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Dáil Éireann debate -
Friday, 20 Nov 1925

Vol. 13 No. 8

AGRICULTURAL CREDIT SOCIETIES. - MOTION BY DEPUTY BAXTER.

Debate resumed on amendment by Deputy Mícheál O Tighearnaigh:—
To delete all words after the words "Credit Societies" and substitute the words "affords a reasonable method of relieving farmers who have lost stock through fluke, and also considers that the development of these societies will provide a credit system particularly suitable to the permanent needs of small farmers."

I confess that until the Minister for Justice intervened in the debate last night I had rather a melancholy sense of the futility of speaking on this motion. However, his intervention has helped to clarify the issue. With the latter part of the amendment of Deputy Tierney I, for one, have not the smallest desire to quarrel. We quite appreciate it, and we know that in normal times the operations of agricultural credit societies would be suitable to the needs of farmers. But the immediate problem before us is how we can assist those people who have been seriously hit by the losses of the past winter, and have been further hit by the economic conditions running over the past four or five years. While you may say these things can be segregated, still they have their reactions. You cannot altogether make the discussion water-tight, and for purposes of illustration, at least, I will be forced to make some reference to the economic conditions of the past. The Deputy said in his speech that a period of five months was to short to test the efficacy of the credit societies. In the same debate he said that he brought forward at that hour of the night his amendment rather from want of knowledge of the Standing Orders of the House. If I were in the humour, and sometimes one is in the humor, to make sarcastic remarks, I might point out that the Deputy reminds me of one of the Babes in the Wood. He has been in the House now for a period of over eight months, and he has not yet familiarised himself with the Standing Orders. We are asked, then, to place great weight on the statement he makes that credit societies have had only five months' trial.

From the beginning of this question I have held the view that the distress must become progressively worse, and I say that for the following reasons: the day a man loses his beast is not the day that he is hardest hit. It is in the months subsequent to that time, when the beast would be marketable, that his greatest loss occurs, because that is the time he finds himself in his most serious monetary difficulty. Taking that as a basis, I have contended in this House that it was not last spring alone that the distress would be most serious, but that with the process of time it would become aggravated unless proper measures were put on foot, carefully-thought-out measures, to remedy it, measures which would look to the present and to the future. Therefore, I say that Deputy Tierney's contention, that five months is too short, is not water-tight and cannot be accepted. If we said that it would be twelve months after the most serious mortality had occurred that we would reach the peak-point of distress, we would be stating a truism. We progress in this thing like everything else. There are degrees of distress. If a man loses his cow it is a very serious question. As we know, there were degrees in the mortality while all classes of live stock were affected. The loss fell heaviest among the younger and immature animals. In many cases the older animals, owing to constitutional fitness, had a better chance of surviving. I am not denying that in many instances you could pick out districts and you could schedule areas where farmers lost practically the greater part of their beasts. They lost yearlings, two-year-olds, and milch cows, and they lost horses in these places.

Does the Deputy say that horses died of fluke?

Yes, I have heard of it.

And donkeys in West Clare?

Yes, quite possible. What is to prevent it? The man who loses his cow is in immediate and urgent need of relief in order to be given the opportunity of re-stocking his land. The man whose cow survives, but loses his young stock, is in a different position. The cows are a reproductive agency. A farmer at certain times of the year must clear out his land of the young stock. But while he has cows he is not down and out; they will milk and breed and he will get a chance of re-stocking. He is in this difficulty, that rates, land purchase annuities, and aids to the household economy have to be met out of the price of his beasts; that is the difficulty; so in a sense we need different treatment for different problems. We are progressing with this question. In the beginning, this mortality question was derided and decried. The Minister took the chance of showing it up by putting the problem in the midst of other dark surroundings. He made it look less sombre and minimised the gravity of the thing. It is a comfort to have the Minister at last coming to the conclusion that the mortality has been pretty severe in districts in the country, and that from the information he had, it represented a 5 per cent. mortality. We wish he would impress the same view upon some of his subordinates and partisans in the country. In Clare it would be refreshing and interesting, and it might do some good, if some of those who stand for the Government interest would take a rational view of things and see the loss in its real perspective. I am sure the President, whom I see in his place, will have a very vivid recollection of one of those gentlemen who go out of their province and pass from the religious sphere into politics, telling us that the loss was pure rot and pure bunkum, that the thing had been shockingly exaggerated and trying to water down and to minimise the thing and to stint the measure of relief we believe to be necessary. One is tempted to remark in this instance and break into the manner of the Ancients in the apostrophe, "Thou who wouldst lead us in the ways of truth, canst thou not in thy own discourse exemplify the virtue of truth?

I protest against Deputy Connor Hogan speaking in the manner of the Ancients.

It is a good thing we can at least come down and grapple with this problem. The point I always put is that while agricultural credit societies were excellent in the way which they have been, they were not able to meet the necessities of the case. We have first and foremost to educate the people in so far as the co-operative movement is concerned. Certainly down in Clare they have never taken to it and it was always given the cold shoulder, and to suggest at that critical period that credit societies were in themselves sufficient to meet the danger is not in accordance with facts. But even so, if you could get the farmers sufficiently willing to cooperate, if they had the money, which is a problematical question, it would be all very well, but if they have not the money, where do you stand?

It appears to me the principle behind this thing is that they say in effect, not merely "Cripple, get up and limp," but "Cripple, hop it." One is tempted to make that bitter observation on the policy that farmers should go to their own relief and bear the whole burden. I never made a claim that a short-term loan was a fitting or appropriate way to meet the situation. It is an unfortunate thing to be a realist. I never yet made the suggestion that agriculture could boast that it would be in such a flourishing state that it would right itself in the course of a few months or a few years. In fact, all the indications are the other way. Conditions are serious and there is every likelihood that there will not be a very material improvement. Something in the nature of a miracle is wanted. Something approaching the boom years of the Great War is needed before agriculture will recover. I hold that the need is for a long-term loan through the banks, with certain conditions attached, the first and foremost being a low rate of interest. Again, people who are hardest hit should, at least, get a chance of endeavouring to pull up. Any stock they would purchase with the money they would get from the banks or the credit societies should not be taken over for land purchase annuities. A little period of grace must be given so that they may endeavour to get on their feet. It is a principle of credit societies, I think, that they are intended more for the purchase of stock. A loan is not to pay outstanding liabilities, such as shop debts, and in the same category are land purchase annuities, but rates for local services would be excluded.

I must refer to a matter in this connection that concerns my constituency. A gentleman who stood in the Cumann na nGaedheal interest at the last general election and who, when the present head of that organisation in Co. Clare will withdraw into religion, will perhaps be the leading man in it, said at a public meeting in Ennis that as the I.A.O.S. was out to break shop-keepers. he, as a shop-keeper, could not assist in financing these credit societies. Even taking that statement perhaps harshly, there may be a great deal to be said for the remark. It should not be the policy of the Irish Agricultural Organisation Society to raise a prejudice in the minds of the shop-keeping community. Remember they are the only people who have got money to lend to-day.

Gombeen men.

Any port in a storm. Deputy Gorey will admit that is sometimes a useful policy. Another reason is, why should any man lend money at 4 per cent. when he can get 5 per cent. in National Loan or Saving Certificates or Industrial securities? Suppose a shop-keeper or a farmer puts down the money, if the cattle are taken in respect of shop or other debts, does not that man stand to lose his capital? They have a beggar at the beginning and a beggar at the end who is now approaching bankruptcy. I know how difficult it is to deal with this question, but we have to face it and the Ministry must take it into serious consideration. I think the best suggestion came from Deputy Cole. Deputy Cole suggested lending money through the banks at a low rate of interest. The Deputy went on to show that, in effect, that proposal meant a saving to the State. I checked the figures he gave and while they are inaccurate, I have sufficient data to demonstrate the principle he advocated. Suppose the State puts down £100,000—it should be in the neighbourhood of a million to be useful—it is out of interest on that money for three years. Three years compound interest represents a charge to the Exchequer of something like £15.812 10s. We assume that the money is borrowed at five per cent. The same sum of money might be established by credit in a bank and arrangements made by which the money could be lent at 2½ per cent. to the farmer. Remember, the principle of solvent securities applies both to the credit societies and the bank. That would mean that the State would be losing, say, 2½ per cent. only for three years; in other words, that the loss would be, at compound interest for the same period, £7,689 1s. 3d., which represents a substantial saving in the neighbourhood of £7,800. That is only on a sum of £100,000.

There is a further point. Have we the law sufficiently up to date to deal with these credit societies? I read in the report of the Commission on Agriculture, in par. 13:

"We recommend that the registrar of friendly societies be furnished with the necessary powers to enable him properly to perform his duties with respect to co-operative credit societies, and to take legal action where necessary against societies and officials who fail to comply with the regulations."

The meaning of that is that the present functioning of our credit societies is not on a proper basis, and that there are legal loopholes through which officials can evade positive duties. Therefore, it appears that the State runs a certain risk or loss.

There is a further point. No man at the best of times likes to come forward and admit that he is financially embarrassed. By making it a public thing it is asking too much owing to Irish nature. The principle has been to go to the banks, if possible. The banks keep the affairs of a man secret, and while you have to get equal security in both cases, men, for motives of secrecy, will go to the banks. Even they will pay a higher rate of interest rather than have their affairs made a matter of public discussion. Suppose, as I say, we need a million pounds, what will the loss to the State be in any year? The loss can only be 2½ per cent., because only 2½ per cent will be paid to the banks who are acting as agents for the Government. If the money can be borrowed at 5 per cent., that means a difference of 2½ per cent. On a million pounds the annual charge to the Exchequer will only be £25,000. Remember, the Agricultural Commission reported in favour of that system in dealing with an abnormal situation.

One could question the fact whether, on the original and fundamental principles of co-operative credit, there was such a thing as State aid ever expected or desired. I think the original founders of the credit system, who were men rather analogous to the present, laid down as a basic principle that State aid was not desirable, that the principle was to foster self-help on the part of those seeking relief. Two Germans about 80 years ago went into this question very deeply; one was Schulze-Delitzsch and the other was Raiffeisin. There was a state of affairs analogous to what prevails to-day. Those men took up the benevolent work and helped to establish credit societies. For many years they acted independently and in hostility to the State. Consequently, the whole principle growing up around credit societies is something different from State aid. Therefore, does it not seem a strange departure for the Government to cut across the whole principle of the credit societies, namely, the principle of mutual help? I think that the proposal should be to let the agricultural credit societies get established on the basis which was the intention of the founders and that in dealing with this question of loss it should be through the system of credit in a bank.

