the importance of education for their children and the necessity of taking advantage of the opportunities that are available. We have not obliged our children to go to school as we ought to have done. There is a great fault to be charged against the working man and the working woman, the farmer man and the farmer woman, and the professional man and woman, inasmuch as their children have not been induced to attend regularly at school. But we are providing those people with a direct excuse, as has been expressed by Deputy Doyle, and, I think, by Deputy O'Connell, when we have said that the schools were bad and unhygienic, that they are overcrowded in some places, that classes are too large and that children cannot learn when they are only half-fed. All these things undoubtedly react against good school attendance. But I believe that there is something to be done by the Ministry, as well as by every public man and woman, to stimulate that interest in education. Having done that, you may then, with much more effect, endeavour to enforce the law.

I am told that, as a matter of fact, so far from the legal school-leaving age of 14 being given effect to, that the average school-leaving age is more like 12 or less than 12. If that is a fact, it is a very sad state of affairs, especially when you bear in mind that from the age of 4 to 12 you have an attendance of those children 30 per cent. lower than the maximum. You cannot expect those children to be fit to receive technical education, and, so far as secondary education is concerned, it is out of the question. Then there is no leaving certificate. Deputy Good has spoken of the inability of so many boys and girls leaving school to take advantage of the technical tuition because of their failure in the primary schools. I gather that while 14 is the legal leaving age, very large numbers leave before that. There is no enforced attendance, and there is no leaving certificate required. There is no standard of efficiency or of educational qualification required before a child may leave school. That, of course, is a defect, and I suppose it is a defect that everybody admits ought to be remedied. We want to know, and I hope we shall learn to-night, what the Minister's view on that particular aspect may be.

The statement of Deputy Good—I do not want to be cynical—that the failure of industry in Ireland may be largely attributable to the failure of education in primary schools one might say gives hope. When industrialists come to realise that education in primary schools will be profitable, then I think we can look with greater hope to the future than if it were merely a hope that the manhood and womanhood of the future would be better, nobler and freer. Robert Lowe, a Minister, I think Chancellor of the Exchequer, in England many years ago, before the Public Education Act of 1870 was passed—said what has become historical. After dealing with the extension of the Franchise he said: "We must educate our masters." Now we have from Deputy Good the contention that "we must educate our servants," and if we are convinced that for the future industrial progress and benefit of the country the people must be educated, I think we have good grounds for hope that the Ministry will be obliged, shall I say by the force of pressure from the industrialists, to devise ways and means whereby children shall be educated. I hope that the Minister will give us a full explanation of the educational policy of the Government as it has been evolved up to date. Perhaps it will induce a fuller explanation if I were to say that we will assume that the outline of policy which he gives us tonight is the policy which the Ministry has determined upon, and so far as his statement falls short of an explanation of that policy he will assume that no policy has been evolved. That, I think, would suggest to the Minister that he should be as full and as detailed as it is possible for him to be.

I think it is due to me that I should say something on this matter, and I am looking at one aspect of the question only. There are many aspects of the question on which I could speak. I am going to look at the one aspect that I have to accept a certain amount of responsibility for, the aspect that Deputy McBride referred to, that is that we are forcing Irish unreasonably into the schools through the summer courses. I at least have to take responsibility for the Irish courses for teachers being established. But while I do that I do not accept responsibility for insisting on an attitude that contradicts everything that I ever learned of educational policy, that is, the first axiom of education that I learned was to proceed from the known to the unknown. I do not accept responsibility, therefore, for insisting on the teaching of subjects through Irish when Irish is not the language which students best understand. I do not advocate that. I do not think I ever did, and I am entirely opposed to attempting to teach subjects through Irish where Irish is not the known language. You are killing Irish and you are not teaching the subject that you purport to teach. That is my attitude. The only contribution, therefore, that I wanted to make to this discussion was to appeal to the education authorities to revise their attitude on this very important matter. It is a fact that at present higher physics cannot be taught even through an English text book. The most modern up-to-date book, if the subject is to be taught properly, is a French book. You have not an English book. You very certainly have not an Irish book. I therefore ask the education authorities to revise their attitude on the teaching of subjects in Irish when there are not text books available, and when the students are absolutely incapable of absorbing lectures in Irish.

When these Estimates were before the Dáil last year I think the hope was expressed in several quarters that we would not have them again before us in the form in which they then appeared. That is to say, that we should not have before us three separate Estimates, one entitled "Public Education," one entitled "Intermediate Education,'—and another entitled "Universities and Colleges."

