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Dáil Éireann debate -
Thursday, 18 Jun 1925

Vol. 12 No. 11

COMMITTEE ON FINANCE. - ESTIMATES FOR PUBLIC SERVICES. VOTE No. 50—LAND COMMISSION (RESUMED).

The Minister for Lands and Agriculture, in introducing this Estimate, asked us to take our courage in our hands and face the situation. In other words, to make a choice, I think he said, between the congests and the landless men of the Saorstát. I, for one, am prepared to take my courage in my hands in this matter, not to make a choice as between the one and the other, but in so far as fair play will be given to all. I intend to take my courage in my hands to that extent. I can say that, unfortunately, both the congest and the landless man are in the same position, to a very large extent, perhaps 100 per cent. To find homes for the congests in the counties of Leinster and Munster, in a great many cases, would mean the displacing of a considerable number of people who derive their living from the land at the moment. They would be flung, as it were, on the scrapheap. Estates have been broken up. A considerable number of people had been employed on those estates, and where they have been employed, I, for one, will insist as far as my influence and the influence of the Party on these Benches go, that those people will not get preference over other citizens of the Saorstát, but that they will get equal rights, that their claims for a living in this country will get as much consideration as the claims of any other citizens. I know a case very well of a farm of 1,000 acres, giving employment to 24 householders, embracing a population of 141 people. A number of these, I believe, are likely to be accommodated on this property when it is taken up. I do not know what will happen with regard to the others. That would apply to every county, if properties like that are to be taken indiscriminately, without any regard to the people who are deriving their living from them. I say we cannot entertain a proposition by which one section of the community will deprive another of the means of subsistence. If we do not pay attention to the people who are making a living from these properties we will increase the ranks of the unemployed. I believe when you come to find out where unemployment is really prevalent in the country you will find that there is as much unemployment in the Leinster and Munster counties as there is, perhaps, in the Connacht or Ulster counties. As I said before, I do not make a preference claim. I would be very sorry to do that, but I would make an equal claim, and any Deputy or any citizen in the Saorstát would not be worth his salt if he did not stand by that claim.

With regard to the policy of dividing up ranch lands, we stood for that policy in the Dáil when the Bill was being introduced, and I think most of us are glad that we stood for it. We stood for it before ever the Bill was introduced. We have been standing for it more or less all our lives, and we stand for it still.

I will not refer to that. This principle undoubtedly is a good one, within reason. Lands have been farmed in this country without any regard at all to the human population. In other cases, although considerable tracts may have been held by one individual, they have been farmed with very considerable regard to and with due consideration for the human population. I can instance a case of lands farmed in this country, with more people depending on them than there are in some of the most congested districts in Connacht. I can instance a case in my own county, the case of the Mount Juliet property, owned by Major McCalmont, where there are up to 300 hands employed.

Mr. HOGAN

300.

Perhaps I am exaggerating the number of hands employed. I know that there is a big number of people employed, between the hunting establishment, the stud farm, and all the rest. Perhaps I am exaggerating when I say 300, but certainly there are more people living there than in any area of the congested districts. I cannot visualise a greater calamity to the community than interference with property of that description. This principle, as I say, is good when carried to reasonable lengths, but that blessing can be very easily converted into a curse if dealt with indiscriminately and carried beyond a certain point. Deputies and other public men talk very glibly on public platforms about the population this country had at one time; they state that we had a population of eight millions, and that we could have that population again. I wonder what sensible man would make that statement to a body of sensible men. We must assume that the man who made such a statement is a fool, or that he considered those to whom he was talking fools.

Does the Deputy mean that it could not be done, or that he would not desire to do it?

I make the assertion that with the best will in the world, as far as the land is concerned, such a population could not be carried in this country. Men may have been satisfied 100 years ago to live in a hovel on a few acres of bog, where they eked out an existence, on a certain standard of living. That could not be made to satisfy the people of this generation. I say that no greater crime could be committed against the individual than to force him to live in a country under such conditions. If there is room outside the shores of this country it is a good thing that people are able to get out of it. I do not mean total emigration. But you might as well realise that this country will only carry a certain population, and if you are going to develop the population you must do it on other lines. You can only develop the land population up to a certain point, and at that certain point you must stop. I will repeat what I said earlier, that we welcome this principle as a blessing up to a certain point, but that after that point has been reached it could very easily be converted into a curse. What would be the result if in this country we had a population of congests? Come down to what is considered an economic farm to-day; have it universal all over the country, in the hope that the population is going to increase. Even when the lands are made into what are considered economic holdings, it will not appreciably increase your agricultural population. That is admitted.

Mr. O'CONNELL

It is not.

If it is not admitted it can be proved. It will not appreciably increase the population. If people must be kept in the country it will mean that in ten or fifteen years time this will be a nation of congests. What would happen if we were all congests? Who would supply the sinews of war? Who would afford relief to those requiring it? This is a question that has its limits.

Reference was made here yesterday to the undesirability of breaking up ranches. The case of Meath was instanced. That may, to a very small extent, affect that particular branch of our industry. There is no reason in the world why those good lands of Meath and the better lands of the country, if that class of farming is the most profitable, should not be confined to the same class of agriculture. I think it is no uncommon thing in Meath, Kildare and County Dublin, to find that people on very small holdings are the best feeders of cattle. Small-holders feeding a half-dozen cattle are known to be the best feeders coming into the Dublin market. That can be made by better handling and the more early marketing of our cattle a most desirable thing, independent of whether there is a breaking-up of the ranches or not. We must have early maturing and early killing of cattle. I do not believe that this breaking-up of the ranches will very seriously interfere with the cattle trade of the country.

Mr. O'CONNELL

It will improve it.

I would say it would improve it at the moment. I do not see how it could seriously affect it. Reference has been made here by Deputy Magennis and some other Deputies to our old nobility.

Mr. HOGAN

It was not Deputy Magennis.

I think it was Deputy Magennis who referred to our old nobility. Another Deputy referred to their culture. I must confess that I am not one who is afflicted with any reverence for our old nobility or the culture that they imparted to this country. I have no reverence for the culture these people imparted. I have no reverence at all for their pedigrees. The only thing that I ever got from that class of people in my early days was the heel in the face, every time they got the opportunity. Their culture may have been there but it was kept amongst a very close corporation, it was not allowed to reach the masses of the people. They did not spread their culture in the districts where they lived. I think in many instances it could be described by some other name than culture. I am not going to use an appropriate term here; it might not be allowed. At the same time, whatever may have been our feelings in the past, there is no reason why we, as representatives of the country, should approach this matter from any except a business point of view and a humane point of view. Hostilities should not animate us nor should veneration. We should treat it as a plain, business and civic proposition. The time has arrived when it is bad, when it is dishonest, from that point of view, for politicians to get up on platforms and appeal to the worst traits in human nature, to preach about what can be done for them, without any idea in their minds that they can do it. That has been indulged in time and again. It is being indulged in even now. Men get up on platforms and make promises and ask for support by advancing theories that they know they cannot give effect to. This may be good enough from a party point of view, or from the point of view of getting votes, but all this will come home to roost. And it will come home to the people who preach it as much as to anybody else. It has been said here that farms should be held only up to a certain acreage—that farms going beyond a certain acreage, no matter how farmed, should not be permitted. A hundred acres has been mentioned.

Who said that?

Perhaps I am wrong. I know a hundred acres was mentioned.

I confess to having mentioned a hundred acres, but quite clearly with the proviso "unless well farmed."

The term "well farmed" is a very vague term.

Does the Deputy mean a hundred acres on which a man would be living? Would the Deputy's definition apply, say, to a widow with three or four children where the land would be used for grazing?

I would apply it impartially. The obligation should go with the privilege. If land is not being fully utilised, it should, by that fact, be liable to forfeiture.

I think the limitation of 100 acres occurred in reading out the statistics in connection with the number of farms in the country of certain valuations and of certain acreages.