We are asked to deal with the question of loss of which we have no accurate return. I was one of the first to advocate a census. I am still of opinion that a census of loss should at the early stages have been taken. It is suggested that, owing to the badness of human nature, people would exaggerate and lie, but surely there are sufficient checks to detect a man who descends to the lie. We can all approximately determine how much a farm can carry, if we know its valuation, its land purchase annuity and extent, and if we know the kind of soil. Any farmer of experience can tell to a nicety the stock that the land can carry. If men double or treble their losses, a Civic Guard even, going around, could immediately detect whether a man was speaking the truth. It has been suggested by me here that the first thing to do is to have an accurate survey of the problem which faces us. The Minister says he does not believe in going to each household for a census of stock. I believe if we had a census of live stock carried out twice a year, the problem would not be difficult. Owing to the absence of regular stock-taking on the lines of Government departments, the position is made more difficult, but I deny the problem is insoluble and that it is quite impossible to get an accurate census of mortality. It was suggested that the fluke would be forgotten in a few years. I wish it were possible, but I doubt it. There are men amongst us to-day whose minds can go back to 1879 and 1880 and who have reason to recall the very serious loss in livestock then occasioned. Is it not begging the question to suggest that mortality can be forgotten when we know in our hearts that conditions are serious for farmers? Some relief work has been suggested by Deputy Dolan, such as making roads and that kind of thing. Is that the proper method for assisting farmers to re-stock their land?

Remember, that a man working on the road on relief work of that kind withdraws his labour from his own land, and, to a large extent, the land remains unproductive. The position to me is such, at least, that while we can appreciate relief work, we must lay down the principle that it is only intended for certain classes, and one cannot apply it fairly and logically to the whole body of distressed agriculturalists. Perhaps it is the thought of something that Deputy Dolan said about farmers in Cavan not objecting to relief work that causes me to make that remark. These farmers did not object to relief work, but they objected to its partisan character. Deputy Dolan said that we should have a better spirit amongst the farming community. He reminds me of a line in "Macbeth" when he says to the weird sisters: "Call me a spirit from the vasty deep." In contradistinction to Deputy Dolan, I would urge upon the State the necessity, if possible, of making the necessary outlay for the purchase of a number of suitable bulls in order to raise the quality of live stock. I believe in education, but not so much in compulsion, and it appears to me that if we could get in the West of Ireland a number of pole-angus bulls and also attempt to develop the qualities of milk production it would perhaps be one of the best forms of relief which the State could give at this crisis. I would suggest that a number of pole-angus and dairy shorthorn bulls be loaned on reasonable terms to farmers, and that premiums for the upkeep of those animals be given in increasing numbers with increased grants to farmers in those areas. While on the one hand you want to develop the beef strain in cattle— and I believe for the requirements of the British market there is no animal to beat the pole-angus—you cannot develop on dairying lines without having a milk strain also at hand. I do not believe that it is possible to combine the two qualities in any animal.

I am afraid we have gone beyond the terms of the amendment.

I submit that this comes perfectly legitimately under the heading of "credit." If it were possible to pair these animals in certain parishes, say seventy per cent. pole-angus and thirty per cent. dairy shorthorn, nothing would help more effectively to alleviate the conditions in a year or two. As I said in the beginning, that would be one of the most difficult and trying periods which those distressed agriculturalists would have to look forward to.

There is just a further question as to taxation. It has been suggested on the other side of the House that the Farmers' Party were speaking with two voices, that while on the one hand, certain members here representing the Farmers' Union made demands for very large credits, other members of the organisation stumped the country, denouncing the extravagance of the Government, which, nevertheless, is the best of Governments, in all the moods and tenses. We never objected to bearing reasonable taxation for the necessary development of the country, particularly for the development of agriculture. Our objection is perfectly valid and legitimate, and it is directed against unproductive taxation and what I conceive to be wholly unnecessary expenditure. In other words, one should draw a line at making provision for pensioners. I am, however, inclined to drop this subject because one could get bitter and get into a nasty mood and, in fact, become a disciple of some of the great masters of vitriolic utterance in the House. The need of the moment is to give these unfortunate people in the country something, at least, to hope for and to show them that the State is not indifferent to their needs. One can say definitely and with every degree of truth that the debate has not been conducive to helping the condition of these distressed people. I submit that the Government should accept and act upon the motion of Deputy Baxter, and that the amendment, so far as the first part of it at least is concerned, should be rejected.

It is a matter of common knowledge, not only to everybody in the Dáil but in the country, that last year's losses of stock were very considerable, and whether it was due to the bad season or to the bad quality of hay, as Deputy Dr. Hennessy said last night, the ultimate result was the same, as the stock are dead. The Minister for Agriculture stated that in spite of the losses, which are undoubtedly very grave in certain districts and overwhelming to certain individuals, they are not, taking the country as a whole, so much more than they would be in an average year.

I do not think I said that. The Deputy is confusing two statements. I stated that the losses last year were probably no greater than the annual losses from contagious abortion.

I beg the Minister's pardon for misinterpreting him. It would be quite easy for the Government to promise to do this, that and the other thing, and no doubt they would gain temporary popularity by doing so. It is quite easy to do that, but the result, I am afraid, would not be very good in the end. I remember two cases where the promising of benefits had disastrous results for the persons who made the promises. I knew a man who seemed to be very popular without any reason, but so far as any ordinary person could see, there was nothing very attractive, brilliant or clever about him. I made inquiries as to the reason for his popularity, and I was told that he was what his friends called "a damned good fellow." I asked for a definition of what that meant, and I was informed the meaning of it was a person who loans money and never wants it back. Of course that brings popularity for a time, but the penalty has to be paid eventually, and it was paid by this gentleman.

Another case was that of a son of a northern member of Parliament in England. His father's popularity was waning, and he thought it would be a good thing if he did something to bolster it up, so he placarded the district with notices that on a certain day at a certain hour everybody who came to his father's house would receive a sovereign. The consequence was that the house was besieged with an eager throng expecting the sovereigns to be shovelled out, but unfortunately they were not, and the result was disastrous for the member's popularity. The Government could not go on like that, promising something to people and finding afterwards that they would have to pay out of all proportion to the benefits given.

The Government's idea has always been, as far as I can see, to endeavour to develop a spirit of self-reliance on the part of the farming community, and I think it is a spirit that is very badly wanted amongst us. If you happen to hold a meeting for any purpose connected with land, or for any other matter, it is generally asked what is the Government going to do, not what are we going to do. There is no idea of doing something for ourselves; it is always somebody else who is expected to do it for us. That is a shocking bad habit, in my opinion, and should be got rid of. The credit societies should be given a chance to improve the national spirit in that respect. The year alluded to by Deputy Connor Hogan, 1879, was a very bad year, and I remember it quite well. It was most disastrous for this country, and I think it was quite as bad, or worse, than the year we have passed through. From June to November it rained incessantly, and the crops never ripened in a great many places, even in the centre of the country, and the stock suffered as much as I think they have done this year, and more perhaps, in a way. The disaster would have been greater only for the measures taken both privately and publicly, to meet the situation, but unfortunately the system adopted was extremely bad. Money was given for seed oats, and seed potatoes, and for useless work in a great many cases. The result was that people got into the way of thinking that everything should be done for them, and that they should do nothing for themselves, and though they were supposed to pay back this money for seeds and potatoes, in a very large number of cases the repayment was never made and the debts had to be wiped out. Everybody who remembers that time, and had any connection with local business, knows that what I have stated is a fact. It is very bad to allow a system of that kind to continue, as it is demoralising to the last degree. Allusion has been made to the action of the Northern Government in advancing money, but they are only advancing money on solvent securities, as far as I understand.

Is not the land security for the money?

If the land was a security the banks would probably advance the money, but it is because they will not, and the farmers who need help will not be assisted by their neighbours, that they have to call on the Government, as far as I can make out.

Perhaps the Deputy would advocate grants.

Loans have been suggested, but it seems to come to the same thing, as there does not seem to be any security for the repayment of the loans.

Grants rather than the other suggestion from your Benches.

I did not suggest grants, and I do not think they have been suggested. The only remedy I can see to meet these cases is what has been suggested by Deputy Dolan, that the credit societies should be given a fair chance.

On a point of explanation, it is annoying to be listening continually to the suggestion that we have attacked the credit societies. What we have always said is, that the credit societies are not able to deal with this problem, but apart from that we have consistently advocated credit societies, and the reason for this attack I cannot understand.

I contend that credit societies have not got a fair chance, and other Deputies have expressed the same opinion. I would say that in special cases, such as Deputy Dolan has mentioned, it may be necessary that special works should be instituted and carried along with these credit societies. I cannot see that there is any other way of dealing with this matter than our present methods, except that in special cases it may be necessary to introduce works as an emergency matter.

I think it is admitted from practically all parts of the House that the scheme is unworkable in the present crisis, owing to the machinery created for getting one-third of the capital. Great distress prevails in my constituency owing to the large numbers of cattle that have died from fluke, starvation, or from bad hay, as Deputy Hennessy stated. I went around and tried to get credit societies formed in three parishes. A good number of men were looking for loans, hard-working industrious men, but we had only two or three people who would advance money to the credit societies. I think the reason why the scheme has not been a success is that not alone were they risking their own money in the society but they were also responsible for the advances made by the Government. A system of credit societies may be admirable in normal times, but in present conditions their formation is too slow, and before the people would go whole-heartedly in them, and invest their money and shake off that scepticism which bank officials and their financial experts suffer from it would be too late to meet the present crisis. In certain areas where distress prevails and where the Land Commission annuities are in arrears, severe pressure has indirectly been applied to the ratepayers by a Department of State. For instance in the case of the Cork County Council, the Agricultural Grant has been withheld because certain annuitants had failed to meet their liabilities. That shows the distress that prevails in some parts of the County Cork. People there are not able to meet their liabilities and other people there—ratepayers who are in a position to do so, have to pay the interest in the bank for the defaulters. I hope the Minister will let me know what he is going to do with that matter in the case of Cork being denied the Agricultural Grant. I think that Deputy Baxter's proposal is a very fair one and that the system of the Northern Government is a very good one if it can be worked out. I doubt if the Government will take action to have these banks lend money at 2½ per cent. At the present moment if a farmer has land worth £1,000 and if he goes into any bank to mortgage his land to that bank, the most he will get from the bank is £100, or £150, while the value of the land may be over £1,000. That shows that the banks who are the leading factors in the country see that there is no security for the future. They are afraid. It is the same way with the farmer who has money. He is afraid to invest his money to support a credit society, for not alone is he trying to get back his own but he is also responsible for the advances made to the society by the Government. I think that the proposal made by Deputy Baxter to give short-term loans to the farmers at 2½ per cent. would meet the situation that has arisen.

I must apologise to the Dáil and give an explanation for the suggestion that I threw across the House.

We cannot hear the Deputy on these Benches.

I wish to explain to the House, and especially to Deputy Connor Hogan, what I meant by the remark about donkeys having died in Clare. The remark was drawn from me because Deputy Connor Hogan said that horses had died in Clare too. That drew the remark from me that donkeys had died in Clare from fluke.

And that they had one left?