The view was expressed, and, I think, if my recollection serves correctly, the Minister himself joined in that view, that the correct method of dealing with this subject was to deal with education as one subject from beginning to end. That, of course, required the statement of a definite policy: it required certain legislation which the previous Dáil confidently expected would be one of the first and earliest charges upon the Dáil that came in at the end of last year. But here we are now a year after with Estimates coming before us exactly in that same fragmentary form that was adversely criticised last year, and the cause of it is that nothing has been done in the meantime. No definite policy has been enunciated; no legislation has been sought to put the whole question of education upon a unified, simple, co-ordinated system. The matter is more important than it appears at first sight. It is important because it is fundamental to everything else. Earlier to-day the Minister for Justice was referring to the fact that there had been a very considerable measure of co-operation with the police force of this country but that that co-operation was not uniform. It was unexpectedly large for the short time, but it was not uniform, and there were some serious gaps in it.

Now, here was the Minister for Justice dealing with a purely police question. Certain matters were definitely referred to, but actually what he was talking of was not a police question at all but an educational question. Because, it is not until there be a people who have been trained from that point of view from their youth in the schools that there can be expected that conception of the State existing as the corporate body of all the citizens of the State, that they can be made realise that they were not asked to help the police as somebody outside themselves who sought their assistance, but were asked to give the assistance of their own selves in their corporate existence. Until that principle has been brought into the mind at the earliest stage, as it is in other nations, that we can expect to have the Minister for Justice rising in the Dáil and saying that when crime occurs that crime is regarded by the people not as offence against the Free State, or as against the police, or certain authorities, but as an offence against the people themselves. That is the educational point of view. Similarly, take the point of view that Deputy Good has mentioned.

We are talking about unemployment. Now I happen to know one or two definite cases which may be of a restricted and humble scope, but I have two instances before my mind where foreign enterprise, that is to say, enterprise not definitely of Irish origin, had wished to establish factories here. Previous to doing so inquiries were instituted as to what prospects were available for the technical workmen necessary for the conduct of that business. In each case the decision had to be come to that if the enterprise had to be carried out, certain important parts of the enterprise would have to be conducted by imported workmen, and in these two definite cases that I have in mind a decision was taken not to make a start, because it was felt that that kind of importation might arouse serious prejudices and not lead to smooth and frictionless working. There is the case where technical brains are sometimes used for technical education. I conceive of education from rather a different point of view, and I therefore very much admire the precision and the accuracy with which Deputy Johnson used the phrase when speaking on this subject a little while ago, of technical tuition. We lack that technical tuition. It is so everywhere in politics, and in every other matter. Difficulties are encountered, and the conduct of this State in the curing of many evils that we hope and hold to be transient is not to be found by an appeal to some one or other Minister whose immediate responsibility it happens to be. The real answer must be in the educational policy of that country. The educational policy of this State, though the State has now been in existence for about two and a half years, has yet to be enunciated, and waits yet to be framed in some legislative measure.

The Minister for Education is better aware of this, I am sure, than any Deputy can be. The Minister for Education is himself a historian of considerable distinction and standing, and even while I speak he could give instances of nations that during the past fifty or sixty years have, within one generation in their schools, recast and refashioned the whole nation. Germany is an outstanding example. Within less than one generation it was not by statesmen that the whole outlook of that nation was changed, that the nation was built up and in its fibres re-created. That was not done by political thinkers; it was not done by protective policies, but it was done by teachers in the schools, teachers who were chosen for their work, and teachers who took their part in a definite policy that was clearly understood by them and clearly known to be such by the entire nation. I am not now dealing with the ethics or the morals of the kind of result that was achieved. I am merely dealing with the fact that whereas at the beginning of one generation a country, a nation, and a State that held an inferior position in practical material achievements, though perhaps very high in the intellectual world, at the end of that generation its material achievement was so great and substantial that the whole mind of the nation had been changed, and the whole nation had been enriched in a purely material sense. That change had come as the result of the change wrought in the schools of the nation, and that change was wrought in the schools of the nation by a clear, co-ordinated system of education. It took the child early, and did not conceive of education as being a matter of class or a matter of convenience, but it regarded every citizen as being trained and taught in the schools to play a part in the national development and the national development resulted.

Everyone is aware of the difficulties that the Minister for Education has had to contend with, and that the members of the Executive Council have had to contend with. There has been a pressure of legislation, and even if a fraction of the rumours one hears be true, it would appear that pressure for economy and other pressing matters of legislation have caused legislation in respect to education to be pressed to one side. If that be the case, and whether it be actually the case or merely circumstantially the case, I say it is a mistake, because the chief matter of importance, more important than any other matter, is a clear statement on educational policy and of a beginning to put it into practical effect. Again I say what I said last year, that I hope this is the last time that this Legislature will have presented before it not one Estimate in respect of education, such as is required, but these fragmentary matters that deal with a thing in a fragmentary fashion simply because we are still waiting that mould and form as the result of an imaginative grasp of the questions to be dealt with. I hope that such an Estimate will be laid before this Dáil in the piece of legislation that was promised to us last year, but which we have yet to await.