I know it was referred to from two sides of the House. I knew Deputy Johnson had referred to it incidentally.

Quite incidentally: not rigidly. Perhaps I might be allowed to say that the most authoritative exponent of the proposition, that a hundred acres was a reasonable limit, was the chairman of a branch of the Farmers' Union.

Take my own case, for instance. There are five men employed on my farm. Four of those are householders. There is, then, my own household, which happens to be a large one. Thirty-nine individuals are finding a living there. The two farms I hold comprise 240 Irish acres. Thirty-nine persons are living on them. That gives each of them about six acres. Out of that, despite statements made elsewhere, twenty-three Irish acres, or thirty-eight statute acres, are under plough. I am not making any claim for first meadow or second meadow. I am talking of land that is growing root-crops and corn-crops. I make no claim for meadow. It was recognised under the Tillage Order and allowed for, but I do not think that it should be properly claimed as tillage. I certainly make no claim for it. A Deputy on the Government Benches— the Minister for Posts and Telegraphs —is responsible for the statement—I do not know whether I have the newspaper here——

I hope the Deputy has not got the newspaper. Before he finds it, I wish to remind him that the Minister responsible for the Land Commission is the Minister for Lands and Agriculture. I am prepared to allow any Deputy to go almost to any length in criticism of the Minister for Lands and Agriculture. The Minister for Posts and Telegraphs is not responsible for the Land Commission any more than I am. He has no control over the Land Commission whatever. He has no control over the expenditure of any portion of the £440,943 now being asked for. Therefore, I want, if possible, to keep any quarrel between Deputy Gorey and the Minister for Posts and Telegraphs out of this discussion. I want to hear Deputy Gorey on the Minister for Lands and Agriculture.

Is it your ruling, sir, that the Minister for Posts and Telegraphs knows nothing about this matter?

My ruling is that the Minister for Posts and Telegraphs has no more control over the Land Commission than I have, and I have none. He has nothing whatever to do with the expenditure of the £440,943 now being asked for, and, if I may use a familiar expression, the cock-shot in this debate is the Minister for Lands and Agriculture.

I think it is very fortunate that the Minister for Posts and Telegraphs has nothing to do with the Department of Agriculture. At the same time, was not the inference that the facts were supplied to him by the Ministry of Lands and Agriculture, who officially held the information?

Mr. HOGAN

What facts?

I should not say facts, but the alleged facts he has quoted in a newspaper. The Minister sat down calmly on Monday and wrote to the papers and submitted figures. Were those figures supplied by the Ministry of Lands and Agriculture?

Mr. HOGAN

I do not know what the figures are. I had no communication with the Minister for Posts and Telegraphs in connection with any figures referred to here.

He did not speak, then, with information supplied by your Ministry?

Mr. HOGAN

Do not take me as meaning anything more than I have said.

It would be a great calamity if this breaking up of the ranches should, to any extent, interfere with the cattle trade or, incidentally, interfere with the trade we are trying to establish in this country, which is held by many people to be one of the ways by which the salvation of this country will be attained—the dead meat trade. I do not think it would be possible— perhaps it would to a certain extent— when alloting these ranches in Meath. Westmeath, Roscommon, and other counties, for the Minister to lay down certain conditions to ensure that the people who get this land will be people who are able to deal with the fattening of cattle. If the lands are to be taken away altogether from cattle feeding, it may be very unfortunate. It would be in the power of the Land Commission, when making allotments, either to impose conditions or to put the proper class of people on them. If a change came suddenly, it might have a very serious effect. It should be done gradually, if it is done at all. I hope the Land Commission will take due notice of the matter.

Reference has been made here by Deputy Nolan to a very important matter—the payment of annuities and debts to the State. Very properly, the Deputy has given us a list here of what I might describe as chronic bad-payers —people who have always been in arrear, and in arrear to a large extent. Where arrears continue by people responsible for annuities, and where, in the opinion of the Land Commission, nothing very much can be done with them, they should take the decision to realise their security. There are enough good men in this country looking for land, and this might add something to the Minister's small acreage of available land for congests and landless men. Something ought to be done with those who have been failures, who continue to be failures, and who, in the opinion of the Land Commission, are likely to continue as failures. We do not defend men or women of that character. Where casual cases occur, where people for one reason or another happen to get a half-year or even a year in arrear, where they have always given guarantee of good faith, I think it would be very wise for the Land Commission to exercise their discretion, not alone in the interests of these people but in the interests of the State. It would be good State policy. Circumstances occur in the life of every individual which make it absolutely impossible to deal with a payment at a certain time. These people, if they get time, will make good, as they have made good in the past. We do not want to take the discretion out of the hands of the Land Commission, but we want them to exercise judiciously that discretion. We make no case, and make no claim for the "chronics." They have always been a burden on the State, and they are likely to continue to be a burden. The best thing that could possibly be done would be to remove that burden and put good people in where they are. In other cases, people, owing to accidents or circumstances over which they have no control, may be unable to meet their liability within the time. I can very easily imagine that happening this year. I met people in Dublin from my own part of the country recently who were in this position, and who, if they got time to dispose of their wool crop, would be able to meet their liabilities. Deputies know the prices that have obtained in the wool trade during the past few weeks. Their system of farming is such that they will not realise anything until September. That is their method, and they cannot depart from it. I say that it would be a very judicious act, and good national policy, to give these people time. The Land Commission know very well the cases in which they can do that and the case in which they cannot do it. If they do not know that, they should know it from experience. In any event, they can easily get the information in the particular counties. We do ask for the exercise of discretion, particularly this year, by the Land Commission in this matter. Deputy Wilson meant exactly what I have said when he spoke yesterday. I have tried to put the matter in plainer words.

The big national question of land settlement is one that cannot and ought not, be dealt with in any except a statesmanlike way. We should not get into the mob method, or we should not encourage mob methods—what we used to describe in the old days as "the hazel method." In modern days that has developed into the gun and revolver method, and the method of night-visits. That must be put a stop to. I would go further—I think we dealt with this last year—and say that people found guilty of that class of conduct, people found guilty of intimidation, should be black-marked. I say —I may not be expressing the view of the party, but I am expressing my personal view—that a black mark should be put against blackguards of that description, and that they should get none of the soil of this country. We can do without them.

This time twelve months in discussing the Land Commission Estimate I had occasion to refer to the case of some tenants living on the Verschoyle Estate, near Athy, which I am sure the Minister will remember. I pointed out the unfortunate position in which these men were placed. There are a considerable number of them and they make their livelihood mainly by the cutting and sale of turf. They had been denied access to the bog for two years, and they are denied this year. A promise was made twelve months ago that that estate would be dealt with and that turbary would be assigned to these men. As far as I can gather nothing has been done in that direction up to the present. I believe that an inspector has been down there——

Mr. HOGAN

Who made the promise and when?

The Minister himself.

Mr. HOGAN

In the Dáil?

Yes. The Minister said that the matter would be looked into.

Mr. HOGAN

That is another matter.

And that turbary would be provided. That is all I suggested. I did not go further than that.

And the Minister did not go further than that.

It is a very serious question for these poor people. The landlord has now gone a step further and has served eviction notices on several of the tenants, and the Home Help Committee in Athy has also been served with notice of these evictions, a fact that goes to show that the landlord intends to proceed with the evictions. We had all thought that evictions in Ireland had ceased, but it appears from these facts that they have not. No doubt the tenants are in arrear; that is not denied, but the reason they are in arrear is because they have been refused access to the bog which was their principal means of livelihood. In connection with another point, it appears to me that there ought to be more co-ordination between the collecting department of the Land Commission and the State Solicitors. I will give a case in point. A man whom I know very well and who is an extensive tillage farmer got into arrear a few months ago with a half-year's annuity. The State Solicitor wrote to him threatening proceedings. On the 9th March he sold cattle in the local fair and on the same day remitted the amount of his debt to the Land Commission. On the 30th March he was served with a process. Somebody would seem to be in default there. Could not the collecting department of the Land Commission have informed the solicitor that the money had been paid?