I did not mean that. Deputy Connor Hogan made a suggestion about the refreshing and interesting places they had in the County Clare. I happened to take advantage of these refreshing and interesting places in Clare last year and in going through the country I had an experience that just drew to my mind the remark about donkeys having died of the fluke.

I am glad the Deputy spent the money in his own country.

And in your constituency.

Better again.

In going through Clare I got off the car, and my colleagues and myself walked up a hill, and we were admiring the live stock that we saw in Clare. They were fine, well-bred, healthy stock and in good condition. We said that the sub-soil of Clare must be very good when it produced such good cattle in a district where the country was so cold. We came to the conclusion that the land in West Clare was never drained. Going along the road some distance, we saw a man making a hole and he came over to us for a match. I asked him was he draining the land and he said that he was not. Then we asked him was it fair to ask what he was doing. This is rather a long story, but it will explain the reason why I made the remark to-day. The man said to us eventually: "I am making a hole there to bury a donkey."

Which side of the Shannon did the donkey come from?

From the Clare side.

I thought that donkeys were very plentiful on the Foynes side of the Shannon.

I thought nobody ever saw a dead donkey.

Anyway, I asked him what happened the donkey and he said: "I suppose he died of the fluke." I sympathised with him, and said it was too bad, and I asked him if he were able to replace the donkey. He said to me: "There will be a meeting of the Farmers' Union in Ennistymon on Sunday evening, and all who have lost stock are invited to come in and to bring an account of what they have lost?" I said: "I suppose you will get paid?" He said: "Well, the least the Government could do would be to give me five pounds for the donkey." That is my explanation of the remark I made to-day.

Deputy Connor Hogan talks about the National Loan at five per cent. and of the Government's followers not having superior intelligence in dealing with the finances of the credit societies. Now, I suggest that Deputy Connor Hogan would use his superior intelligence to find out at what figure the Government are borrowing money. It is five and a quarter per cent. as far as I can make out. Deputy Connor Hogan also spoke about sending the Gárda Síochána around, and he said the Gárda Síochána would be able to decide whether a man is speaking the truth or not. Now, I do not know whether Deputy Connor Hogan would himself be able to tell whether a man is speaking the truth or not even after his short experience as a law student.

He also spoke of cattle having died in the area in '79 and '80, and having died of fluke, and said a great many people remember it. Deputy Connor Hogan, from what I can understand, is a great loyalist. I would like to know what the Government that he so loyally supported did at that time, and I would like if he would give us some information as to how they came to the relief of the people of West Clare. From my recollection of the history of it, and from what we all know, the relief that was given then was that the landlords carried out evictions, and it was that that drew from the British Government the Land Acts of 1879 and 1881. It is all very well to talk. In West Clare, during my time there, I met another individual whose name I have seen in the paper to-day abusing the Minister for Lands and Agriculture for not receiving a deputation of which he was a member. On my first introduction to that gentleman he told me that we were carrying through too much legislation, that we were interfering too much in people's affairs. Then, after a while, he suggested that the Government should take over portion of West Clare, make a golf course there, and have nice parks and nice sheltered places for the tourists who come there. I suggested to him that that was a thing that the local people should do if they had the money and that it was not a matter for the Government. He said: "Oh, we have plenty of money, but we have no protection. We have no shortage of money, but we have no protection. What we want is protection from the Government so that these things that we will put there will not be stolen."

And perhaps Deputy Nolan would then go on his holidays and spend them down there.

Well, this again only brings back to my mind what the people of Clare would do. We remember how they stole away a railway there many years ago. It is unfortunate that the people of Clare are so dishonest. That interferes with the credit of any country. Now, the credit of a country is a very important thing. The Farmers' Union Party are not sufficiently interested in finance to express an opinion on these matters. Two or three days ago one of the farmers— I apologise, I mean one of the Deputies on the Farmers' Union Benches, a Deputy for whom I have a great respect— put the following question to the Minister for Lands and Agriculture:—

To ask the Minister for Lands and Agriculture if he is aware of the unsatisfactory conditions prevailing in the Saorstát as regards payment of arrears of Land Commission annuities, interest in lieu of rent; that most of the forced sales to realise amounts due under these heads have proved abortive, and whether, in the circumstances, and in view of the existing depression, he will consider the question of adding the arrears to the purchase price, and thus avoid the deadlock and evictions which must necessarily arise if the present policy is pursued.

The suggestion there is that we are to borrow money to pay interest on borrowed money, and the land bond holders are to be told: "You will get no dividend this year out of your bonds; we are adding it on to the principal; but in 68 or 70 years' time, when the bond is due, we will give you the interest added on to the principal. For every £100 of the bond you will get £102 or £103." If that indicates the mentality of the Party——

Who suggested that novel proposal?

I f that is the mentality of the Party that declares it represents the people, then I am afraid they know very little about finance. I admit I do not know a lot myself, but I know sufficient to realise that is the most foolish suggestion that could be put forward by any ordinary individual. I may say I do not think the Deputy who put the proposal forward believes in it.

When will the Deputy come to the amendment?

He is fighting shy of it.

I am speaking on the subject of the credit of the country. We all must recognise the credit that did exist. There is no doubt the money advanced for land purchase was the cheapest money we got in the Saorstát; I do not suppose money will ever be got as cheaply again. Deputy Cole made a few suggestions, and he also made the admission that the creameries, which have money on deposit, would not trust the suppliers sufficiently to give them money to purchase a cow or two, and so place them in a position to increase their supplies to the creameries. It cannot be denied that the creameries have good security, and it is not asking too much of them to assist the farmer in the purchase of a cow or two. Those creameries have the cheques passing through their hands monthly, and at any time they desire they could hold up any money they might have advanced. If the creameries of the country are not going to trust the farmers who actually supply them, how will you expect the credit of the country to be maintained? I am astonished that even eight or nine credit societies have been established.

One Deputy touched on the question of the banks advancing money to the extent of only five, ten, or twenty per cent. of land values. Who is responsible for that? Is the Government responsible? Perhaps they may be, to a certain extent, responsible by not using a strong hand in making those who owe money to the State stump up to the last penny. Until the credit of the State is brought to a very strong point, people will not be too anxious to lend, even if they have security offered them. Some time ago the Minister for Justice stated that at the present time every man with a fiver was sitting on it. If the Farmer Deputies had their way in their apparent anxiey to borrow money to pay interest on borrowed money, the people of the country would be slow to put their money into anything.

Deputy Cole suggested the Government should compel the banks to lend money to the farmers. If that is the only suggestion coming from a hardheaded northern, I cannot say that it is at all a satisfactory one; it is a very poor one. We had a long discussion on one occasion about the banks refusing to lend £300,000 to the Government in order to finance the Trades Loans Act.

I do not think that Deputy Cole made any such suggestion as has been attributed to him.

I am sorry the Deputy is not present now. I would be glad if the Deputy could tell me that he did not say that. I would be very glad to know that I was wrong. I am sorry to think that the Deputy would make such a suggestion.

The Deputy has more sense than that.

I hope I am wrong.

I will go so far as to say that it is wrong.

Thanks. I hope it is wrong. Interference with the banks or with any other businesses in the country requires timid handling. Financial matters are very delicate as a rule, and any interference would have a bad effect on the State. I know very little about finance, but I know enough to realise that to compel any firm to do such a thing as was suggested would be a very unwise thing. As I am on the banks——

The Deputy is not on the banks.

He is on the rocks.

I suggest, as I am dealing with the question of banks, that we are not given the same facilities by the banks in this part of the country as in England or in Northern Ireland. There may be good reasons for that; it may be all our own fault. Perhaps we did not deal with our liabilities as we should. The directorate of a certain bank in the Saorstát is, I may say, composed, to the extent of 80 per cent. of a class entirely opposed, religiously and otherwise, to the southerners.

What has this to do with the amendment?

I do not know whether the constitution of the directorate of that bank has anything to do with the present financial policy or not. Possibly the Minister for Finance will be able to inform us on that point. We have a bank of our own, at any rate, and I am afraid it is going somewhat on the same lines. Last May I spoke on the subject of credit societies. I said I could not call them credit societies but rather benevolent societies that could be utilised by any individual needing money. Anybody who has had experience of credit societies knows to his cost what their effect is, because he has suffered for it. Anybody who dealt with those societies paid well for the experience.

You have not much faith in them?

Certainly not. I am surprised that even eight societies were established. However, I am pleased to see that eight have been established.

Even in normal times?

Yes, after what has happened.

Will the Deputy vote then in favour of the amendment?

I do not know whether Deputy Gorey or Deputy Heffernan will repudiate the statement made last night that 90 per cent. of our fat cattle were slaughtered in England and were found to be suffering from fluke discase. Will Deputy Gorey or Deputy Heffernan deny that?

I said that a considerable percentage of the cattle, both Engllish, Irish and Scotch, were found to have their livers not perfect. I said about 90 per cent. of the cattle had not perfect livers. I do not know what Deputy Heffernan said; I have nothing to do with that.

I said that practically 90 per cent. of the cattle slaughtered in Birkenhead had flukes in the liver.

Not exclusively Irish cattle.

I acknowledged Irish cattle.

That is a terrible statement.

Mr. HOGAN

It is.

It is terrible, and I am glad the Press this morning did not publish that. What enjoyment it would be for the Canadian farmers to read that a Deputy in the Irish Parliament made the statement that 90 per cent. of our fine, fat cattle had disease.

Now the mentality of any man, representing the Irish farmers, who says that 90 per cent. of the best of our Irish cattle are diseased, shows that he is not fit to represent the farmers of this country.

Does the Deputy suggest that I should conceal what I believe to be true?

Does the Deputy tell his sins in public?

I say that the Deputy has not proved his statement. I have a way of proving that it is not accurate. Last night I met a gentleman from a Southern constituency, who is a very large exporter, sending out from 50 to 200 cattle a week which are all "picked down," that is they are all slaughtered at Birkenhead, and he told me that he got no report that the cattle are diseased, except that a very small percentage had quarters or sides affected.

Will the Deputy ask the Minister for Agriculture how many are accepted for slaughter in Birkenhead?

Mr. HOGAN

Does Deputy Heffernan suggest that I agree for a moment with his statement that 90 per cent. of the cattle had fluke in their liver?

Do you not believe that a large percentage of them had?

Mr. HOGAN

No, I do not. Deputy Nolan did raise a serious point, for it is a very serious thing for any Deputy of the Farmers' Party to state that 90 per cent. of the fat cattle exported are found with diseased livers due to fluke. Deputy Gorey did say, and I agree with him, that a large percentage of Irish cattle have livers that are not sound, and he went on to say that that has been the case for a great many years.

No, I did not say a great many years.