I think it is right that from these benches some expression of opinion should be given on this all important subject. In passing, I want to make reference to a statement by Deputy McBride with regard to the teaching of Irish in national schools. That was also referred to by the Minister for Fisheries. I want to say that in whatever way, or by whatever steps, the Minister for Education seeks to reestablish the Irish language as the national language, a good deal of success has been achieved. I am not going to say it is right that subjects should be taught through the medium of Irish where that is not possible. I am going to speak on what I know. I think it has been generally conceded throughout the country that very considerable progress is being made with school-going children in the teaching of the Irish language, and to those who recognise that Ireland is a distinct nation, and that the chief mark of distinctive nationality is the language, that is something that we are called upon to record our appreciation of.

As regards the system of education in the country generally, I regret I must say that the agricultural industry is, perhaps, suffering to a greater extent than any other industry through lack of education and through lack of the knowledge that we should have obtained in the past through a proper educational system. I regret steps have not been taken by the Ministry of Education to set things right. I agree that perhaps the time has not yet come when the Minister would be in a position to unfold his plans and to give the country a system that will be most suited to its needs. The Minister, perhaps, may be thinking out what he means to do, but I submit to him it is time the country saw what the Ministry of Education means to do for the Ireland of the future. Those who have been, or are connected with agriculture have it borne in on them that through lack of education and knowledge it is practically impossible to do for agriculture what we seek to do and what agriculture needs. If we suffer, perhaps some of the fault may be attributed to ourselves, but not all. The fault lay in the system and that system had not yet been changed.

It is true to say that the attendance of children at rural schools is and has been very bad, and that the attendances are not improving. I know that in many districts in my county, when instructors attend to give classes in agricultural subjects, it is a common complaint that it would be essential that many of the pupils would get a course in primary schools before they could hope to leave the agricultural classes with improved knowledge, and before they could benefit from the time they spent there. That is the situation. It is regrettable, but it is nevertheless true. It is common, not to one district or to one county, but to practically all the country from one end to the other. What is the result? It may seem quite good for Deputies here to speak and point to what agriculturalists ought to do, to lecture us on our faults and weaknesses. We are conscious, many of us, of those faults and weaknesses.

What do we find when we try to improve our position? The truth is that the people with whom we come in contact, the people with whom we have to deal, have had so little chance of having their brains trained in their early youth that to-day when we go amongst them and suggest what ought to be done by way of improvement in methods of business or in the management of their farms, or in the tillage of the soil, we find the very same situation amongst the old, the middle-aged, or the grownup farmers, as confront the agricultural instructor. That is the weakness and that is the disability that anyone can observe, who goes amongst the agricultural community in Ireland, helping to improve by some act of his the position of agriculture, of agriculturists, and the country generally. That situation has got to be changed before progress can be made, if we are to accept—and it is generally accepted—that agriculture is the mainstay of the nation. Whether or not Deputy Milroy or other Deputies may change the conditions, and make other industries the basis on which a new State may rear its head, the fact is to-day that agriculture is what we have to rely on. The prosperity of that industry will mean the prosperity of the country, but prosperity can never come to the industry if those who are managing and controlling it have not such efficient training through a system of education as that they will be capable of making the most out of employing other means to permit them to face competitors either at home or in foreign countries. When we are placed in that position the nation will then be so situated that those in charge of its main industry will be able to bring prosperity to it, and consequent prosperity to the country, because all will benefit from the prosperity of the agricultural industry.

The position all along has been the same. In the report of the Agricultural Commission we are told that the prevalent idea is that the end and aim of all education in the National Schools is to prepare pupils for a seat at a desk in a city office, or for a minor appointment in the Civil Service and that that must be abandoned. It is true that that has been the end and aim of education in this country. What is the result? Go down the country, and take out even the most intelligent pupils, and you will find there in the schools children who have been brought up in the country. Take them to the fields where they spend their days or hours. Try and find out what they know about the things around them. Ask them about the plants, trees and flowers, and see what they know of those things. The bias has been all the other way. They know nothing of the beauties of the country, or what life in rural Ireland means. Their thoughts are turned to the towns and the cities and to the things that are there supposed to be beautiful. They do not consider the beauties of their native districts. The result is that everywhere throughout rural Ireland we have the idea in the minds of our growing up young men and women that they must get away from country life. They feel they must get to the town or city, if not in Ireland, in some foreign land. If that is to be the policy of the future, and if the minds of the rising generation are to be trained and turned into such a groove as that, what will be the inevitable result for the Irish nation?