Mr. HOGAN

Did he remit the costs?

I do not know about that.

He does not in such a case.

The solicitor is not entitled to collect costs on a letter. He was served with a process more than three weeks after he had paid the Land Commission. On the day that he wrote to the Land Commission sending the money, he wrote to the solicitor informing him of what he had done. One would think that when the solicitor had received that information he would have taken steps to ascertain from the Land Commission if it were so and that the proceedings would be dropped there and then. I cannot see any excuse for issuing a process under such circumstances. I hope that the Minister will look into that matter. Like Deputy Gorey, I do not defend bad "pays" or men who have no desire to fulfil their obligations, but in this case that was not the fact; the man was only waiting to make some money in order that he might satisfy the debt, and he should not have been treated in that manner.

We in this Party have been brought into the limelight very much in this morning's paper by means of a headline stating that the Farmers as a Party were out against the division of the ranches. What led to that, I believe, was Deputy Connor Hogan's speech yesterday evening. He should have prefaced that speech by saying that he was expressing his own individual opinion, not the considered opinion of those who sit on these benches. I want to justify myself and to justify the action of the Party to which I belong. I went through the campaign at the time of the General Election when a programme was put into my hand. No. 5 of that programme was "The completion of land purchase and the division of the ranches." I have been on various platforms in the County Meath, on Back-to-the-Land platforms. Before there was a national Parliament in Dublin, I advocated the division of the ranches, because I believe in my heart and soul that there is a necessity, and a pressing necessity, for the division of some of the waste lands in the County Meath and in other counties. The programme that was prepared for the Farmers' Party for the General Election realised and acknowledged that fact, and now in big broad type in this morning's Irish Independent the Farmers' Party is held up as being out against the division of the ranches. I say that we are not, as a Party, and certainly I as an individual am not. But I say this, that when it comes to the question of dividing ranches the utmost care must be taken and good judgment must be used to secure that the proper class of people, men who are able and willing to work the land, will get it. We do not want land split up into cabbage gardens; we do not want it handed out indiscriminately to every Jack, Bill, Tom and Harry, but what I want, and what the Back-to-the-Land Association wants, is a peasant proprietorship established in every county, with homesteads and happy families all over the country.

Some important points have been raised in connection with this question of the division of land. Evidently there is a difference of opinion amongst many Deputies as to how lands should be divided, as to the value of the division of the land, as to the possible injury to the live-stock industry, and as to its value in helping to keep a large number of people engaged in agriculture. Deputy Gorey referred to an estate of 1,000 acres on which there were twenty-five householders and others. He objected to having such estates broken up where so much employment was given.

I did not, not to that particular one.

Then I must have misunderstood the Deputy. In this instance then, Deputy Gorey and I disagree. I object to having such estates broken up. I thought we were of one mind, but evidently we are not.

I did object to having one property, the Mount Juliet property, touched. The other property will need breaking up, but I only instanced the number of people living on that place and employed there, and I insisted that the people disemployed in the breaking up of that estate would be provided for.

My point remains the same. I am happy to say that I know two properties that have been broken up, and the workers on them have got first claims. These men were working on these properties for a number of years; they had been constant employees of the owners, and they have all got a portion of the land. I think that is absolutely just, because if an estate that has employed a number of workers is to be broken up, I hold that those who have been earning a living on it are entitled to get some of that land. Deputy Connor Hogan, last evening when I was not present, dealt with the question of the breaking of demesnes and other lands. I know of one property consisting of 350 acres, living on the bounds of which are a number of very small farmers, uneconomic holders with, perhaps, four or five acres of land. I know seven or eight tradesmen living in neighbouring villages, industrious men, who work for the farmers all round. These tradesmen have not got space for a goat or fowl or a pig, much less have they gardens. The owner of that 350 acres, during the war when there was compulsory tillage, let it at £15 and £16 an acre. These small farmers broke up the land and he got out of his obligation to till by sub-letting to these people. Not one yard of that 350 acres is broken up. Near it there are eleven farmers, and the position of two of them, whom I know, is so miserable that they have never been able to marry, because they could not expect a decent woman to live in the places in which they exist. There are families ranging from five to ten trying to live on land that is so water-logged that the cattle can be put out only for three months in the year, and in the winter they have no place to put the cattle except to let them wander around the laneway. There are two of the properties I refer to near these people, and the owners do not live on them, and have never tilled the land. They practically give no employment. I maintain that all such estates and large farms, which are simply used as ranches, and where no employment is given, should be taken over by the State for the benefit of the people who are living a wretched life on uneconomic holdings, and whose children have to emigrate because they cannot earn a livelihood on the land available for them.

I do not wish to be misunderstood. I do not suggest anything that one might call Bolshevism. I do not say that any of this land should be taken over without due compensation under the Land Act. The terms of the Land Act are generous. No man's property should be taken from him without compensation, whether it is handed down to him by a father who was a camp follower of some army and managed to secure land by that means, or because his father was an understudy of some land agent with whom he curried favour, and who, when tenants were evicted, managed to increase his farm until it became a ranch. That is past history and has got to be forgotten. All of these men should get justice; they should be paid for the land. I maintain that no man has a right to hold land that he does not work. I am with Deputy Johnson absolutely in that theory of his. Land has its duties and its rights, and a man who holds a ranch on which he gives no employment is of little value to the State and very little good to the country. If such a man wants a ranch, he ought to go to Canada or Australia, where he would have to look after the shearing of his sheep and the handling of the machinery in harvest time. Ranchers do not do that here.

I fail to see where the loss would be from the point of view of culture, which Deputy Connor Hogan referred to, if the land was taken from such men. There are, of course, some honourable exceptions amongst owners of estates. There were men who went abroad, to Venice and Florence and other places to see the work of the Old Masters. There were men belonging to the old regime who went to Vienna or Paris with the idea of hearing good music. But there are a good many ranchers and men of that type who would go to see a revue or a cinema picture, but who would not go to a high-class opera or concert in Dublin or elsewhere. Very few of those people would attend lectures given by men of prominence, either in the world of arts or literature. The help they gave to the advancement of culture or education was not very much. They had opportunities which, unfortunately, were denied to the majority of the people, and they did not do much to disseminate the knowledge which they acquired, if they did acquire it. What they did for the advancement of their neighbours was not so much that we need be sorry after them. As I say, there were some honourable exceptions—families who collected works of art and so on. If their books were disposed of there would be found amongst them more than the novels of Nat Gould, copies of the "Weekly Shocker" or "The Princess."

I am afraid we are getting away from the Land Commission Vote.

I am sorry, but I could not allow Deputy Connor Hogan's reference to the loss to culture that would be occasioned by the breaking up of these estates to pass without comment. I quite agree with Deputy Gorey with regard to the use of the land that is going to be divided. Those who, in the past, have not shown themselves capable of working land, or who are not in a position to stock land or buy the necessary implements have no right to land. If tradesmen's sons have a knowledge of the working of land, and the capacity to work it, they also have a right to get a small portion of land, equally with the uneconomic holders. The increase of tillage that will take place by the division of land will mean a very big asset to this country. I know numbers of small farmers who are seeking additional land. In two districts which the inspectors have already visited, I know at least 80 or 100 small farmers who are in a position to show that even last year, bad year as it was for the farmers, they were able to make money and increase their deposits in the bank. They were in a position to prove to the inspector that they were prepared to stock any land they could get. That is because these small farmers go in for mixed farming and till a very fair percentage of their land. I maintain that those who till the land are amongst the most prosperous farmers and, above all, they are the most industrious. It is through them that the future of farming is going to be secured.

Deputy Gorey asked, if we had an increase in population, where was the food going to come from. If a famine took place, or there was a hold-up of wheat, I am afraid that it is not from the ranches you will get the food, but from the small farmers who are tilling portion of the land. I fully endorse what is being done by the Minister for Agriculture in this matter. I hope that his selection is going to be carefully carried out, that it is going to be gradual, as he suggests, and that care and judgement will be shown. The sooner this problem of the uneconomic holdings is dealt with the better. While it remains unsolved, it is a menace and an injury to the country, and is retarding the progress of the farming community.