Mr. HOGAN

I beg pardon. That is the case for a great many years. I was in Aberdeen and in Birkenhead and had interviews there with the heads of various abattoirs and they showed me specimens of the livers, and for some time communications had been passing between our Irish Department and the Veterinary Departments on the other side dealing with this matter and trying to diagnose exactly what this disease is. They found it is not tuberculosis in a great many cases and it certainly is not fluke, except in very rare cases. It is true that a percentage was found with diseased livers, but it is nothing like 50 per cent., and not 30 per cent. There is no warranty for suggesting that 90 per cent. of the fat cattle are found to have diseased livers.

My statement is founded on conversations I have had with some of the most important cattle dealers in Ireland, from Roscrea, Kildare and elsewhere. The reason the cattle were not responding to feeding on grass was that their livers, after the winter, had not recovered their normal condition, and that explained their incapacity to feed in the summer. It is the common experience in every part of the United Kingdom, as well as this country, that cattle are not in the condition they were in 12 months ago, and there is no use hiding it.

Mr. HOGAN

That is a different matter. We made exhaustive inquiries, and these inquiries go to show that it is not true to say that 90 per cent. of the fat cattle are found with diseased livers when killed at Birkenhead, Glasgow, or at Aberdeen.

Very few cattle are killed in Aberdeen.

What percentage was found with diseased livers. Would it be 50 per cent.?

Mr. HOGAN

I could not say. Perhaps 25 per cent. are found with livers unsound for one reason or another, but only a small percentage of these would be found with livers diseased by fluke.

This is an important point, and I want to make myself clear. My information was that 90 per cent. of the cattle slaughtered in Birkenhead were found to have fluke in the liver. Having fluke in the liver does not necessarily mean having diseased liver. There might be a small quantity of fluke without disease.

Mr. HOGAN

It does, in fact, mean disease.

I said, in fact, only a small percentage of these livers were badly diseased and unfit for food. My point was that the cattle did not die to any extent from starvation. Practically all the cattle were affected by fluke, and that fluke was primarily the cause of death, and very few cattle died of starvation.

I am afraid the explanation makes matters much worse. It shows what the Deputy knows about fluke. He says they have fluke in the liver, but not fluke disease.

Mr. HOGAN

That is the last stage —fluke in the liver.

Deputy Heffernan's explanation makes things a thousand times worse. He says that for years the best of our produce are diseased. Is that what the Farmer Deputies are sent here for—to tell us that 90 per cent. of our best cattle are diseased? What about our stores then? Sixty per cent. are stores and dairy cows. Is it any wonder that our exports are so small this year, when Deputies come here and make these statements? They are free to go about the country and make statements about our adverse trade balance. Is it any wonder, in view of their statements, that our exports should be down 50 per cent. as compared with what they were a year ago?

What is the connection?

The connection is that the British people are not fools to buy our stores when Farmer Deputies come here and say that 90 per cent. of our cattle are diseased.

Does the Deputy suggest that we should cloak facts known to everybody in Birkenhead, and live in a fool's paradise? Does he insist that our good stores, leaving this country, are to be compared with three-and-a-half year and four-year-old cattle, old screws all their lives? Does he insist that he is to buy at fluke prices in North Kerry and sell at full prices in Birkenhead? Is that what the Deputy suggests?

Does the Deputy suggest that the statement made by me yesterday affects the trade balance of the last six months? The statement made by me was not published, and that statement made yesterday could not affect the trade balance between the two countries. It is a ridiculous assertion to make.

It is a malicious and lying statement to make.

I will answer Deputy Gorey.

Before the Deputy replies, I suppose I may say that I can be taken as a completely ignorant person on this subject. I think I understood what Deputy Heffernan, after explanation, said, and what the Minister said. Deputy Heffernan made a particular statement in order to draw a particular conclusion. Deputy Nolan is drawing another conclusion from the statement and is entitled to draw another conclusion. That is the unfortunate part of it in the Dáil. If Deputies would remember that, there would not be so much interruption. When a particular statement is made different people are entitled to draw different conclusions from it. That may be unfortunate, but it is true. If Deputies would keep that in mind, there would be no necessity for getting so excited over simple things. Deputy Nolan seems to me to be going into a very big question and to be getting a long distance away from the question of fluke and credit societies. I think if he kept closely to the question of fluke and credit societies we would not have all this heated talk.

I am sorry if I have gone too far, but I am afraid I was only following in the footsteps of the example that was given last night. Deputy Gorey put a question to me regarding these things, and said that the country should know the facts. It is not often, I am sure, that Deputy Gorey makes an open confession, but open confession, they say, is good for the soul. I do not think, however, that it is good for the country to make an open confession on these matters. Truth, I admit, is always bitter. Deputy Heffernan said that the statement he made last night could not have affected our trade balance. I say that the statements made here by his party last spring have had a very bad effect and I am very glad for that reason that the credit societies were not put up last spring, as some Deputies wanted them to be, because if those who lost stock last winter got cash from these credit societies in the spring of this year to buy cattle and re-stock their lands, and if these cattle were being sold to-day, they would not realise more than the interest due on the money which went to buy them last spring.

Quite true, because the market has gone down. Will the Deputy deny that the prices for stock last May and June were the highest for a very long time? If no prices have been made since, will the Deputy explain how any statements made here last spring could affect the present price of stock?

The statement I made last spring was that the losses by fluke were not altogether as great as the Deputy alleges, because store cattle last spring were at least 25 per cent. more than they were in the spring of 1924, and I am sure the prices for them would have continued higher were it not for the statements made here from the Farmers' Benches.

Why not state the facts and say "Were it not for the Canadians"? Why is the market now at the worst point it has ever been in in England?

Deputy Gorey cannot be allowed to conduct a running argument in this way with Deputy Nolan. He will have to let Deputy Nolan speak. Deputy Gorey himself speaks with more emphasis than any Deputy in the House, and he has to be listened to. He will have to listen to other people now.

As I said before, truth is too bitter for some people. When I spoke on this subject last spring I was also interrupted by Deputy Gorey. I suppose no farmer coming here has a right to stand up and speak only the alleged Farmers' Union Party. I want it to go forth from this House that our cattle are not diseased to the extent that has been suggested. If they are diseased it is only to a very small extent. I asked a gentleman last night if it was so, that a large percentage of our cattle were diseased, and he said no. He is a man who slaughters between 50 and 200 cattle a week. He asked me where I got the information that a large percentage of our cattle were diseased, and I told him that I heard the statement made here by a Farmer Deputy. He said that Farmer Deputy had no right to make it, and——

If Deputies would advance their own arguments, and not mind about statements by other people, it would be much better. If Deputy Nolan is going to keep on talking about what he calls "the Farmers' Union Party" he is bound to be interrupted, and it would be beyond the ingenuity of any human Chairman to save him from interruption. We are discussing now the question of fluke and credit societies, and we are not discussing the Farmers' Union. Yesterday evening we were discussing the Cumann na nGaedheal Party. That was out of order. Now it is out of order to discuss the Farmers' Union Party. Let us hear the arguments, and forget about the people who made them.

Would there be any possible chance of keeping the Deputy somewhere near the amendment or what is contained in it?

I would not have stood up at all only a Deputy asked last night that farmers in the Cumann na nGaedheal Party should speak on this. The credit societies have been a success, and proof of that is to be found in the fact that eight of them have been established. I hope they will be continued, and that the Government will not be too apt to give out grants to people or never-to-be-paid loans. There was no interruption from Deputies on the Farmers' Benches last night when a Deputy on this side spoke of the Board of Works loans. He made the suggestion that it would be better to have the money given to the farmers through loans, such as those given by the Board of Works for the improvement and the draining of land rather than in doles to buy stock.

An assertion was made here yesterday that the speech of the Minister for Agriculture was a piece of special pleading. That may be fair criticism, but I think we must allow for the difficulty of the position in which he was trying to prove an impossible case. Anyhow he did not adopt the device which I understand is very popular amongst gentlemen of the long robe; that is when you have a bad case to abuse the other fellow's attorney. I am sorry the Minister for Justice is not here because he took on that role and apparently it is a very congenial one to him. He made, I will not say that he descended to abuse, but he made assertions regarding the Party to which I belong which have caused resentment and marked resentment amongst the members of our Party. He charged us in the first place with bringing forward this motion not because we pitied the plight of the unfortunate people who had lost their stock, but simply as a political ruse—a political stunt as it is called. What proof has he of that? Did my colleague, Deputy Baxter, show by the action that he took that his object was to discredit the Government or to bring the scheme of the Minister for Agriculture to a nullity? He did no such thing. As Deputy Baxter told the House, both himself and another representative of his constituency went out and did all in their power to make this a workable scheme and they failed. I had no opportunity of doing anything like that because fluke did not exist to any great extent in my constituency, and hence it was totally impossible to establish credit societies there.

The Minister for Justice talked about farmers bringing this matter forward as a political stunt and then going down the country and telling their constituents what wonderful things they had done for them. I wonder if any of the gentlemen of the opposite Benches ever did anything like that in the history of their Party? On the eve of contested elections have they ever done anything like that? Have they ever boasted of the great achievements of the Ministerial Party? What wonderful tales did they not relate in these favoured constituencies for the time?

I think the Minister for Justice should have proved them when he made such charges against us. He has another objection to the Farmers' Union. What is it? That there are five or six colonels members of it. I did not know that ex-military gentlemen were taboo. When they settle down to the life of a farmer in the different districts they are skilled farmers whose example might be looked up to. I never considered that they were ineligible as members of an organisation that is bound up with their business. Although the Minister for Justice has a wonderful objection to colonels it appears he does not apply it to ex-military gentlemen of a minor rank. I wonder who put that gallant Deputy—Deputy Cooper—in the vice-chair of this assembly? Was there no objection to him on account of his military service?

I think it would be better if Deputy Conlan would confine himself to the subject under discussion. He has dealt very well with the Minister for Justice.

You were not in the Chair yesterday when the Minister made his speech.

Do you not think as a matter of fair play that I should be allowed to answer the charges he made?

The Minister for Justice only made a passing reference.

The Minister for Justice said what he did not believe, and what he knew was not a fact.

I have allowed Deputy Conlan sufficient latitude to answer the accusation of the Minister for Justice, but he should not refer to Deputy Cooper.

As a personal explanation, may I say that I was not put into the vice-chair by the Minister for Justice or by the Government, but by the Ceann Comhairle. The only position that the Government appointed me to was membership of the Army Inquiry Committee, in which my military experience might have been some use, and, which entailed hard work and no pay. Every other position I occupied I was put into by the Selection Committee of the Dáil, or by the Dáil as a whole, and not in any way by the Government.

I am glad to have Deputy Cooper's correction. From what he has said, the Minister's apparent objection does not apply to the majority of the Deputies. I will pass from that, although I think I might have been allowed a little more latitude. I think the most remarkable feature of the debate has been the fact that nobody has justified this scheme of credit societies. The Minister himself did not do it. He had two cases from Leitrim that, I think, were a god-send to him. We had no other examples to show that these societies were functioning at all.

