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Dáil Éireann debate -
Thursday, 4 Feb 1926

Vol. 14 No. 5

PRIVATE BUSINESS. - COINAGE BILL, 1926.—THIRD STAGE.

The Dáil went into Committee.
Section 1 put and agreed to.
SECTION 2.
Sub-section (1)—The Minister may provide and issue silver, nickel and bronze coins of the several denominations specified in the first column of the Schedule to this Act, and may take such steps for the provision and issue of such coins as he shall think proper.

I move:—

In Sub-section (1), line 15, before the words "The Minister," to insert the words "on and after the first day of January, 1928."

That is to say, to postpone the coming into force of the Bill for a period of a little less than two years. There are a number of reasons for doing so. The first is the fact that this Bill has not been produced in response to an overwhelmingly popular demand. It has sprung out of the brains of the Ministry, urged by no outside consideration, so far as we can judge. In a country where resolutions spring up like weeds and spread more widely than weeds, there has not been, as far as I know, a single resolution demanding a separate and new coinage. I do not think that even the County Cork Farmers' Union, who pass resolutions on every subject under the sun, have passed a resolution demanding a new coinage.

There is no urgent popular demand for this change. As I say, it has been incubated and introduced by Ministers alone, and they have given themselves ample time to consider this matter. They have thought over it for two years, for more than two years. Since the President was Minister for Finance, nearly two and a-half years, the subject has been under consideration. It takes such a long time to make up a great mind, and when the great mind is a collective mind it seems to take longer still. I am only asking that members of the Oireachtas should have the same opportunity as Ministers. The Minister for Finance said himself on Second Reading: "As a matter of fact, this particular proposal was considered very carefully, and all sorts of people were asked for their views in writing on it. People whose views would be valuable, and who have given study to the matter, were asked for their views in writing." Should not Deputies have the same opportunity of careful study, and, if the results of their study suggest it to them, have opportunities of bringing in an Amending Bill? I do not think that is an unfair thing to ask. There are very few people in this country who have knowledge of questions of coinage. I have, in the limited time at my disposal, tried to approach those whom I could discover who could speak with authority on the question. I do not pretend to speak with any authority myself.

I never yet had time to undertake the necessary study—a study of books —on the question, that is really necessary here if we are to approach the subject properly. On the whole question there has been very little argument, very little detailed consideration, and I do think that rushing this into law after it has been considered for two years or more by the Executive Council, and for two months by the Oireachtas, is not the best method of approaching a question of this kind. There are many underlying questions. For instance, we have been told that we are going to get a profit of some £600,000 as a result of the Bill, and that was very naturally welcomed by the Dáil. I think we might study it more carefully, and employ the time I am asking in considering the question of how exactly that £600,000 is going to materialise. We are going apparently to ask the British Government to coin for us shillings containing—this is only an illustration—roughly speaking ninepence worth of silver. Ultimately these coins will be paid for with silver coins withdrawn from circulation here, not immediately but ultimately. Therefore we are going to pay for shillings containing ninepence worth of silver, with shillings containing sixpence worth. That is what the present ratio to the British shilling is. The British Government are going to be obliging enough to say that these shillings which contain 6d. worth of silver contain a full shilling's worth, and take them at their face value. Has any agreement been reached on that subject? I gathered from the President that the British Government has not been approached on this matter. Certainly if they agree to do it they are either the most philanthropic or the most foolish of mankind. The Minister will, I hope, state if he has made any arrangement, and if not, is there any precedent for this? The only one I know is not entirely convincing.

That is one reason. Another reason is that any change of this kind should be undertaken gradually. We should have a little more knowledge about the form of the coin. We do not know whether the nickel coins are to be pierced in the middle. We should have a little more knowledge as to the manner and the date on which it is to be introduced. We should have more knowledge as to the steps that are going to be taken to gather in the other coinage. On all these points we are entitled to ask for a little more delay and more consideration. The mature consideration that the Executive Council gave, and rightly gave, to the matter, should be succeeded by an equally mature consideration on the part of the Dáil and of the Seanad. I therefore beg to move the amendment.