I should like to assure Deputy D'Alton that, while I enjoy a revue or a cinema entertainment. I can also enjoy opera in Paris, in Rome and in Naples. I have a great capacity for enjoyment; I even enjoy Deputy D'Alton's speeches. I never made the mistake of thinking Deputy D'Alton was a Bolshevist, because I know he is not. I know he realises that if you are going to begin inquiries as to how this man's great-great-grandfather got any piece of property, you will never know where to stop, and that all property will become insecure.

You might ask where we got our watches.

They might ask where we get anything. No doubt Deputy Johnson is a business-like man and keeps the receipts for the money he pays. Once you begin in connection with title to land, or to any other thing, that has been handed down over a considerable period of years—50 or 100 years perhaps—once you begin to say that title may be invalid, because of circumstances in connection with its acquisition, then you make all property insecure; you drive capital out of the country and you produce economic chaos.

There is not very much disagreement, I think, between Deputies as regards the main subject of this discussion. I quite agree with Deputy D'Alton that where land is held and used only for grazing by an absentee owner—land of considerable extent, three hundred acres, as he quoted—the mere fact that it is scheduled as demesne land should not prevent it being acquired for the relief of congestion, or to give holdings to landless men. There I am with him. I do not know what the Tipperary experience is, however, but my experience in the West teaches me that the subdivision of this land does not mean a great increase in tillage. The new owners, who get from 10 to 25 acres each, till an acre or two for potatoes for the use of their families, and beyond that, they graze the land, because it is the most profitable use to which land can be put, in the present state of affairs, and in their present condition of education. The result is that you do have a larger number of families provided for. That is a gain. You get a gain in indirect taxation to balance a certain loss in direct taxation, because it is easier to collect income tax from one man, who has a large holding, than it is to collect it from a number of men with small holdings. But, you do not really add to the economic wealth of the nation by having land grazed by a number of small men, rather than by one big man. The cattle are the same. If anything, there is less variety, less resources, and less capital behind the small man than behind the big man. So that, though there is a case for dividing up demesne land, or at least not being terrified by the name of demesne, it is not an overpowering case, and it must only be applied with discrimination. Though I did not hear Deputy Connor Hogan last night, that, I gather, was the burden of his remarks that you should not at once embark on the policy of dividing everything that can be called a demesne.

He spoke of culture. While there is something to be said for the cultural side, I would like to speak of another side which is, perhaps, more common and certainly more appreciated; that is, the side of sport. Whatever the services of owners of demesnes may have been in the field of culture, there is no doubt they have been of considerable service to the country in the development of sport, and particularly in the matter of horse-breeding. Most of the hunts in the country were promoted and run by people who lived in demesnes, and the value of the Irish hunter was to a large extent created by the opportunities they gave. That is one factor that I am sure nobody from the County Tipperary will overlook.

Apart from that, there are a great many demesnes in this country that are being run as scientific farms, that are being run with the advantages of capital and with the advantages, possibly, of a somewhat wider knowledge than the small farmers could possess. Those places are giving a considerable amount of employment. I hope the Minister will exercise considerable deliberation before he interferes with any of those. Deputy Mulvanny, although he spoke with great force and eloquence in regard to the advisability of dividing all the ranches, would be slow, I am sure to advocate the division of Randals town, for instance, which has given such great help to the promotion of agriculture and tillage in County Meath. Deputy Gorey spoke about Mount Juliet. Every Deputy will realise that there are demesnes which are of material advantage to the neighbourhood. They give very considerable employment, and they carry that employment on from good to bad years —a thing which the ordinary farmer would find it difficult to do.

It cannot be denied that those demesnes render good service. There is, for instance, the question of a herd of pedigree cattle. On a great many demesnes pedigree cattle are kept, and the resulting improvement in the strain in the blood makes for a general improvement in the cattle around, even though the bulls may be confined to the pedigree herd. The generalintroduction of a new strain, fresh blood, is of benefit to the whole country, and it makes the breed of cattle in the country better. I do not want to stress those points. Where, as it is inevitable, you must proceed slowly, and where the Land Commission machinery can only deal with a certain number of estates at a time, you should leave to the last, and be slow to deal with, demesnes which give a considerable amount of employment, and which mean so much to the improvement of the district.

A lot has been said about the speeding up of the division of lands. The Minister, in his reply to those arguments, advised the Land Commission and its officers to go slowly.

Mr. HOGAN

I did not, but still it does not matter.

The Land Commission and the Minister seem to be moving very slowly in connection with the different phases of the 1923 Act. I do not believe there is a tenant on any of the estates that came under the 1923 Act yet vested. The land is not vested in them.

Mr. HOGAN

I stated there were 10,000 acres divided under the 1923 Act, with tenants in occupation.

I am not talking about the division of lands. I am talking about the tenants on the estates who have signed and who are paying annuities or interest in place of rent.

Mr. HOGAN

I gave the figures already, and possibly the Deputy has forgotten them. I think I mentioned something like £21,000 worth of tenancies. I will give them to the Deputy again. There were 11,906 acres vested in tenants, and there are 183,000 acres within a month of vesting.

On the different estates under the 1923 Act?

Mr. HOGAN

Yes.

The Act has been passed fully two years, and the people who were paying for probably twenty years are compelled to pay an increase of 2/- in the £ over what they would be paying if their lands were vested. This amount runs into something near £150,000. In times of stress in agriculture, such as we have experienced during the past two years, this £150,000 would have been much better in the pockets of the tenants than in the pockets of the landlords. There has been no great effort made to speed up the vesting of the purchases made under the 1923 Act. The Minister ought to give the matter all the consideration possible. He said that other portions of the Act must necessarily go slow.

There should not be any great difficulty in speeding up the work of vesting those estates in the tenants, and so save them paying money such as they were paying out for the last two years. I would like the Minister to speed up the purchases under the Act.

I am not entirely in agreement with Deputy Wilson in the declaration he made regarding people paying their annuities. I agree with Deputy Gorey, and I say that as far as the chronic people are concerned I would not give them any leniency. I agree that it is not easy for the Land Commission or the Minister to deal with every side of this question. No doubt, in some cases he has Deputies going to him pleading for time in regard to some tenants. There are many people who would get over the hardship they suffered during the last two years if they were given a little time. In the circumstances, the matter is not such an easy one to deal with. I cannot say that I fully agree with Deputy Wilson in some of the remarks he made on this subject.

I wish to refer to a point I raised last night, dealing with some of the speeches made by politicians down the country and the class of audience they had to deal with. I pointed out that their ideas were often taken up, exaggerated, distorted and distended. What might be a perfectly legitimate utterance on the platform or in the speaker's mind, when it comes down to the rank and file lends itself very often towards the creation of certain feelings, and it tends to generate ideas that are sometimes expressed and that would be better left unexpressed. Something of the same type appears to have happened in this instance. Although I endeavoured to be as lucid as I could, and although I put my viewpoint in a comparatively clear way, still Deputies Mulvany and D'Alton have held that I stated I was opposed to the division of land. I did not state any such thing as that I was opposed to the division of land. Deputy Mulvany says that I should preface my remarks by stating my individual opinions. Judging by the inference, it would appear that I should consult Deputy Mulvany as to what my attitude and my utterances should be. That may be Deputy Mulvany's viewpoint; it is not mine.

The point I did wish to make last night was that you could not separate this question from justice, and from social reform. If any attempt were made at separation it would only lead to failure. I hold that whatever lands are to be divided—and I am not endeavouring to minimise the problem of dealing with congests, uneconomic holders, or landless men at any time—that division must be made in a spirit of equity. The division must be made, not as a matter of political expediency, but after a close examination of every aspect of the problem, and particularly of the economics of the thing.