Mr. HOGAN

Kerry.

One society in Tralee. Three in the whole of the Saorstát. I think the Minister should reconsider his position, having seen the failure of this scheme, and should not persist with an absolutely unworkable scheme. As to his statement that he expects these societies to function in four or five years, what use would that be to men who have lost their stock? It is absurd to talk that way. I hope Deputies, generally, will take a different view than that put forward, and, knowing the needs of their constituents, and the severe losses that they have suffered, will vote in favour of what I maintain is the more feasible scheme outlined in Deputy Baxter's amendment.

It is not quite easy to approach this subject from the real standpoint owing to the unhappy turn the debate has taken. The losses of farmers from fluke have been very great. The question is, how are those losses to be made good and how are these people to be put on their feet? It is a question that requires careful and calm consideration. I think it is a pity that any section or any party in the Dáil should, in any way, seek to make party advantage out of these losses. I do not think the question should be treated in that way. It deserves the united efforts of all in order to ameliorate the situation. I know some of those who have met with losses, luckily they are not many in my constituency.

When the question of credit societies was brought forward I may say that, like other Deputies, I did not believe in that proposal to the extent that perhaps others did. I know some of those societies that have been failures under various circumstances. Deputy Cole referred to the county council of which he was a member not taking action, and said when the people went to the local creamery it would not advance a penny. I am acquainted with creameries since they were started, and I know a number of small farmers who lost cattle through various diseases to whom advances were made to enable them to purchase stock. Of course it was to the advantage of the creameries to do that, as they had the milk coming in as a guarantee for payment. These creameries advanced the money at the same rate that they themselves were paying on their overdraft. At that time the banks were vieing with one another and some creameries got better terms than others. I do not know what the position is now. What I have stated was done not only by cooperative but proprietary creameries. Of course, my remarks do not apply to the large farmer, as he was able to go to a bank and on his own security get money to re-stock. I do not see the difference between that system and credit societies. It was stated by Deputies on the Farmers' and on the Labour Benches that farmers would object to go into credit societies for advances. We all know that if a farmer loses two or three cattle by fluke his neighbours will know all about it. If you have a committee of a credit society to deal with an application for a loan there is no justification for saying that that application would be broadcasted. Where credit societies have not been successful——

And where they cannot be.

Where they have not, and cannot be successful, even where a solid effort has been made, farmers are not in a position to put down the money, even if they were to get £3 instead of £2 for every £1 subscribed locally, except they made money in olden times, or put it aside during the war or got legacies.

These are not normal farmers. I call a normal farmer the man who takes off his coat and goes to fairs and markets. Their profits are not sufficient to encourage them to put money in societies. I believe a certain number could be got to start credit societies where required. I believe that small farmers, as are found in Deputy Baxter's area, if works of reconstruction were established, would be in a position to earn money, which, with the money advanced from the credit society, would put them in a position to buy a couple of cattle. One thing I am not pleased with in Deputy Baxter's statement is that he had those figures all the year——

I had not.

You got them lately?

Only lately did you get the figures of the losses and find that the credit societies were not working?

I got those figures when I discovered the Minister was not getting the figures. I discovered, after five months, that these societies were not working in my constituency. The other two Deputies from my constituency can make the same statements.

I thought you might have had those figures in your possession at an earlier date, and if you had, I consider it would have been your duty to have put it up to the Minister at once to take immediate steps for relief. I believe that the Minister would give every facility. If small farmers want to till and have not money for manures I believe the Minister should be in a position to supply them with manures for their lands. Undoubtedly they are not able to find the money. I object to loans for this reason. One who is in a position to borrow has plenty of money-lenders in his own district even though the rate of interest may be prohibitive. Any man who can offer a fair security to the bank has very little trouble in getting an advance on the strength of his previous character.

Has the Deputy been to the bank lately?

I have been to the banks with some farmers, and the agents whom I knew gave advances. That might not apply to all banks. I know it was so in one bank.

I presume the Deputy put his name on the bill.

I did not put my name on the bill, but I vouched for the character of those people. I am not a money-lender nor do I seek any advantage for myself, and I am not in a sufficiently strong financial position to back people here and there.

There is no suggestion of your seeking an advantage.

Numbers of those who cannot obtain the money from the bank will, I suggest, come to the Government. In other words, the very worst type of borrower will be sent to the Government and not the type of borrower who will pay when his interest is due. We have at present a number who do not pay their land annuities even though their neighbours are paying them. If the Government is, in addition, going to be asked to advance money to those people who already owe two or three instalments, I think it is bad finance. The provident farmer would be justified in taking exception to being security for men who would not meet their liabilities. It would be difficult in that case to get the interest, much less the principal. I believe it is up to the Minister where credit societies have been established to help by starting work of benefit to the farmer and to provide small farmers with seeds and manures for their land. I hardly think Deputy Connor Hogan's point with regard to the question of breeding cattle comes in. There would be very little good in sending pure bred Shorthorns or Herefords to Deputy Baxter's constituency.

I am in favour of credit societies, but I think it would be wiser if the Minister had sent out inspectors and organisers to help to get those societies going. If Deputy Baxter finds, in his case, as Deputy Cosgrave stated yesterday, that in certain constituencies they cannot get money, then I say it is up to the Minister to help those districts in other ways. Those people without stock should be helped, and a way of helping them can be found.

Amendment put. The Dáil divided: Tá, 36; Níl, 26.

Earnán Altún.Earnán de Blaghd.Thomas Bolger.Séamus Breathnach.Seoirse de Bhulbh.Próinsias Bulfin.Séamus de Burca.Louis J. D'Alton.Máighréad Ní Choileain BeanUí Dhrisceóil.Desmond Fitzgerald.John Hennigan.Donnchadh Mac Con Uladh.Liam Mac Cosgair.Patrick McGilligan.Seoirse Mac Niocaill.Liam Mac Sioghaird.Martin M. Nally.John T. Nolan.

Peadar O hAodha.Mícheál O hAonghusa.Seán O Bruadair.Parthalán O Conchubhair.Máirtín O Conalláin.Séamus O Dóláin.Peadar O Dubhghaill.Eamon O Dúgáin.Aindriú O Láimhín.Séamus O Leadáin.Fionán O Loingsigh.James O'Mara.Pádraig O hOgáin (Gaillimh).Seán O Raghallaigh.Máirtín O Rodaigh.Seán O Súilleabháin.Mícheál O Tighearnaigh.Caoimhghín O hUigín.

Níl

Pádraig Baxter.Seán Buitléir.John J. Cole.John Conlan.Connor Hogan.Séamus Mac Cosgair.Tomás Mac Eoin.Risteárd Mac Fheorais.Pádraig Mac Fhlannchadha.Risteárd Mac Liam.Patrick J. Mulvany.Tomás de Nógla.Criostóir O Broin.

Tomás O Conaill.Aodh O Cúlacháin.Liam O Daimhín.Tadhg O Donnabháin.Mícheál O Dubhghaill.Seán O Duinnín.Donnchadh O Guaire.Mícheál O hIfearnáin.Seán O Laidhin.Domhnall O Mocháin.Domhnall O Muirgheasa.Pádraig O hOgáin (Luimneach).Nicholas Wall.

Tellers:—Tá: Deputies Dolan and P. Doyle. Níl: Deputies Baxter and Heffernan.

Amendment declared carried.

I presume that I have a right to say a word on the motion in reply to the statements that have been made.

The amendment is now the main question, and is before the House as a substantive motion.

I want to move an amendment to the main motion as follows:—"To delete the words, ‘affords a reasonable method of relieving farmers who have lost their stock through fluke, and also considers that the development of those societies.'" The motion would then read as follows:—"That the Dail is of opinion that the establishment of agricultural credit societies will provide a credit system particularly suitable to the permanent needs of small farmers." I think the course of the debate has shown that there is unanimity in the House regarding the value of credit societies for the permanent needs of small farmers. From every side of the House we have had commendation of the value of credit societies for the permanent needs of small farmers, with one or two slight exceptions. One or two Deputies expressed doubt whether credit societies are, or could be made, as valuable as other Deputies have indicated, but no one has disapproved of the establishment of credit societies for the permanent needs of small farmers, and, inasmuch as stress has been laid on the value of credit societies for those purposes, it seems to me that it would be a good thing to have the House unanimously agreed to that proposition. The House has, in the course of the last division, decided that there is to be no expression of opinion that the present trouble over fluke can, or ought to, be met by a system of short term loans at low interest, but, inasmuch as the motion itself proposes that the Dail should assert that the credit societies provide a means whereby this evil could be met, and, coupled with that, this other proposition. I think it is necessary to divide the new proposition into two parts, so that we shall have a definite expression of opinion on the two propositions in the motion. The House, as I have said, agrees that credit societies are suitable for the permanent needs of small farmers, and we are not going to be trapped into voting against that proposition because we disapprove of the first proposition in the motion. Some of those Deputies who opposed the motion standing in Deputy Baxter's name, or, rather, who supported the motion that is now before us and made it a substantive motion, stated that they did not consider that credit societies provided a reasonable method of relieving farmers who lost stock through fluke. Inasmuch as that is the case, I think it is quite clear that Deputy Nolan, Deputy D'Alton, and the Minister for Agriculture are not satisfied that credit societies are going to provide a reasonable means of relieving farmers who lost stock through fluke. They have not yet done so, but admit that——

Mr. HOGAN

The Deputy ought not make any admissions for me.

The question is, what is a reasonable method? The Minister said, and he repeated it when some misinterpretation was placed on his words, that he never pretended that credit societies were going to meet the situation fully.

Mr. HOGAN

Agreed.

The question is, what are reasonable methods to meet the needs of farmers who have lost stock through fluke, and whether the Minister for Agriculture says that they do provide a reasonable means or not. Certain Deputies who have spoken, and other Deputies who have not, will agree with me that in respect of the affliction that has come upon the farmers because of this disease credit societies are not providing a reasonable means to meet that particular evil.

Mr. HOGAN

On a point of order, I want to be clear as to where we are. The House has decided just now that the Dáil is of opinion that the establishment of agricultural credit societies affords a reasonable means of relieving farmers who have lost stock through fluke, and also considers that the development of these societies will provide a credit system suitable to the permanent needs of small farmers. As I understand, Deputy Johnson is speaking for the amendment, which means in effect, and he is arguing it specifically, that the Dáil is of opinion that the establishment of credit societies does not afford a reasonable method. Is that in order?

The amendment was passed, and is before the Dáil as a substantive motion. Deputy Johnson is quite in order in proposing an amendment to that motion, and which is not a direct negative to it.

I thought it was apparent that when a substantive motion is put before the House it has to be considered anew.

May I raise another point? The Dáil has affirmed that the establishment of agricultural credit societies affords a reasonable method of relieving farmers who have lost stock through fluke. The amendment we are now asked to accept takes out that particular recommendation, and, in other words, having declared now by the amendment which has been passed that the credit societies afford a reasonable means, Deputy Johnson seeks to take out of that amendment. I would suggest, with great respect, that an amendment of another class ought to be proposed than that amendment, if it is to be in order.