I hold the Irish nation has survived the trials and the persecutions of the past because our people as a whole were an agricultural people. The country gave us a strong race, physically and mentally, and even if many left others came to take their places. The physique of the Irish nation withstood all the shocks of centuries, because the people lived on the soil and away from the towns and cities. If we continue as we are and if the trend of the Irish mind and of education is that all the beauties and perfections of life are to be got amongst the industrial populations in towns and cities and that there is nothing worth admiring in the country, that agriculture is only a secondary industry and that it has very little in it but hard work and little recompense, then I say that the basis on which we are going to re-establish this nation will not be sound. The sooner we make up our minds—whether we live in the towns or in the country, whether we are engaged in industrial pursuits, and whether we are workers or owners of factories—that in the best interests of the Irish nation, its life physically and nationally, that the agricultural industry and the people interested in it must be kept alive, and that they must be taught that agriculture is a bigger thing than any other industry in the country, the better for us all and for the country.

The sooner people are taught there is more beauty in Irish rural life than in the towns and cities, than the sooner will we be able to create conditions that will make it pleasant for people to live their lives in rural districts, and the sooner will we be making absolutely certain that the life of the Irish nation will be secure. In our day we find the prejudice in favour of professions. The man who has been brought up on the land is never given credit, or rarely given credit, for having real worth. The professions in this country have undoubtedly established themselves. I find no fault with that. What I do find fault with is that agriculture has not also been able to establish itself and raise itself up to the standards of other professions.

I think the Deputy had better come back to education.

Back to the land.

If the mass of our people are to be trained in such a groove, if the bias of our educational system is to be such that agriculture is to get a back seat, and to continue to be given the little consideration that has been given to it in the past, then I cannot see that the future of this nation is going to be what many hoped it would be. It is absolutely essential that an institution like the College of Science should be raised up in this country and be given the very same standing as the National University or Trinity College. It is essential that we should have such an institution as that, where men can go in and after a number of years spent there can come out and be in a position to give service to the country's main industry, and not to be exported like many of those who unfortunately attend many other institutions and come out after examinations and are exported to give their service in their professions to the people of another country. We expect from the Minister for Education in this country that he will recognise that education, at least in the rural districts, will be given a rural bias and that the subjects taught in our schools in the rural districts will be taught in such a manner, in such a way, under such a system as will be beneficial to the children sent there—the reading of books, and the studying of arithmetic, mensuration and other subjects such as will be taught to pupils to make them understand that there is a connection between these subjects and their life at home. That has not been considered in the past, but we hope it will be changed very soon. I am all with those who argue that the attendance at our schools is certainly a disgrace, and that no progress can ever be made if the children are not sent regularly to school. However capable teachers may be and however earnest they may be in their labours, the children who are not sent regularly and punctually to school can never hope to attain to a standard of knowledge that is desired or to which they would have attained had they been sent regularly to school. I have come to the conclusion that parents will not voluntarily conform to these regulations. The reason largely is because they themselves are not capable of valuing what education means. Unfortunately it is so, and we have to take cognisance of that fact, and if they do not appreciate the value of education there is only one alternative, and that is to insist that they shall send their children to school. The sooner the Minister takes steps to do this the better, and if he has to go on with the present system while the change is being made, the most should be made of the present system and children should be compelled to go to school whether parents like it or not.

Deputy Mulcahy raised a question of physical training in the school and with regard to physical training I think it well that I should pay a tribute, that I am sure many present will wish to join in, to the memory of Alderman Nowlan, as we called him, Alderman James Nowlan of Kilkenny who has passed away, and who was, though an extraordinarily modest man, one of the leading men of Ireland in our time in regard to athletics, in regard to the Irish language, and I think, in national matters generally.