I have been misinterpreted with regard to my statement in the Dáil last night. I stated that when you divide a ranch you automatically lower the demand for cattle. I submit that that is sound economics. I endeavoured to convey the idea that our system of farm economy should be adapted to meet the changing situation. I stated that so far from land division preceding education in this respect—education with a view to enabling the people to adapt themselves to changing circumstances—education should as far as possible precede land division. I submit that you have to train the people to thinking economically. Very little has been done in that direction, and if you want to make headway it will have to be done. No attempt has been made to get them to adapt themselves to the changing situation. Nothing of an educative character—if anything, it has been of a relatively small nature—has been embarked upon. Concentration has largely been in the direction of getting the land divided. The point that I would wish to express is this—

Mr. HOGAN

You expressed it last night.

Well, I will repeat it now. Unless I am called to order, I think I have a perfect right to do so. A sound economic outlook in regard to this scheme will not alone benefit the whole agricultural community, but will benefit the credit of the State as well. I want everyone of these considerations to be closely analysed and closely examined. Instead of Deputies getting up here and making appeals to sentiment and emotion, they should come down to mathematical facts and endeavour to put this question on a rigid basis. Deputy Johnson stated that he was prepared to take up land from certain persons. If these lands were not fully utilised, he held that they were liable to forfeit. Who is to be the judge of whether lands are or are not properly utilised? Is it the State? Is it the persons who live in the vicinity? Is it the corner-boy in the local village? Who is to be the judge?

Read the Land Act.

The Land Act does not state, so far as persons outside of congests and uneconomic holders are concerned, who is to be the judge. What might be considered good farming in one district might be considered comparatively bad farming in another district. We have to have some liberty, some freedom, and we should be permitted some individuality in our holdings.

It is all set forth in the Land Act.

With all respect to the Land Act and to Deputy Johnson, there is a principle that must prevail in this country, and that is freedom in business. The provisions of the Land Act will not minimise or vitiate that freedom.

Did you oppose that section of the Land Act?

I was not here; I was not a member of the Oireachtas at the time.

Does the Deputy denounce that particular provision in the Land Act?

I have not the particular provision before me at the moment. I am only speaking from memory, and before I would answer that I would like to read the text of the Act.

Familiarise yourself with it.

We are not now discussing the Land Act.

These things are rather inter-related with this Vote. I submit they are germane. Deputy D'Alton stated that some person in Tipperary had a farm of 350 acres—if I interpreted him aright—and not one acre of it was broken. From that he went on to what you might call dangerous ground. Out of a particular incident he drew a general principle, and he endeavoured then to formulate the idea that the State should intervene. We cannot be the judges as to what should be the conditions pertaining to any particular farm. While you can advise them and assist them materially I do not know that it is a wise thing for the State to declare that they would dispossess these people. Apart from any legal right the State may have, the principle is, and should be, as little interference as possible with the tenant in his holding.

May I ask the Deputy a question arising out of his statement? Does he consider that two men and two dogs are sufficient to farm a holding of 300 acres of land? The holder of such a farm is not going to be of much value to the country if he does not go in for the culture of these lands, any more than other culture.

I should say, first and foremost, that if a man owns his land, how he manages it is his own affair. It is true that the State, for the relief of congestion, can act, but I do maintain the principle of a man's freedom to work his holding according to his capacity, to his experience and to his resources.

And his ignorance.

And that, too.

Should he allow weeds to grow over his walls into neighbouring farms?

I stated, in discussing the Land Act, we were taking powers—and, in fact, we have taken powers—to take any land of any man anywhere. That does not seem to square with statements I made in opening this debate. Deputy Johnson mentioned, quite fairly, that a warning was given on the discussion of the Land Act that there would not be sufficient land to please everybody. There would not be sufficient land to meet the demand of all the applicants. I gave that warning at the time, though I had not at my disposal the figures or facts I have been able to get since. Nevertheless, I knew enough to know that a far greater number of people will be disappointed on being refused holdings, because there was no land to give them than the number that would actually get holdings, whether congests or landless men, or both. We did take power under the Land Act to acquire any land of any man anywhere.

In the Saorstát.

Mr. HOGAN

In the Saorstát, and what I was concerned to point out in opening this debate was that even after exercising that power very rigidly, and exercising it at the expense of untenanted land, demesne land, and tenanted land, very rigidly there was not enough of available land in this country to supply more than about 40 or 50 thousand persons—not 40 or 50 thousand congests, or 40 or 50 thousand landless men, but 40 or 50 thousand persons, including both congests and landless men. I gave the figures. I tried to show the number of holdings in the country, and in view of the figures, we were able to get fairly accurately the number of holdings in the country. I gave the figures on which the calculation was based. Those figures showed that to carry out that very moderate programme it would be necessary to take 500,000 acres of tenanted land and it would be necessary to take a very big portion of demesnes, as well as all untenanted land. I thought it right to give those figures to the Dáil as soon as I was able to get them myself, and I have done so. Deputy Johnson asked why these figures were given and what exactly was the dilemma in which I found myself. He pointed out, quite rightly, that the policy of the Land Commission was not so much a question for the Dáil as a question for the Land Commission, including the Minister for Agriculture. He pointed out that it was my responsibility and that we had to make up our minds ourselves. I accept that; we have to make up our minds as to what our policy should be and we have done so. In the light of all the facts and all the figures available when land purchase began, and all the facts and all the figures which come to our notice month by month and year by year, as the Land Act has been put into operation, I think everyone will agree —on this at least probably there will be unanimity—that we are beginning land purchase—I will deal with the delay afterwards—and we are not too late yet to change our policy if necessary. I do think it right at this stage to put the truth, as I know it, before the Dáil, because I do think, while I have my responsibility and while the Land Commission has its responsibilities, the members of the Dáil of all Parties have their responsibilities also. and not only should we face up to our responsibilities, but every party in the Dáil should do the same as far as they are concerned.

Everyone here knows perfectly well that the carrying out of land purchase is a decidedly difficult task, and it is a task that can, in practice, be rendered doubly difficult unless the responsible men of all parties all over the country co-operate, so far as they can be expected to do so. I do suggest, if we had decided that it was good national policy, to deal with as many congests as possible—speaking for myself and the Land Commission—we were entitled to the co-operation of every responsible man, no matter what party he belonged to, and no matter what part of the country he came from. That was a point of view I wanted to put to the Dáil and that is the point of view on which I wanted the influence of the Dáil. We have heard a lot of generalisations and sentiments on the Land Purchase Act which did not carry us very far. I have heard people say that they are facing up to this question, notably Deputy Gorey, and that his policy is to give fair play to everybody. That, of course, is a very proper policy, but it does not carry us very far. It does not touch the particular difficulties which I put up. Neither do the rhetorical appeals of Deputy Mulvanny. I did expect that Deputies would get down to the figures I have given and which I believe to be approximately correct, and deal with them and not deal with irrelevant questions, such as whether this country could support an agricultural population of eight millions. Remember, I have never said it could. I am not arguing that point at the moment. The nett issue in this debate, apart from details which can be discussed on subheads, is just what our policy should be, having regard to the fact that in exercising all the powers of compulsory acquisition which the Land Act gives us, we will only take sufficient land in the Free State to deal with 49 or 50 thousand persons. That is the nett point. It is rather a new point, but it is a very important point, and it raises very big questions of policy, now and in the future. I was asked what was the policy of the Land Commission, a perfectly proper question. The policy of the Land Commission in the matter is to deal with the maximum number of congests and the minimum number of landless men. We have to deal with some landless men practical difficulties will force us to deal with them equity will force us to deal with them. But we will try to deal with as few as possible. On one estate you have to deal with so many, on another with more, on another with less. But, in a nutshell, the policy of the Land Commission is, as I have stated, in the light of these figures, to deal with the maximum number of congests and the minimum number of landless men. We cannot carry out that policy effectively without the co-operation of Deputies. We cannot carry out that policy effectively if influential public men in various parts of the country belonging to all parties— I except none—attend meetings protesting against bringing in strangers, or attend meetings pointing out the number of young men in the district who are entitled to land, and so forth. The Land Commission has an extremely difficult task. It is not going to give satisfaction to anybody in connection with the administration of land purchase. It cannot. There are about 100,000 congests expecting land, there are about 400,000 landless men expecting land, and the task of the Land Commission is to pick out of that number about 40,000. Was there ever a more difficult task set to any State Department? I do say, in all seriousness, that the Land Commission, in these circumstances, is entitled to take their time. They have been going too fast, in my opinion. They are entitled to take their time. They are entitled to weigh up every consideration that affects that very difficult problem, and they are entitled to the support and influence of every influential man in every district, no matter what party he belongs to.