I desire to raise a further point. The question raised on the resolution was largely "loan v. credit" societies. The motion was decided on that issue and on that issue alone. Now, it is sought to torpedo the free expression of the will of the Dáil.

The way I put the matter is that a motion was before the Dáil stating that credit societies had failed to afford the necessary relief to farmers who lost their live stock through disease. An amendment was moved and passed stating that "credit societies afford a reasonable method of relieving farmers who have lost stock through fluke..." Having done that and having affirmed in the amendment that that is the case, the proposal now is to leave that out. I submit that the bone and the gist of the amendment is in the part which Deputy Johnson now seeks to take out and which, in essence, has already been decided by the vote of the Dáil.

The amendment does not affirm anything.

If you, A Chinn Comhairle, rule against me, I will subside on this point. But I would like to explain my view of the position. A certain motion was put forward by Deputy Baxter. Then there was an amendment to delete certain words and to insert other words. Those are words dealing with two separate and distinct propositions. Surely when the new motion is before the House, it is in order to move an amendment to delete one of those propositions?

It is always in order, when an amendment is carried to a motion and when the substantive motion is before the House, to propose an amendment to that substantive motion, which is not a direct negative. The President's point is that it has been decided that credit societies afford a reasonable means of giving the necessary relief in the circumstances. This amendment is not a direct negative to that proposition, because it does not set out a proposition against that. I rule that the amendment is in order.

The arguments I desire to use are not very much fuller than those that I have already advanced. Deputies who opposed Deputy Baxter's motion by voting for the amendment clearly laid it down in their speeches that they were in favour of the portion of the motion which states that "the development of these societies will provide a credit system particularly suitable to the permanent needs of small farmers." I want an affirmation from the House, as nearly unanimous as possible, in favour of that proposition. It is clear that a number of Deputies—those who spoke and those who did not speak—do not agree with the first portion of this amendment, which states: "affords a reasonable method of relieving farmers who have lost stock through fluke." I want to give Deputies an opportunity of affirming that by vote—that credit societies do not provide relief for losses arising out of the extraordinary amount of disease of the past year, but that they do provide a reasonable means of dealing with the permanent needs of the small farmers.

I second the amendment. I take the same view as Deputy Johnson, that a good many Deputies on the Government Benches, who voted for the amendment did so not because they believed that the measures taken would deal with the immediate problem, but that they thought the establishment of credit societies was desirable and a good thing for the country. Everyone of us believes that, and everyone of us would welcome that. Everyone of us believes that the establishment of credit societies is necessary, but not one of us—not even those on the Government Benches, if they would reveal to us their true mind—believes that the establishment of these societies is going to solve this problem here and now. Is it the proposition that these societies are going to deal with this problem? Is the proposition that we may wait for years or wait for ever? Is it a case of "Kathleen Mavourneen"? The majority against the original motion was obtained not by argument against credit societies, but by other suggestions which were thrown out, and by lobbying in support of those suggestions. The suggestion has been a grant for relief work. The Minister for Justice yesterday held up his hands in horror at the idea of loans and the demoralising effect of them, and what it was going to cost to take action. He abused the Deputies on these Benches and said they were controlled by ex-army colonels. Not a Deputy knew that that was not the case better than the Minister for Justice. When the Minister for Justice wanted men to back him he knew where to get them and he got them. Now he goes out of his way to insult Deputies on these Benches. They are controlled by nobody, not even by you, sir.

Nor by you.

Sometimes not even by me. This proposition of a grant, which secured this majority, is bristling with objections. It may be all right in other connections, but it bristles with objections in connection with this problem. We have no objection, if a proper scheme is put up and it comes before this House, but, made in connection with this problem, it is bristling with objections. This big plague of fluke has occurred in several districts. It is absolutely impossible to have useful relief works instituted in those districts to meet the needs of the particular areas. You cannot regulate relief works in connection with particular areas. Some families have two or three able-bodied men who would be employed on relief works and who would be paid for the work, but other families have no available man-power and could not get relief.

We are not dealing with relief works. We are dealing with Deputy Johnson's amendment to the substantive motion regarding credit societies.

I will come back to agricultural credit societies. Credit societies have been put up as a bait, but they are not the real bait. The other thing put up is an additional bait, and the majority obtained here was obtained by lobbying and by making representations of this description. We have been told about the staffs that would be required if the matter were dealt with by way of loan. What staffs had the Northern Government and what staffs had the Board of Works to deal with the loan question? They lent out much more than is going to be lent out under this suggested scheme. They had safeguards. Why cannot we have the same safeguards? As I said earlier, and as Deputy Johnson said, everybody would welcome these credit societies in normal times. They know they would do good, but both Deputy D'Alton and Deputy Nolan, on the Government Benches, doubt it. Certainly Deputy Nolan was most emphatic that, even in normal times, he had no faith in them. He saw them fail, and fail wholesale. But in abnormal times, faced with a situation of this description, failure is written on the face of the scheme, and Deputy Nolan will be the first to tell us that he believes nothing else. I think it is good tacties, good business, to remove this portion of the resolution, because nobody believes in it.

Mr. HOGAN

Tactics was the better word. Tactics was the first word used.

It will be good tactics even for the Minister, because it was with tactics he got a place there. I am debarred from dealing with the question of the grants. I am sorry for that, because there are lots of things I would like to say on that head, but I see An Leas-Cheann Comhairle is anxious to rule me out. When the Deputies believe that in normal times credit societies have failed, we may take it as an absolutely sure fact that credit societies cannot meet the present situation. We know they cannot, and even the Minister knows it. We are all genuinely anxious—I am sure the Minister is genuinely anxious and I am sure that he will take it from me that we are genuinely anxious—to meet the proposition. I, on behalf of this Party, am prepared to sit down at a table with the Minister, with the representatives of any other Party of this House, to try to hammer out a scheme which might deal with the situation. We have not dealt with it. The Minister knows that and that these credit societies will not deal with it. Is the Minister prepared to sit down to discuss the question with responsible members of the Dáil? Is he really anxious—I am sure he is—to hammer out and meet this—I do not know what to call it—

This huge problem, and it is a huge problem. Certainly in most of the low-lying districts in counties where it took place, it is the greatest problem that was ever felt in these particular districts. It may be that as a whole it involves only 5 per cent. of the cattle of the country, but it has involved 95 per cent. of the stock of particular farmers. I am talking from experience, not from any experience of loss of my own, but from my personal experience of the places that have suffered. If the Minister is prepared to meet my suggestion, it may cure that evil and we are prepared to meet him and to give him credit for it. We want no kudos. I have great pleasure in the meantime in seconding the amendment.

Mr. HOGAN

First of all, I think I should comment on the happy omen of having Deputy Johnson proposing an amendment and Deputy Gorey seconding it. It is the first time it occurred in this Dáil, and it should not be allowed to pass without congratulations. The Dáil has passed an amendment which runs as follows:—"That the Dáil is of opinion that the establishment of agricultural credit societies affords a reasonable method of relieving farmers who have lost stock through fluke"— that is the first affirmation—"and also considers that the development of these societies will provide a credit system particularly suitable to the permanent needs of small farmers." The Dáil has affirmed these two propositions. We are now asked to affirm one of them. We are asked, in other words, to pass an amendment which will, of course, be a substantive motion afterwards, to this effect: "That the Dáil is of opinion that the establishment of agricultural credit societies will provide a credit system particularly suitable to the permanent needs of small farmers." The Dáil has affirmed that already.

Mr. HOGAN

The Dáil has affirmed that as a definite proposition already.

Now they want to separate the chaff from the wheat.

Mr. HOGAN

I pointed out that the Dáil affirmed the two propositions.

Will the Minister direct his attention to the procedure? When an amendment is carried it is not taken as an affirmation at all but as an amendment to the motion before the House. It is only when a substantive motion is carried that it can be said that an affirmation has been made.

Mr. HOGAN

That is a very nice technical point—we are accused of tactics—but the Deputy knows perfectly well that the Dáil has decided in fact that they agree with these two propositions. That has been decided by the Dáil. We all know the Deputy is technically right that we have a right to wait for the substantive motion.

The Dáil was invited to say that credit societies have failed. It has really said that credit societies provide a credit system particularly suitable to the permanent needs of small farmers.

Mr. HOGAN

Let us leave out these technicalities for a moment. The Dáil has definitely negatived the proposition that these credit societies have failed to afford necessary relief to farmers and has in fact expressed its opinion that these societies afford a reasonable method of relieving farmers who lost stock. It has gone on to say: "and also considers that the development of these societies will provide a credit system particularly suitable to the permanent needs of small farmers." It has affirmed that. Now we are asked to affirm one of these things. That is what the Deputy asks.

The position of the Cumann na nGaedheal Party is that that Party has affirmed that already. They have affirmed another proposition as well. They have made their attitude quite clear on that. It is not necessary to have an amendment from anyone in the Dáil to get the opinion of the Cumann na nGaedheal Party as to whether they believe that credit societies afford a reasonable method and provide a credit system particularly suitable to the permanent needs of small farmers. That has been cleared already. It is not necessary to propose an amendment for that purpose and what Deputy Johnson's amendment really means is not an affirmation of that principle. It has been affirmed already quite clearly, but what he wants is by a side-wind to negative the first proposition which he has left out of the amendment.

I am going to vote against Deputy Johnson's amendment. He said he was very anxious for unanimity. He said what he really wanted to do was to have unanimity in the House about the value of these credit societies as a means of supplying small credits in normal times to farmers. It is a credit system particularly suitablee to the credit needs of small farmers. He told us what he really desired was to make it clear to the country that the Dáil was practically unanimous in deciding that these credit societies will provide a credit system particularly suitable to the credit needs of the small farmers. That is his real desire. He wants unanimity on that.

He points out that there was a considerable difference of opinion and confusion about this debate and that it might go to the country that the Dáil does not value these credit societies as suitable to the normal needs of the small farmers. He wants us to make that clear. Now, that is very kind, but it is absolutely unnecessary. We made that quite clear already. The Cumann na nGaedheal Party made that quite clear. I would certainly vote against this amendment, because this amendment is not aimed at making it clear to the country that the Dáil considers that credit societies provide a credit system particularly suitable to the permanent needs of the small farmers, but rather what he wants is a decision that it does not afford a reasonable method of relief in the present instance. That is what he is after.

What you agree to yourself.

Mr. HOGAN

What Deputy Johnson really wants is not an affirmation that credit societies provide a system suitable to the needs of the small farmer; he really wants a vote of the Dáil that these credit societies do not afford a reasonable method of relief for the farmers who lost stock through fluke. I am going to vote against the amendment, and I doubt very much if such a vote will in any way confuse my position. I am perfectly clear such a vote will not, in any way, confuse my position in regard to credit societies. I am voting against the amendment for that reason, because the amendment means, in fact, that it does not afford reasonable means to meet the fluke problem. I am not going back on that point.