I have been asked to state what the educational policy of the Ministry as a whole is. That raises a very large issue. I agree with those who say that it is the most important one that faces the people of this country and their representatives. Fault has been found with me for not having presented you with some legislative programme with regard to legislation. I am not at all certain that the fact that this Committee on the Estimates has resolved itself this evening into a Conference on educational matters is not much more valuable than a dish of legislation, much more valuable for the purposes of educational development in the country. Before we proceed with reforms, at all events, reforms that can be expected to bear fruit, we have to get the minds of the people turned in the direction of those reforms. I have been reproached with being bureaucratic. In some matters, at all events, I feel very little bureaucracy inside me. I feel myself altogether free from the bureaucratic desire to drag the country behind me, in any sense, or to drive it in front of me. I should rather be moving with it, or rather, if I could move in the right direction, that it would be moving along with me. It is a very valuable thing, I think, to find that from all quarters of this Assembly addresses have been given this evening which deal with the general aspect of the question. I hope that the members of this Assembly will bear in mind when they go out among their constituents that they also have an educative power and that it is in their power to bring into people's minds the importance of the whole question of national education, the importance of it to the people themselves, to the children, the generation that are to rise up after them, and to the country which we all claim to love and to serve. I do not know whether reminding people of their duty in that respect will be a means of increasing the number of votes that any Deputy is likely to receive the next time he goes to the polls, but I am quite sure that every Deputy here recognises that he has other interests and deeper interests than saying things that will be sweet and popular to the voters, and that will induce them to give him stronger support the next time that he goes before them. Deputy Johnson, I think, has rather challenged me to make some sort of a general statement. If I have to make a general statement now I think I can promise you I will give you something to live up to. We inserted in our Constitution an Article dealing with education. Really I think it was a piece of pious window dressing; it may as well have been left out. It is "That every citizen of this country is entitled to free elementary education." In these days we may as well have made it that every citizen in this country was entitled to air and water, and the statement would have been as valuable. With regard to the rights of citizens in education I hold that the child of every citizen is entitled to equality of opportunity with regard to all education which is administered by the public authority.

It is not merely that I should like to sweep away the gaps that exist. It is better to avoid Latin, but it is what I might call a damnable inheritance— these gaps that exist in our educational system, and that cause it to be divided into primary and secondary and higher, with technical education for a side-show. For my part, I never could understand why there was not tertiary and quaternary and quinary and several other divisions as well as primary, secondary and higher. These divisions do not exist naturally. They are purely artificial. It is one thing to recognise them; another thing to remedy them. The strange thing is that no matter how artificial and how arbitrary some of these things are you find the public mind accepting them in the most passive way. Not only that, but I make a prophecy that, except myself, the first person who comes along to this problem will be surprised at the amount of irritation he will create by asking the public to depart from those things they have been accustomed to. Then again it is not merely that the public have been accustomed to them, but a structure has been built up and a personnel has been built up, and in education everything depends on personnel. There is no good education possible without good teachers, and with good teachers everything is possible.

Everything depends upon the personnel, and we have the personnel there ready. It is brought up to a certain stage. It has been passed on to us, and unless you are prepared to spend a rather fabulous sum on pensions you cannot expect to change it suddenly. We have to work on with the material we have, and, consequently, no matter how anxious we are to achieve results, we must work patiently. As to the general aim to be achieved, I am not going to dwell on that feature of 75 per cent. we have heard of so often. But I do admit that this is a country the life of which is mainly rural, and from that point of view I ask myself what should be the aim of education? In my opinion education with regard to the rural community in Ireland should aim at nothing less than building up a condition of rural civilisation as high, to say the least, as any urban civilisation, and I believe that to be possible. Whether it is possible or not—and it would be better for us not to have any controversy on that—the aim of education with regard to the rural community should be to build to the maximum height the rural civilisation of the country. That means a great many things besides having in view the industry of agriculture. On that point, Deputy Baxter said we had taken no steps. Well, again, I say it is not easy to take the steps. He said the system was not yet changed. It is not. I am the unfortunate inheritor of the system, and I cannot change it—certainly not quickly. With regard to the steps taken, we have at all events made a commencement this year by introducing lectures on agricultural subjects in the training colleges.

That is a modest beginning, but it is meant to be a beginning and not to stop there. Further, I had the good fortune to be present to see some work that was being done by a university professor in Dublin, and, again, I would remind you of a truism which I expressed when we were discussing these Estimates last year, that the foundation of education is not the primary schools but the universities. The more clearly we are convinced on that subject the more we shall be on the right line towards getting such valuable reforms in education as we desire. This Professor had inaugurated, of his own motion, instruction in horticulture, and the instruction was mainly attended by candidates for the profession of primary teacher. I was glad to see that. I was glad to see also that these candidate-teachers were most enthusiastic students. It occurred to me at the time, and I said it when I was speaking to these students, that I should like that every school in Ireland—I was not thinking of primary schools only, because I do not like to think in terms of primary schools— that would be capable of making use of it, should have a sufficient plot of ground for the purpose of horticultural education. I myself believe that a great deal that would be valuable for agriculture in the ordinary economic sense, could be taught by means of horticulture, and I believe, besides, that apart from agriculture we can teach through horticulture a great deal of civilisation. You can teach people to have a proper reverence for their own homes and for the exterior of their own homes, and to treat them with a proper worship and respect. There are many other things— habits of order, habits of observation, habits of study of the immense, inexhaustible mystery of nature—that can be taught in the same way. These things have the deepest civilising effect on those who receive such instruction.