Now as to delay, there is a difference of opinion as to whether the Land Commission is delaying. The Land Commission could have gone ahead faster! The debate has given me the impression that if I had come here with figures, which were exactly half as much or exactly twice as big as the figures which I quoted, that the criticism would be exactly the same. It is the right thing to say! It is a matter of course! It is very hard to judge whether the Land Commission has delayed or not. It is very hard for Deputy Johnson, without being from day to day in touch with it, to know just how much work it takes to put through a sale, and just how much work it takes to administer big sums of money for relief.

Does that apply to the estates you have on hands for the last ten years?

Mr. HOGAN

I certainly got the impression that if I had come here with figures that were twice as big or figures that were very much smaller, the discussion would run just on the same lines. It is the right thing to say that there has been delay. I do not know that it is worth quoting the figures again. The Land Commission is dealing one way or another with 700,000 acres of tenanted land out of a possible total of a million and a quarter. Yet there is delay. The Land Commission has vested in the tenants 11,000 acres and it is dealing with 134,000. There is vested in the tenants about 11,000 acres. That is to say, they have got their full 35 per cent. reduction, or 40 per cent., as the case may be. There are gazetted holdings to the extent of 175,000 acres, there are purchase schedules to the amount of 1,154,000 acres, and they are dealing with 1,341,000 acres.

They are dealt with one way or another. Seven hundred thousand acres of untenanted land—that is about half of the untenanted land that can be available. We are at the beginning of land purchase. Personally, I would have considered that the Land Commission had done their work extremely quickly if they had completed their work in, say, five years from now. Deputies should remember, in this connection, that the problem looked on nationally—apart from the cases which Deputy O'Connell quoted—amounts to this: that you have whatever land is available outside the congested districts and that you have the congests, in the main, inside the congested districts. That is, if you like, from one point of view, the smallest end of land purchase. But from another point of view it is the most formidable end of land purchase. The completion of land purchase is rendered much more difficult. We are now the heirs of all the cases that previous Land Acts failed to solve.

In fact, we are heirs to a problem which can only be partially solved by any Land Act. I do suggest that the worst advice the Land Commission could get from me would be to go ahead and divide land quickly. That can be done, provided we solve our difficulties in a certain way. The Land Commission divide an estate down the country. There are ten or fifteen applicants. There is room for only six or seven. They can easily pick out six or seven, and put them on the land, and there will be no talk about it. But these six or seven may not be the right people. It may take a good while, for a great many reasons, to pick out the six or seven people who, in equity, should get the land and say that they should go in. The Land Commission could go too fast. There is going to be a problem in regard to the congested districts in ten years after the land purchase operations are finished. It depends on how land purchase is handled now whether that problem is going to be an extremely big or an insoluble problem in ten years, or whether it will be reduced, at least, to reasonable dimensions.

Deputies should remember also with regard to pending sales, apart altogether from the vesting of lands in tenants, that the Land Commission has divided about 50,000 acres. I would like to give the figure in connection with untenanted land and pending sales —the sort of land Deputy O'Connell was referring to last night. The Land Commission took over from the Congested Districts Board 190,000 acres of undivided land. Of that 190,000 acres there were only 20,000 acres of arable land. The rest was mountain and waste. At present there is 130,000 non-arable acres of land undivided, and 10,000 acres of arable land undivided. That is 140,000 acres out of 190,000 acres. Picture what that means. There is taken over in the congested districts 190,000 acres of land, of which 170,000 is non-arable—mountain, waste bog, and so on. Living all over that land, which consists of cut-away bog, sides of mountain, and so on, there are congests, and there is no land in the hands of the Land Commission anywhere near them on which they could be made economic. That was the position until the Land Act of 1923 was passed. The powers of the Congested Districts Board to acquire land compulsorily were limited, and in the particular case that Deputy O'Connell mentioned last night, where holdings were not vested for fourteen years, here is what happened: The estate is in the middle of that sort of area. That will give you an idea of the sort of land some of it is. The Land Commission buy the estate he mentions. They divide it into what are called "parcels." These "parcels" are for tenants on another estate, which they have not got, and which they had no power up to the 1923 Act, to buy, and no funds available wherewith to buy. They could not vest that land in the tenants until they had purchased the other estate. You have, in the other case, the exact opposite. You have a case where the Congested Districts Board buy an estate and you have a number of tenants with small holdings. You may have thirty or forty congests. The Land Commission may have enough untenanted land to deal with five. There might be no other land available in the area. It would be quite impossible to divide that untenanted land. There would be murder at some stage. There would not be murder now, but there was a time when there would be, at any rate, considerable confusion, and the five unfortunate congests who got the land would not be extremely happy. It would be very difficult to divide that land. It was far better in that case, to leave that land in common until you got sufficient land to deal with the applicants. That is the sort of difficulty that the Congested Districts Board was up against. Rightly, you can say that that difficulty should no longer exist because, under the Land Act of 1923, there are ample compulsory powers. But at least that is an answer to the case that the estate was fourteen years in the hands of the Congested Districts Board. That clears the position up to the year 1924.

So far as the Land Act of 1923 is concerned, Deputy O'Connell could only criticise the Land Commission in respect of this particular estate which he mentioned if he criticised them in respect of the other estates which are not amongst the million acres which the Land Commission have already bought. There is no case against the Land Commission in respect of that estate, except the case in respect of the other estates which they have not bought up to the present. They are dealing with over a million acres of land. Speaking of tenanted and untenanted land, they are dealing with half the land of the country, and before he can criticise them in this respect he must criticise them in respect of half the land of the country. The same remark applies to the point made by Deputy Conlan in respect of the Verschoyle Estate. There are two Verschoyle estates—A.R. Verschoyle and W.T. Verschoyle. They are both gazetted, and the same considerations apply.

Is there any possibility, when dealing with the actual working of bog, of having it dealt with separately?

Mr. HOGAN

I am afraid not. How could there be? The Land Commission cannot interfere with an estate until they have acquired the legal ownership of it. It would be a very serious matter if they did. Under the Land Act of 1923, the landlords relinquished their right to collect rents but no other rights of ownership were taken away. That was the deliberate policy and was discussed and debated in the Dáil. If the tenant wishes to sell his holding, he must still get the consent of the landlord. The Land Commission cannot deal with any land until they become legal owners of it. The only rights the Land Commission have under the Act of 1923, in connection with tenanted land, is the right to collect rents.

May I ask the Minister if it is possible, apart from legal rights, in a special case such as this, where about thirty or forty families are unemployed, many of whom are drawing Unemployment Insurance, but who could be employed and could be doing useful work, to deal with it as a matter of——

Mr. HOGAN

Urgency?

Not merely urgency from the point of view of acquiring the estate, but to see if it is not possible to enter into an arrangement with the landlord outside the Act?

I am afraid it is not possible to enter into any agreement with this gentleman, unless there is force behind it.