We have been told here that no one considers it as a reasonable means to meet the problem. I have said what I wanted to say on that point. I have said that nothing that we could propose would meet the case in toto. I repeat that I do want to make this point again. I went to some pains to show that the proposal which was made from the Farmers' Benches for short-term loans would not, and could not, go any distance to meet the case, even if the sum of £750,000 were put up.

Nonsense.

Mr. HOGAN

I attempted at least to show that. I gave facts and figures and not one Deputy from the Farmers' Benches attempted to meet the case.

We are discussing the amendment. You are on the original motion.

Mr. HOGAN

I am discussing the amendment. I have a right to discuss it. That point was made by Deputy Johnson himself in proposing the amendment. I want to make it clear that I never thought that these credit societies would meet the case in toto. I never thought that their operation would be expeditious. I want to make it equally clear that there was no attempt from any part of the Dáil to meet the case that I made, showing that the system advocated and proposed from the Farmers' Benches of short-term loans would not meet it to any extent at all. There was no attempt made, and now we are faced with an amendment that takes advantage of my admission that this is not going to meet the case in toto and that it is extremely difficult to meet this case by any proposals. He takes advantage of all that, and endeavours to get in this amendment, which really means that the loan system is going to meet it, in spite of the fact that the Dáil has definitely negatived that. I propose to vote against this amendment, and I have no fears that my attitude is in any way equivocal.

Deputy Gorey made one point. He said he is willing to meet me at a round table. I am willing to meet anybody around a table on the question of credit. There is a commission going into the banking system. I propose when they do meet to deal with this very big question of credit. Any proposition that is to be made about setting up a commission or committee, I am open to hear it, and I will consider any such proposition; but we will have to clear the ground first.

The committee that I suggest will be only in connection with the fluke plague and with nothing else. Is the Minister prepared to accept that?

Mr. HOGAN

This matter has to be decided now.

As the mover of the original amendment to Deputy Baxter's motion, I should like leave to protest against this amendment. Deputy Baxter asked the Dáil to give an expression of what it felt with regard to the effect of these credit societies; he asked the Dáil whether it did think or did not think that these credit societies were of any use with regard to the relief of this distress. Now Deputy Johnson comes along with an amendment which, in effect, goes away altogether from the original motion, and prevents the Dáil from expressing any opinion whatever on the question originally put before the Dáil. Deputy Johnson is a very able dialectician and probably understands very well what he is doing; but as an ordinary unskilled member of the Dáil I should like to put it that it is rather a foolish position for the Dáil to get itself into, after it has spent three days here in a long and heated discussion on a subject like this, that then, at the very end, it should allow itself to be prevented by a slippery amendment from expressing any opinion whatever on what is before it. It seems that the words of my amendment, which is now a substantive motion, are wide enough and clear enough to meet the acceptance of every reasonable person in the Dáil, even though every person agrees that these credit societies have not so far been able to effect much in the way of relieving distress and that they may not be able to go the whole way in meeting this distress.

Hear, hear.

They will, in God's time, in years to come, in the next generation.

Deputy Baxter put forward another plan, an alternative plan to that which the Dáil has already accepted, and he asked the Dáil to turn down the plan already accepted. That plan of Deputy Baxter's was fully discussed here. To me and to everyone it was made perfectly clear, and it was practically admitted by Deputy Connor Hogan, that there was no more likelihood that Deputy Baxter's plan would succeed than would the original plan.

Mr. HOGAN

Hear, hear; he did admit that.

I suggested long-term loans.

He made some statement, in addition to producing those German authorities whose names I was not able to catch.

It is a shame.

It is not a shame; it speaks well for my knowledge of German. He said, on this matter, that all authorities on credit societies were agreed that State aid should be kept away from those credit societies as far as possible in normal times. That is a common opinion. That is what credit societies are for, to do away with the necessity for State aid as far as possible, and to do away with the danger of demoralisation which is always likely to follow from State aid. In normal times credit societies should be allowed to stand on their own feet as far as possible, but here, owing to abnormal circumstances, we have the Government taking abnormal means to meet the situation.

Does the Deputy consider that what is inadvisable in normal times is advisable in abnormal times?

Certainly. What is an abnormal situation but an abnormal situation? I think what is inadvisable in a normal situation is advisable in the other. I think that is the sole reason why the Dáil agreed that the Government should aid in the establishment of these societies in the beginning.

It was felt that the situation was so abnormal, owing to the great loss of stock through fluke, and owing to the fact that there is a good deal of objection to the formation of credit societies —an objection into which it is not necessary to enter—some abnormal means should be taken in order to encourage the Government and the credit societies for the purpose of dealing with the fluke, together with the other useful purposes that they could serve. I hold that the Government, in taking the abnormal measures they did take at the time, were doing something quite reasonable and were going as far as practical reasonable men could go in the direction of meeting this evil. Deputy Johnson talked a good deal the other day in his wisdom, and he gave us the benefit of his knowledge of economics derived, presumably, from the English translations of Karl Marx, and he referred to the ignorance of Deputies on this side of the House and their cool presumption.

Karl Marx was not able to observe the intelligence of the Deputies on the other side.

He talked about the economic situation, the whole question of the credit of the country, the situation of the country, how far credit societies were compelled to rely for their existence on contributions from the rich to the poor, and various other complexities of the social struggle that he is so fond of illuminating. Deputy Wilson and others objected to, or made some observations on, my temerity in daring to address farmers on a subject like this. I can claim to have spent the larger portion of my life on a small farm in the country and to have derived my livelihood for a considerable period —a period much longer than most of the Farmer Deputies can speak for—on a farm.

That was while you were on holidays.

And you left it.

I can claim, as well, to have had more to do with the small farmers than either Deputy Wilson or Deputy Gorey. I have even more connections with them.

Lucky man. You need not be ashamed of it.

I am not ashamed of it.

Or you need not try to make capital out of it.

I am not making any capital out of it. It is easy enough for the Farmer Deputies to call me a Professor of Greek. The cap fits. It is not so easy for me, when Farmer Deputies get up, to shout "farmer," because I am not quite sure whether or not the cap will fit.

We are ignoramuses.

I maintain, looking on this matter reasonably, that it has been established that no useful alternative method to the method of credit societies has been put forward for dealing with the fluke problem. I hold that the words of the resolution, wide as they are in setting out the establishment of credit societies—without any reference to the question of Government aid for these credit societies, or the extent of it— allow of any Deputy who looks at the matter reasonably taking the point of view set out in a substantive motion.

There is another way to deal with this situation than that adopted by Farmer Deputies spending their time in the country. I take back the phrase "Farmer Deputies"; I meant farmer organisers. Those farmer organisers go through the country telling the people that the credit societies are no good, and if they wait long enough and keep shouting long enough, they will force the Government to abandon the credit society system and go in for a system of loans. It is about time an expression of opinion went from the Dáil stating definitely that the Dáil believes the credit society system has a better chance than any alternative method proposed of meeting this evil.

We hear a lot about Government grants when an election is on.

I never spoke, and never intend to speak, in support of the proposition that Government grants should be given indiscriminately all over the country. I do not believe in that. I am not anxious to put forward the proposition that Government grants should be used in this particular case either. If the words of this resolution are interpreted reasonably, and reasonably acted up to, and if, instead of insinuating perpetually that the Government itself is prepared to admit this method is a failure, Deputies would take up the scheme and work it honestly, and if the farmers would make up their minds that the only way of dealing with this evil so far evident is this scheme of credit societies, we would begin to go forward and get something done towards relieving the distress caused by the evil.

I want to support Deputy Johnson's amendment. In doing that I join issue with Deputy Tierney. I am not doing anything against my original motion and if Deputy Tierney had taken the pains to read my original motion before he made his speech he would come to appreciate the fact that he based his speech on an entirely false assumption. In my original motion I put it that the Dáil was of opinion that the establishment of agricultural credit societies has failed to afford the necessary relief to farmers who have lost their stock through the fluke disease. I did not say, and I do not say, that the establishment of credit societies is not a good thing and will not be helpful and beneficial to the farmers in the future. I am with the Minister for Lands and Agriculture there. I do join issue with the Minister and with Deputy Tierney when they say we must accept it that credit societies afford a reasonable method of helping farmers who lost stock.

Mr. HOGAN

That is what the House has decided.

The amendment is accepted and the Minister need not get into his usual contentious mood and seek to find out whether the ruling of An Leas-Cheann Comhairle is right or wrong.

Mr. HOGAN

I accept it absolutely.

The Minister knows the credit societies will not meet the situation. Every Deputy on the Government Benches who dragged his heels through the gate when the division took place, never went more reluctantly through that gate and was never more conscious that he was voting against his own conscience than when he did vote on that amendment. No Deputy coming from the rural districts can stand in the House and say, cheerfully, that the credit societies are the only reasonable means of helping farmers. I say candidly that the Deputy who represents the constituency where thousands of cattle died, and who said that the credit societies will meet the situation, was not telling what was really in his mind, and he was not representing the feelings of the people in his constituency.

One does not want to go over again the ground already travelled. The Minister's contention is that we should reject the amendment of Deputy Johnson because Deputy Tierney's amendment meets the situation and because we have failed to suggest a satisfactory alternative. I say this seriously, that if there is failure in this matter no one has made a greater failure than the Minister for Agriculture. If the proposition that I put forward was not acceptable to him, and if it could not succeed, then I say that the Minister made no effort to make it a success. I say, further, that the statement of the Minister that it could not succeed suggested to us that the Minister was incapable of making a success here of what in another part of the country had been made a success of by other people. The Minister's statement, in my opinion, amounted to a judgment on the inability, both of himself and his Department, to do a very ordinary thing. That is exactly what the Minister wants us to accept: the inability of his Department to do what has been done by another Department, and what is being done by a branch of the Ministry of Finance at the present time. The Minister is in agreement with us that credit societies will be valuable to farmers in the future. We are all prepared to accept that, and perhaps it is well that Deputy Johnson brought his amendment forward in order that we may not be misunderstood.

Mr. HOGAN

Oh, now.

Yes, and in order, too, that the Minister will not be able to go down the country with his satellites to tell the people of the country that members of this Party had declared that credit societies were no good.

And say they were saved by Deputy Johnson!

As they will be again.

I know that we cannot now go into a discussion as to what other means may be employed or as to what else may be done by the Ministry, because the Leas-Cheann Comhairle has ruled that out. I have done what I thought ought to be done. I say to the Minister that his Party and himself know that the solution proposed in Deputy Tierney's amendment will not be a solution. I am now going to repeat what I said here on the debate last spring, that the problem still confronts the Minister and will again come up, and that he will have to do more than what he proposes to do through the credit societies or what it is possible for these societies to do, and I prophesy, too, that he will have to do more than that. He may not concede to us that he will have to do that. He does not want to concede to this Party, I presume, that we have brought forward the problem in the Dáil, that we made the Minister understand what it really is, and that we got him to do something more than he is prepared to do to-day.