The result of having put myself into that condition of expressing the wish that schools should have those horticultural plots was that I made enquiries from the Minister for Lands and Agriculture and he told me—and I wish to impress it on every Deputy and on everyone else interested, if my words can go out—that under the recent Land Act it is possible, wherever land is being taken and divided and is sufficiently conveniently situated for the school—whether that school be what is called primary, or secondary, or any other label that may be attached to it —to have sufficient horticultural plots set aside for the use of schools. I should like to think that advantage would be taken of that provision. It will imply some not very considerable financial charge, but the amount of annuity that will be charged against a plot of the size that will be taken for a school will be very small indeed.

I do not see any necessity for in any way or to any degree setting up any rivalry between, or canvassing the relative merits of agricultural life, agricultural industry, rural civilisation and the life, industry and civilisation of the towns. They are not enemies to each other, but a complement to each other. The agricultural industrialist is very glad to visit the town and to take away from it whatever advantage he can. The town dweller in like manner is very glad to get in touch with country life and industry, and to derive from them whatever advantage he can. These two things are complementary to each other. Both of them are concerned in this question, which practically every Deputy has spoken of, and that is school attendance. I am glad it is recognised that I am not the principal criminal in the matter of school attendance. I am glad it is recognised that there is not a high standard of sense of duty, where there should be a high standard, on the part of many parents in this country. What more natural duty is there than the duty of parents to their children? Yet there is no doubt that at all events, in far too large a proportion of cases, parents are gravely culpable in this respect and that, as Deputy Johnson said, public opinion is to blame. Public opinion should make the parent who keeps his children away from school see that he is disgracing himself, whether he does it through mere carelessness, as happens undoubtedly in some cases, or, what is worse, through greed, as in other cases, through placing the immediate interest of the parent above the ultimate interest of the child. The parents in these cases are to blame and the public opinion of those around them is to blame. But it does not stop there. Other authorities have a certain power to enforce the law of attendance, and they did not carry it out. They did not do their duty in that respect. I did not hear that brought up on the different occasions on which local government has been discussed here lately. In that respect we may take it as proved, because everyone here is unanimous that school attendance has been below what it ought to be, and there is no doubt that the powers that the local authorities had, and which they ought to have exercised, they failed to exercise.

Further, the local tribunals which have the duty of enforcing school attendance, if I am not mistaken, also in many cases, and to a large extent, failed to rise to the level of that duty. I told the Dáil last year that so far was I from being bureaucratic in this matter, that it was with the utmost reluctance that I would consent to having the enforcement of school attendance left in the hands of the central government and enforced through the police authorities, who are the servants of that Government. I must say that under the circumstances, and for the time through which we are passing, I have become convinced that that is necessary. I say with regret, and with apology, to the representatives of the country here, that I am sorry that the measure which I prepared for that purpose has not been brought before them at an earlier date.

Deputy McBride and the Minister for Fisheries have brought an accusation against me, and I am going to ask with regard to those two Deputies that the age for leaving school be extended up to 90. Deputy McBride held me up to odium as a barbarian who was teaching all sorts of subjects through the Irish language to children that do not know Irish. I understand—I am not quite certain whether I am right or not—that the Minister for Fisheries echoed his complaint. The fact is that it is only in Irish-speaking districts, and where the bulk of the children know Irish, that any such method of teaching is carried on. It may be pointed out that in a school where it is carried on there may be two or three children, or a certain proportion of children, who do not know Irish and who are placed at a disadvantage. It came to my knowledge that in a court in a certain part of Ireland some time ago a case arose in which the plaintiff was Irish-speaking. The defendant was Irish-speaking, the magistrate or judge was Irish-speaking and the professional man on one side was Irish-speaking, but on the other side the professional man could not speak Irish.

It was coolly suggested that in that case the language of the district and the language of all the people in the court except of one professional man should be set aside and that the case should be carried on in English for the benefit of this one exceptional gentleman. If it is suggested that in schools in an Irish-speaking district the Irish language is to be put aside, is to get a place of inferiority, because a certain accidental number do not use it, I cannot consent to that. That is not my plan. Perhaps it is better to leave it at that. With regard to the Minister for Fisheries, as he is so anxious that children should be effectively taught, I hope that he will prove his own efficiency in securing that fish will be effectively caught.

And effectively bought.

And the trawlers caught.