Mr. HOGAN

I gather that that is not possible in this case. I discussed this case with Deputy Conlan before. It is possible sometimes to expedite matters, but Deputies must remember that nearly everybody's goose is a swan. I get cases from Deputies in all parts of the House and these cases are always the most urgent in the country. I do not say that this is not a particularly urgent case. It may be. I do not profess for one moment to keep in touch with the administration of every estate with which the Land Commission is dealing. I would be very foolish if I did. I gather that this is a fairly urgent case, but Deputies will have to remember that there is scarcely a member of the House who has not two or three cases which, in his opinion, are equally urgent.

I have not heard of one on all fours with this one.

Mr. HOGAN

Deputy O'Connell quoted another case which is rather interesting. It raises a peculiar question. It is a case in which three tenants paid, let us say, £15 rent—we need not be exact as to the amount in this matter— before purchase. One of them was migrated. His holding went to the two others, so that the two tenants have holdings which formerly they had together with another, and the new rent payable to the Land Commission is about £19. That may very well be, as I will explain to the Deputy. It may be that the congest who was taken off was migrated to a holding which the Land Commission resumed from a tenant— that the land the migrated congest got had been formerly tenanted land. Assume that for a moment. What I am going to say now applies to the 500,000 acres, which I mentioned as possible for the Land Commission to acquire from existing tenants for the purpose of the 1923 Act. When the Land Commission acquire land from a tenant, they first of all have to pay for the landlord's interest on the usual basis. Then they have also to pay resumption price to the tenant. You cannot take land from the tenant without giving him fair compensation. That makes the land extremely dear. What happens in a case like that is that the Land Commission try to distribute the difference between what would be the fair re-sale price to the people who are to get this resumed holding and what they actually paid, over as many people as possible. That is the fair thing to do. The Land Commission do not view the case of any one tenant as an isolated case. Take an estate bought and say there are ten or eleven congests on it. They can only deal with ten. They deal with two outside the estate. They might be any two. Whatever extra cost might be incurred in connection with the transferring of the two of them would be put into the joint fund and would be the liability of the whole lot. That is perfectly correct. What would happen in this case would be that the difference would be spread over the three—the two who were left and the one who migrated. That could happen and the total annuity would be higher than the rent was previously. I am not sure that I made myself clear and, perhaps, I had better make the point again.

Mr. O'CONNELL

The point is quite clear. In the particular case I have in mind—not the case I quoted—the man who migrated was put on to a grazing ranch that was broken up, and he got a house there that was not newly built——

Mr. HOGAN

Was that particular grazing ranch tenanted land?

Mr. O'CONNELL

No.

Mr. HOGAN

I asked that question because that is the sort of thing that often happens. When I referred to the difference between re-sale price and the price they paid, I made a slight mistake. In this particular case of resumed land, they sell the land at full price. That price is big, because they have to pay the landlord and they have to pay the tenant from whom they have resumed the holding. The annuity will, therefore, be pretty high.

You justify that by this: you were getting two economic holdings where there were three uneconomic holdings before, and you ignore the fact that the annuity is higher than the rent which each paid, provided that the annuity is a fair annuity. The important thing is to give a man a holding at a fair annuity. That makes it extremely difficult to deal with tenanted land.

I do not at all agree with the idea that where land is taken up, whether it is demesne land, untenanted land, or even what we will roughly call grazing land, that it carries less stock and produces less. That is definitely not so. The average experience is this, that where a farm is taken up—I know specific cases of it, and I know it is the general rule—and divided between fifteen or twenty people who build houses and live there, it carries far more live stock. I know it of my own experience. In the district in County Galway from which I come, a tremendous amount of land has been divided, and I have a fair knowledge in my own parish of the amount of stock carried on certain farms. I have gone into the matter from curiosity, and, taking cows, calves, yearlings and two-year-olds into account, but leaving out pigs, which do not graze to any extent, there are far more cattle and far more sheep carried on such farms, notwithstanding that there is probably a fair amount of tillage where there had been none. There is an immediate production of corn, live stock and roots where land is divided. I think that is a record of which the Land Commission has reason to be proud. The number of failures under the 1903 Act and the 1909 Act has been extremely small, almost none, due to the care with which the Land Commission chooses its men.

And the large number of good men.

Mr. HOGAN

It would be quite easy to get bad men though, probably easier. In connection with the old question of arrears, I am glad that there is a change in the point of view and that it is agreed now that we should proceed ruthlessly to collect arrears.

I think that the Minister got no such mandate at all, that there was not such agreement on the subject.

Mr. HOGAN

I do not want to make a debating point. I agree that the arrears should be collected, and collected promptly. We cannot do business on any other lines. There is a general consensus of opinion now that Land Commission annuities should be collected. That point of view, of course, is the one which the Land Commission holds, and which I suggest every responsible man must hold as a matter of course. Annuities have always been collected promptly, so far as we could collect them, and annuities will be collected promptly in the future. But I do suggest that we were not all quite so unanimous on that point of view six months ago, and that that has had some small thing to do with the difficulties that the Land Commission have been encountering in collecting annuities, some small thing to do with the present arrears problem. This arrears problem commenced in 1922, and I think the arrears are owed, at least as to half, in the rich counties. I am perfectly certain if I went through the lists I would find big farmers, well-off farmers, who never spent too much on politics or anything else, but who were alive to the fact that in 1922 no one might ever pay anything again, and who promptly took advantage of that. In 1922 in very rich areas, in areas in which there is very good land and very little congestion, arrears began to accumulate. So far as tenants who are in arrears from that date are concerned, it is an extraordinary fact that the man who did not get his Receivable Order in 1922 was processed and paid, who did not get it in 1923, was processed and paid, who did not get it in 1924 was processed and paid, and I would say that that was so in a considerable number of cases. There was considerable confusion, because the postal service was broken up, the courts were not functioning, and for at least two years it was almost impossible to sell a holding. We have threatened to sell many holdings recently, and people paid up promptly. In 1922-23 it was no easy matter to get anybody to buy a holding, but now there is no difficulty whatever; there are plenty of people willing to buy the holdings of defaulting annuitants in the cases I have mentioned, in well-off counties, and those farmers are beginning to know that, and are paying promptly when they get notice of a sale. But, so far as the cases that Deputy Nolan quoted are concerned, namely, of eight gales owing, that is extraordinary; it is a matter that requires inquiring into, and it will be inquired into. But, so far as four and five gales are concerned, Deputies will have to remember that it was rather difficult to sell a holding in 1923, and a man who was in arrears in 1921 was in a happy position in 1923.

My objection was that some were allowed to go on for four or five, while others, who were only a month in arrear, were processed, and others were processed who were able to go into court and produce receipts. The inconsistency is the main point.

Mr. HOGAN

Then there are a few other cases mentioned by Deputy Nolan and Deputy White. Some of them may be quite genuine. It would be extraordinary if, under the circumstances of the last three years, there was not a certain amount of confusion, for this reason, that arrears increased tremendously in a very short time, and you had people for all sorts of reasons thinking that they need not pay. You had people, for instance, who considered that they should get more turbary. The reaction to that point of view was: "I will not pay my annuity until I get more turbary." You had people, on the other hand, who did not pay until they got processes, and then sent the annuity to the Land Commission. The Land Commission would not accept it. The Land Commission did sometimes accept it, and wrote to the solicitor, saying: "We have the annuity. Collect your costs." But now they have adopted the practice, and it is the right practice, of returning it to the solicitor. You had cases that were extremely common; anyone who comes from the country will understand it. A man does not pay his annuity for some reason or other, either because he did not get a reduction in his payment in lieu of rent, he did not get turbary, or for some other reason, such as the case I quoted last night, where he was in litigation with the neighbours on some question with which the Land Commission had nothing to do.

Or he had not the money.