Mr. HOGAN

Do you think that was my reason?

The Minister did not say that, but his advocate, the Minister for Justice, suggested as much. He may not be prepared to concede that much to our Party, but we will be able to say this: that while the Minister now will not move, circumstances later will be such for the Minister that he will have no alternative but to do something more than he is doing now. We cannot go into the question of grants, but I hope there will not be any consideration for the suggestion of trying to meet the problem in the case of the man who has lost 10 or 12 cows out of the 14 or 15 that he had by giving him a grant. That kind of a proposal will not meet the situation at all. I think the Minister will be ill-advised if he does not accept unanimously the amendment of Deputy Johnson. If the Minister, on the other hand, thinks that he will be able to put us in the faise position of having declared that credit societies are of no use and of no benefit to the farmer in the future, then we are not going to give him that chance because we are going to support the amendment moved by Deputy Johnson.

It is quite evident that the Minister firmly believes that credit societies do not afford a reasonable measure of relief in the circumstances. There is an old saying that "the proof of the pudding is in the eating." His system has been in existence now for five or six months and has afforded no relief. The amendment moved by Deputy Johnson is a good one, and I hope it will secure the unanimous support of the House. It is because I think it is a good one that I am supporting it. The last vote of the Dáil coupled two items together. We did not agree with one of them, and for that reason we may have put ourselves in a false position. This amendment will give us an opportunity of showing that we believe in credit societies, and at the same time will undoubtedly express what the Minister and the Government believe, even though these societies are not a reasonable means of helping the people in their present distress. It is quite evident, from the results, that they do not afford a reasonable means of relieving the present distress, and if the Minister would take sufficient interest in the problem, investigate what is being done in another place, and apply the same logical mentality to the efforts of others which he is applying in order to place us in an awakward position to-day, he would meet the situation and solve it. There is nothing wrong at all with the idea of these loans. They have worked well in the North and could be worked well here. To say that the credit societies, which have failed utterly in the last three or four months, afford a reasonable means of relief under existing circumstances, is simply to utter a falsity. The Minister complained that no one attempted to answer his figures. His figures were so involved that I do not think he believed what he said himself. He spoke about 2½ per cent. of the population, and of one million pounds sterling, and all the rest. It is quite evident he has not studied the problem if £37,000 was sufficient in the North.

Mr. HOGAN

Was it?

This figure of £37,000 has not met the claims of all the people who looked for loans in the North, but still we hear no clamour for any other means of relieving the distress in the North. If £37,000 suited the needs of the people in the North it would be easy to reckon what would meet the real necessities of the case in the Free State. To make a discrimination as regards borrowers is a wrong thing. Discrimination in the case of borrowers rests on exactly the same basis in the case of credit societies as it does where banking facilities are sought. The credit societies have failed and other means must be found to meet the situation. We say that we cannot afford and will not let the country believe that we think that the efforts of the Minister are a reasonable means of meeting the abnormal conditions that now exist.

The matter has been debated so long and the various aspects of the question so well placed before the Dáil that it has created more or less confusion. But it would be the right thing on the part of the Ministry to let the country see that the Dáil is quite unanimous in asserting that the credit societies would provide a credit system very suited to the needs of the small farmers. I do not think it is good policy on the part of the Government to vote against such a statement because it is an absolute fact. How are the people in these afficted districts going to be satisfied with the expression from the Dáil that the credit societies afford a reasonable method of relieving distress? They know what has happened them. They are quite certain in the circumstances it is no use and by the deletion of that part of the amendment we will be placing the position before them urging them on to form societies but at the same time not telling them what they know themselves and what everyone knows, that they are not a reasonable means of meeting the distress. For that reason the Government ought to agree to the amendment and let us have an unanimous vote on a matter of very vital importance.

The Minister for Agriculture stated that the credit societies system is a reasonable way of meeting distress caused by fluke. If that is so I ask him what he and his Department has done to establish credit societies in his own native county?

Whilst not adverse to the amendment proposed by Deputy Johnson, I for one have not such faith as many Deputies in the House seem to have in credit societies. I have had an opportunity of seeing these credit societies carried on during the past 25 years. About 25 years ago a big move was made to establish these societies in many districts of my county. Practically a score or upwards of them were established in my county. To-day what has become of this 20 or more credit societies? They have dwindled down to one in the county so far as I know. There is to-day one small credit society existing where twenty years ago there were twenty-five.

In one sense I agree with the statement of the Minister. These credit societies, to some people in the community, to the industrious small farmer, were a boon while they held, but the administration of these societies became such that no one would undertake the secretarial work for them without being paid. It became a very big and a very serious job where the bank was efficiently worked in the locality. If you could not find a national teacher or somebody like that who took a very great interest in the district to do the secretarial work, the credit society did very little good. It was only when worked and worked efficiently that these societies were of any benefit. On the other hand many people became habitual borrowers from these societies, and this borrowing did them no good whatever. They simply borrowed a pound or two or three, or whatever amount was necessary to buy something productive. They then bought their animals, as it might be, and later they sold them and paid back the loan all right up to date. At the next meeting of the credit society they came along for another loan, and that went on for two or three years, until the committee decided that the loans were doing these people no good.

There is one aspect of the work upon which I agree with the Minister—that they did a lot of harm to undesirable borrowers. I am not surprised at the attitude taken up by the Minister over Deputy Baxter's motion when he has such an optimistic view of the condition of the farmers throughout the country. He told us that 70 per cent. of the farmers were all right and that to borrow would do them good. Well, I say if they did not want to borrow they should not do so. I do not believe the optimistic figures of the Minister. I hold that if he inverted the divisor it would be much nearer, and that there are scarcely 30 per cent. of the farmers well off and have means. The Minister told us that 70 per cent. were all right and sound and in good condition. Sound condition means well off.

I am not surprised at the attitude the Minister took up if he really believed he was able to impress that on the House. If he were sitting on the county councils round the country during the last three months he would see whether that sound condition existed or not. Less than 50 per cent. of the farmers could pay their rates without making some effort to sell off some of their stock, and it was only by doing something in that way that they were able to pay their rates at all. I hold at the present moment that there is a lot of the March rates to come in, and I believe the Minister will be disillusioned in the next half year about the 60 or 70 per cent. of the farmers throughout the country being sound. I hold that he will be disillusioned. I hope he will not, and I hope the Government will do something to take them out of the rut they are in at present. Except something very abnormal is got up to benefit the agricultural community, I say he will have a very different statement to make in the next six months.

I will not oppose Deputy Johnson's motion. I will support it, although I am not a great believer in the system. I am sorry that the Minister for Justice should take a hand with the Minister for Agriculture in throwing aspersions and ridicule upon the Farmers' Benches, their doings and their credit societies. The Minister for Justice told us with what a glowing way we would go down to the country and tell the people all we had done for them in Merrion Street. I say our task has been very light in telling our constituents what has been done for them in Merrion Street. We got the double agricultural grant, but let me point out that nothing else has been done for the farmers, and the increased taxation and the doubling of the cost of living have more than counter-balanced what the increased agricultural grant has given us.

May I remind the Deputy that he can tell them that they have also got back the local taxation account that was never expected and for which, at least, they might be thankful?

I beg to move the adjournment of the debate.

Obviously it is impossible to finish it to-night.

We are quite ready to finish it. We have ten minutes yet.

I second the motion.

Question put.
Division called for.

On a point of order, is it not laid down specifically in the Standing Orders that five minutes must elapse between the calling and the taking of a division?

Will the Deputy read the Standing Order?

I cannot find it, but under the conventions of the Dáil that is the case.

If the Deputy cannot find the Standing Order he cannot read it.

Am I to accept as a ruling that when a division is called for, the bell may be rung?

I feel I must protect the Chair. If the Deputy has a point of order or an objection he must make it. The Deputy has neither, and therfore is scarcely qualified to intervene.

The Deputy asked me a question on a particular point which, he said, was laid down specifically in the Standing Orders. I asked him to read the Standing Order and he cannot find it. I am now going to put the question.

The motion is that the debate stands adjourned.

The amendment was under discussion and the question before the Dáil now is that the debate be adjourned.

The Dáil divided. Tá, 25; Níl, 37.

  • Pádraig Baxter.
  • Seán Buitléir.
  • John Conlan.
  • Bryan R. Cooper.
  • Connor Hogan.
  • Séamus Mac Cosgair.
  • Tomás Mac Eoin.
  • Risteárd Mac Fheorais.
  • Pádraig Mac Fhlannchadha.
  • Risteárd Mac Liam.
  • Patrick J. Mulvany.
  • Tomás de Nógla.
  • Ailfrid O Broin.
  • Tomás O Conaill.
  • Aodh O Cúlacháin.
  • Liam O Daimhín.
  • Tadhg O Donnabháin.
  • Eamon O Dubhghaill.
  • Mícheál O Dubhghaill.
  • Donnchadh O Guaire.
  • Mícheál O hIfearnáin.
  • Domhnall O Mocháin.
  • Domhnall O Muirgheasa.
  • Pádraig O hOgáin (Luimneach).
  • Nicholas Wall.

Níl

  • Earnán Altún.
  • Earnán de Blaghd.
  • Thomas Bolger.
  • Séamus Breathnach.
  • Seoirse de Bhulbh.
  • Próinsias Bulfin.
  • Séamus de Burca.
  • Louis J. D'Alton.
  • Máighréad Ní Choileain Bean.
  • Uí Dhrisceoil.
  • Michael Egan.
  • Desmond Fitzgerald.
  • John Good.
  • John Hennigan.
  • Liam Mac Cosgair.
  • Patrick McGilligan.
  • Seoirse Mac Niocaill.
  • Liam Mac Sioghaird.
  • Martin M. Nally.
  • John T. Nolan.
  • Peadar O hAodha.
  • Mícheál O hAonghusa.
  • Seán O Bruadair.
  • Parthalán O Conchubhair.
  • Máirtín O Conalláin.
  • Séamus O Dóláin.
  • Peadar O Dubhghaill.
  • Eamon O Dúgáin.
  • Aindriú O Láimhín.
  • Séamus O Leadáin.
  • Fionán O Loingsigh.
  • Pádraig O hOgáin (Gaillimh).
  • Seán O Raghaillaigh.
  • Máirtín O Rodaigh.
  • Seán O Súilleabháin.
  • Mícheál O Tighearnaigh.
  • Caoimhghín O hUigín.
  • Liam Thrift.
Tellers:—Tá: Deputies Connor Hogan and Wilson. Níl: Deputies Sears and P. Doyle.
Motion declared lost.

I move that the question be now put.

It is too late.

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