And as for the picture of unfortunate teachers of 50 and 60 years of age being trotted off— I think that was the expression—I would strongly recommend Deputies to take a little elementary trouble in finding out the facts before they make statements. I do not like these phrases which I hear repeated so often. The oftener they are repeated the less people seem to think of them, and one of the faults I have to find with education in this country is that it has taught so many thousands of people the use of words and phrases, and to lose sight, apparently, of the realities behind them. I am a little bit of a realist and a little bit of a materialist in the matter of education, and I do believe that the education, both for country and town, both for Deputy Baxter and for Deputy Good, should be turned away from this phraseological style which we have been accustomed to in the past, and made to face towards the facts of life, the agricultural facts, the rural facts, the industrial facts, the commercial facts. I believe, further, that from every point of view, from the point of view of mental training and from the point of view of mental development, as much can be obtained from directing the mind towards the facts of life, the facts of nature, the facts of business, the facts of industry, the facts of technology as can be obtained in any other way. It is all a matter of how the teacher uses the material upon which he is engaged.

Our old system of education of which I am the joint heir, with the rest of the Deputies, was undoubtedly directed and its main character shaped by the supposed desirability of producing clerks, professional men, people in various clerical occupations, people whose business was to read things and to write things and to speak things, but not to make things, and with regard to the country especially—and this applies to the secondary schools, so called, more than to the primary schools—I believe that the effect of education has been to root people out of the country, to pull them up by the roots, and that that education has had no facing towards the community to which those people belonged, that it was not for the benefit of the community. It arises from a selfish individualism. This parent and that parent thinks that a certain line of life would be the best for Johnny or Tommy, or whoever else he may happen to be, and the rest have to fit in to the plan of education that is sketched out for these particular persons. An English Commission inquiring into the question of Civil Service education sat in Dublin some years ago, and I was sent from the Gaelic League to give evidence before it. I told that Commission that the Civil Service was exercising an influence in Ireland even right away to every primary school on the Western seaboard. They could not believe that, and they wondered that there could be such an effect. I said: "I cannot bring evidence to you, but I can tell you an anecdote that is well known in every part of Ireland. A child was born; the neighbours turned in to congratulate the parents, and one of them, looking at the child in the cradle, was heard to say, soliloquising to herself, `What a grand sorter he will make!' " Yes, that is the destiny that was held by the kind of education we had in Ireland before the typical child, the member of a rural community in Ireland. Is it any wonder that education should have failed to have any favourable reaction whatsoever, in a first place on our agricultural industry, and in a second and a higher place on the whole life and civilisation of our rural communities?

The people were taught to regard things surrounding the place in which they were born and in which their parents lived as not to be improved at all, to be thrown behind their backs, to be discarded. I do aim at changing that, and I do admit that I do not see the way, and do not expect to see the way all at once. The way has to be explored, and I do not expect and I do not cherish the illusion that a Ministerial Department will be able by itself to shape out the way. I want, first of all, the people of the country to realise that such a change ought to be made, and I am certain from the discussion we have had this evening that their representatives will do all that lies in their power to impress it on the people that such a change ought to be made, and when we have the expectancy of the change, the will for the change, and the reason for the change understood it will be a hundred times easier for the Ministers who are your servants to make changes of that kind.

The same thing applies, in the same proportion, with regard to city life. I believe there is a great deal of waste in our education at present, but I should not like the Minister for Finance to be present if I were echoing the most dangerous thing that Deputy Thrift let fall during the course of his speech, that our education at present was about 50 per cent. too expensive. I do not agree with him in that.

I do not think I said that. What I said was that we should get twice as good results for half the money, which is a rather different thing.

When I have to do battle I will not even tempt the Minister for Finance with the statement in that form. If it is true that in proportion to our revenue we are spending more money than other countries on education, well, then, taking that fact by itself, we ought to be proud of it. As for the results achieved, that is another matter. We should certainly see, if we are spending more money than other countries on education, that we are getting better value. That, as I said, will take time. I know I have been very general, as general as possible, in putting before you the view of education that I think I ought to have and that I actually do hold. As to the detailed working out of it, I do not feel myself in a position to place it before you. Many points have been raised by Deputy O'Connell which, I think, would come under the details of different portions of the Estimate. As he touched on many points, I suppose I should have given him a more or less detailed answer, but perhaps following the Chairman's ruling at an earlier part of the proceedings, it would be better for me to take these things up later on. As to the absence of reports, I think we may take that as general. That, on the face of it, is a just point of criticism, and I will endeavour to have the necessity for that criticism removed as soon as possible. I hope to have adequate reports containing statistical information available. The codification of rules, I suppose, also may be regarded as a general matter. I thing it is right that the rules governing the conduct of primary schools should be reduced to one body, and that point shall have attention. As to the setting up of an Advisory Council, I honestly think that the time for it is not yet, especially if we are going to have reforms and a different orientation for our education in the future. I think it would be a good thing if the ideas expressed here this evening by a number of Deputies from different sides of the Dáil, by Deputy Good, Deputy Johnson, and Deputy Baxter, with regard to how our education should work out for the benefit of the nation and the whole community were allowed to ferment for a short time. I have seen no sign of them at work, and I would like to see them at work for a short time before setting up an Advisory Council to direct the Ministry in its policy. With regard to school buildings, it seems to me that this country, considering its taxation in the past, should long ago have been provided with school buildings far in advance of those which it possesses at present. The absence of satisfactory buildings for school accommodation in the country must be charged to a grievous neglect of the public interest in the past.