Mr. HOGAN

But when he gets the process he says to himself: "I have got to pay, and the thing to do is to pay and not pay any costs," and he immediately sends up the annuity to the Land Commission. They return it to the solicitor; he writes to the man and says: "You have got to pay my costs." It may be that at this stage the Civil Bill has been entered. The man, of course, ignores that letter; the attitude in a case like that is, that if you do not answer you cannot tell what will happen. The solicitor then gets a decree. That explains the tremendous number of cases you have been told of where people are processed and decreed after they have paid. There was another class of case which Deputy Nolan mentioned, the case where parties were processed and the case was dismissed. Those cases require consideration. It would be an extraordinary thing in the circumstances if there was not some little overlapping. You must consider also that the State solicitors had to deal not only with land business but with a tremendous amount of abnormal business, compensation and other, in the last three years, and were quite new to the work. If the Land Commission do not receive the money within thirty days of the date, they draw from the Guarantee Fund and send notice to the solicitor. I have got these specific cases. These must be inquired into, especially the cases that Deputy Nolan quoted, that is to say, the cases where there were dismissals. There must be something loose there, and these will be inquired into.

I would like to ask the Minister if he would be able to bring in a Bill to relieve the ratepayers putting a penal charge on defaulting annuitants, on the same principle as that employed by the Board of Works. I think the Board of Works charge 5 per cent. There is nothing in the Land Act to enable him to do so. It is very unfair for prompt-paying annuitants to have to pay for defaulting annuitants, and that is happening year after year. There were £46,000 of arrears in Limerick, amounting to about 2/- in the pound on the valuation of the county. That is most unfair. If we could bring in a Bill to relieve——

The Minister cannot do so now.

If he would promise to do so——

Mr. HOGAN

It may come to that, but no Bill can be introduced this session, and hence no Bill can be introduced before the end of the year. We will be better judges of the position at the end of the year. But the suggestion of adding penal interest to the man who refuses to pay is a suggestion worth consideration. There are two sides to it, but it is at least worth consideration.

As to sub-head (i), some months ago we had a statement— I think it was a joint statement of joint departments. The Minister for Agriculture, speaking on behalf of the Land Commission, took the main burden of explaining the position of the people on the western seaboard chiefly, from Donegal to Cork, and the steps that had been taken to relieve them, owing to the exceptional hardship they were undergoing by virtue of failure of crops and loss of turf. It was reported a month or two ago that some of these measures were no longer necessary, that the assistance given in respect to the feeding of school children, and other forms of assistance, had ceased. I think it is very necessary to ask the Minister to give us an explanation of the position at present in regard to these districts and the work that has been done. Notwithstanding the statement that there has been a cessation of the work, it is alleged by people who know the district that there is still a great need, and that there ought not to have been a cessation of that relief work. A couple of days ago I had a communication from a man with whom I have had correspondence over a number of years occasionally, and whose word I have always found reliable. He informs me that in the district he is best acquainted with in Tirconaill the position is at present very serious indeed, that is in the districts of Glendoan, Glenswilly, Gartan and Termon. He says:—

I cannot describe to you the sufferings of the poor in these areas. You, I am sure, are aware that the potato is the staple food of the people in the poorer districts of Ireland. Well, I can solemnly assert that I am acquainted with numbers of small occupiers in the districts to which I refer that have had no potatoes for two years past. In order to keep the wolf from the door these people have been gradually disposing of a cow now, a sheep later on, so that at present they have nothing to rely upon to procure even the most meagre food.

He goes on to explain his intimate knowledge of the district, and that he knows the circumstances of every individual there. Then he proceeds:—

The people of these mountainous districts are a proud race. They want no charity doles. They want work. A couple of roads made into the peat bogs would relieve present distress until the crops would ripen. There are no existing roads to the bogs in which the people get fuel. The people have to carry the peats or turf in creels on their backs for miles across mountain. A few hundred pounds would suffice to make necessary roads and would relieve from starvation the finest people on God's earth.

I have another letter from the district of Rockchapel, in the Co. Cork, which I only received this morning. A similar description is given of the position there, and a similar appeal made, that if some useful work was done in the making of roads to the bogs it would relieve the present special distress. I am bringing forward these two instances, because I am sure they are only typical of many, and they indicate to me from two ends of the country, that the question arises whether there was justification for the cessation of these relief measures. I invite the Minister to state whether the people in these areas, who were thought six or eight months ago to be in need, have been relieved sufficiently to put them beyond the fear of want; whether the children are being adequately fed; whether there is need for further provision, and, generally, what is the present position?

Mr. HOGAN

I do not want to enter, if I can, into the sort of discussion that will probably take place on a later Vote. Let me say, however, that the particular relief schemes which the Department of Lands and Agriculture had to do with were—the distribution of seed potatoes and the relief work carried out by the Land Commission. Distribution of fuel, I think, was done mainly by the Local Government Department. Of course, that is stopped. There is no need for that. I could not say what the position is up to date. But I know that a week ago most of the turf of last year was not actually lying on the ground in mud. It had dried and the people were busy cutting additional turf for next year. I do not anticipate there is any likelihood whatever that there will be a shortage of fuel next year. With regard to seed, of course, the distribution of it has stopped. Seed potatoes were distributed very largely, with good results, and, on the whole, the crop is doing well.

With regard to relief works, which were, after all, the main works done by the Land Commission, and the main form of relief which they did, up to 7th May there was £210,000 worth of special works done. Every penny that had been promised in the Dáil in October was spent in the time. There still remains, however, a very big proportion of those works unfinished, and there is a sum of £70,000 to finish those works. Those works are being finished, so that the relief works are, in fact, going on. The Deputy will have a fair idea of the extent of the relief works unfinished when I say that a fortnight ago it required about £70,000 to finish them. These are going on. They did stop for a week or so, but they will be going on immediately. So far as those works are concerned, they will continue.

This £200,000 set out under this sub-head for improvement works will give employment in a great many cases in the areas where employment is needed. It is not, however, for relief works, and Deputies should not consider that they would be justified in approaching the Land Commission, so far as this sum is concerned, and saying: "There is a road in such and such a place that might be improved, and you ought to spend some money on it." This money is required for improvement work in connection with estates which have been purchased, or will be purchased, during the year—for houses, fences, loans, migration, etc. That money will give a large amount of employment. It will not, however, give employment as a result of preparing careful schemes of relief works, picking out the really bad districts, and spending a certain amount there, and a certain amount in places not quite so bad. The employment must be given wherever the Land Commission have estates which require to be improved. As luck would have it, most of the estates will be in comparatively poor districts. So far as the relief works which were being done by the Land Commission are concerned, they are yet to be finished, and are being finished, and there is, I am glad to say, about £70,000 available to finish them.

As to the present position in the country, I do not like to speak without having the reports before me. There is, no doubt however, that things have improved very much. There was, especially within the last three weeks, a very big decrease in unemployment in the country, so far as my reports go, due to the late spring, for one thing. A lot of the spring work was being done during the end of May and the beginning of June. Things were undoubtedly very much healthier in the country. I am not speaking of the particular areas in Tirconaill which Deputy Johnson quoted. There is this to be said about Tirconaill—it might not apply to these particular areas—that last year there was a particularly good crop of potatoes there. It was rather lucky as a county in that respect. I am saying nothing about the particular area mentioned, because I have no information about it, but, on the whole, there was a fairly good crop of potatoes. The reports I have indicates that there is a decided improvement so far as employment is concerned, especially during the last fortnight. I could not say any more at this stage, but this is a subject which, I take it, will be debated on the other Vote.

Might I suggest to the Minister that he should circulate in proper form the figures that he has given during the course of this discussion regarding land division, etc.? They probably could be selected and understood readily, if we were careful in the selection, from the Official Report, but it would be of very great assistance if we could have them tabulated and brought directly to our notice.

Mr. HOGAN

I will do that, but Deputies must remember what I have said when giving the figures, that some of them are approximate.

Perhaps the Minister will pardon me for saying that in the course of his references he occasionally made a wrong quotation, and he repeated figures so that we were not quite sure which were the correct ones. If a little revision were made of them, and they were circulated, we would be very glad.

Mr. HOGAN

The difference in the figures given is accounted for by the fact that they had to be got gradually, and they vary from week to week slightly. It would take quite a lot of analysis to make out the final figures. I will circulate the figures.

Question put and agreed to.
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