Everyone knows that this is a difficult and inopportune time for making up deficiencies in that respect. Building is more difficult at present than ever it has been in our time, and the state of things which formerly existed has almost passed away in the country. It used to be that if a school had to be built in a country district there was a great deal of what I might call co-operative work, almost gratuitous work, and work, when it was not gratuitous, was semi-gratuitously done in erecting buildings of that kind. I am afraid that, over the greater part of the country, that can no longer be expected, and that where school buildings have to be erected they will have to be erected pretty much on the same business footing as buildings erected in town areas. With regard to the towns, and to Dublin especially, Deputy Doyle pressed the point about school accommodation in Dublin. If we had an improved school attendance in Dublin, according to the information I have if school attendance were normal in Dublin at present the schools would be very much overcrowded. The school accommodation in Dublin at present is about equal to meeting the needs of the bad attendance that exists at present. If the attendance were raised to a normal level there would be at once the problem of overcrowding in the schools. I mentioned that some time ago to the President, and I must say that it met with his hearty co-operation. If any public premises, such as barracks in Dublin are to be handed over or to be passed over from the State authority to the urban authority, I trust it will be made a condition, and that everyone interested will help in seeing that that condition is observed —that sufficient of these buildings for school accommodation will be reserved. I believe that places of that kind, such as barracks which are likely to be evacuated in the future and which are already in existence, would be fairly suitable, although not originally adapted for school purposes.

I do not think, with regard to what Deputy O'Connell said—as it belongs to a point which I touched on already —that I can be fairly accused of rushing matters with regard to instruction in Irish. In any regulation of that kind that is made, a certain proportion of those who have to accommodate themselves to the new code will be under a sense of grievance, and not only will they be under a sense of grievance, but they will feel actual hardship. I cannot help that; that must happen. So far as I am concerned, it is not willing; it is a necessary consequence of the change that has to take place. With regard to inspection, that is also a general matter, but I think I can dispose of it at present. There is no doubt that the inspectorate understand it is the desire of the Minister that they should act, not in a spirit of censorship, and not as censors, of the work that is being done by the teachers in the schools, but primarily to assist and encourage and develop that work. That is the primary business of an inspector. When I say that, I should not like anyone to run away with the idea that it is any part of an inspector's duties to hut his eyes towards delinquencies.

No one asks him.

I do not know myself; I have not sufficient experience to base judgment on that question of the classification of teaching, as it is done in the schools, into "very good,""very fair,""fair," and the rest of it or to say at the moment what system of appraising the work that is done in the schools could effectively be substituted for it. It has been pointed out by Deputy Figgis that certain works which might have been established in this country were not established on account of the absence of technically-trained workmen. That is not one of the faults of our educational system. It has plenty of faults, but that is not one of them. If, say, any time during the last ten years we had technical schools in Dublin, and imparted technical training for works that do not exist in Dublin, the result would be that these workmen would emigrate. No other result could be contemplated. I do not lay that down as an absolute doctrine, but the basis of technical training and education is the industries which exist, the industries with which the person who receives the technical training can come immediately into contact. If we technically train people, as we have done to some extent, for industries which are not there, we train those persons for emigration, and as the demand for them is at present so pressing in other places, their emigration is almost an inevitable result.

The Minister for Posts and Telegraphs told us the other day that one of the greatest difficulties of the telephone department was the lack of trained workmen.

That is a branch, I am sure, in which it should be possible to have technically-trained men here on the spot. It is not like a new or distinct industry. I do not know that at this hour I should attempt to deal with any of the other detailed matters that have come forward but any matter that has been brought before me in detail, and any question that has been asked, I have endeavoured to take a note of it, and I hope to deal with it later. I now propose to report Progress.

Top
Share