I desire to support the proposal that the coming into operation of this Bill should be postponed. As Deputy Cooper has said, there are numerous reasons that could be offered for such a course. I agree with him in the various reasons that he has already given, but I would like to supplement those by again suggesting what I suggested yesterday by way of question to the Minister for Finance, namely, that when he is setting up, as he has now, a Commission known as the Banking Commission, and when he is giving that Commission what he himself has described as wide terms of reference—and the terms do certainly seem wide—is it not folly for us, to say the least of it, to proceed with a measure of this kind without at least first taking the view of these eminent gentlemen who are to sit on this Commission? The Banking Commission, largely composed as it is of bankers and those interested from the banking point of view, must of necessity, especially owing to the fact that there are also outside experts brought on to that Commission, have an intimate knowledge of coinage. The Minister, in reply to another question I put to him some time ago concerning this Bill, said that he had already consulted banking authorities. Well, I think it is only fair to the Dáil that we should be told who these banking authorities were. He is setting up a Commission composed of banking authorities. Has he consulted members of the Commission, and if he has not, why should he not be satisfied to wait and learn their opinion on this question, which, though it may have been in his mind for the last two years, has certainly not been foremost in the public attention.

As I said previously on another stage of the Bill, there has been no demand for it. No one can point even to a clamour in the Press by way of correspondence in favour of a change in token coinage. There has been a certain amount of discussion on the question of currency, but as for the proposal to change our token coinage and not to disturb the currency, I at any rate, who am a fairly close student— much as I dislike having to do it—of the daily Press, have certainly not found anything of that nature. It is all very well for the Minister and those who support him to say that this leaves entirely untrammelled and untouched, as, strictly speaking, it does, the question of the future currency of the country. Yet I reiterate my own belief that it will certainly be taken in some quarters as an indication that there may be a possibility at some future date, even not too remote, of interfering not only with the token coinage but also with the currency. The immediate effect will be practically infinitesimal. The Minister, I am sure, does not contend that at the moment we pass this Bill we shall be £600,000 better off in the State. It will take a considerable time before that amount can be possibly saved, if that amount can be saved at all. He has stated it is a round sum and we all wish and hope that his forecast may be accurate, but he has given no ground whatever to the Dáil to enable them to see whether he is in any way justified in the conclusion that he has drawn. When these coins are issued it stands to reason that the new coins and the old coins will not circulate together, because the country will not require that amount of money. Either all new coins will not be issued at once, and therefore we will not be able to get our £600,000 within a reasonable space of time into our pockets, or else the present coins will be withdrawn and sent elsewhere. I would also like to press the Minister for a reply to the question as to whether he has made, so far, any arrangements with the British Treasury, or with the Bank of England, or with any concern in England, to take over the existing silver and copper token coinage circulating in this country at its present face value. I think that probably there must be sufficient token coinage in circulation in Great Britain to-day for the needs of that country, and is it likely that we will be in the position of being able to force this surplus amount of coinage which we do not want here upon what seems to be at the moment an unwilling acceptor across the water? The necessity for getting rid of the existing currency, if we are going to issue a new one, is too simple for argument. But where are we going to get rid of it? Who is going to take it? What are we going to get for it? Are we going to have to part with it at a discount, and if so, what is that to be?

The proposal to issue new forms of coin in the shape of nickel ones seems to have emanated from the minds of the Executive Council or perhaps even only from the mind of the Minister himself. Apart from the difficulties and the smallness of the immediate profit, any advantage that can accrue, even on the Minister's own showing, from this new coinage will be far outweighed by the inconvenience resulting from it. The other Dominions have their own coinage. They are not in anything like the same proximity or immediate and constant intercourse with Great Britain as we are. I do not know whether any provision has been made for the circulation of British coins here for any definite period. It is true that until the Minister chooses they are allowed to remain. But what I can see likely to take place will be this: that he will find it difficult to get the existing coinage out of circulation here, and that, just as occurred during the late war when a certain amount of hoarding took place in regard to gold coins, it is very likely that a similar system will be indulged in, in regard to the existing silver and copper ones. People in this country know the value of the present coins. They do not know —they are not experts in coinage—the amount of silver and alloy in these coins. That is not what concerns them. But they know that these coins are good for what they say they are; they do not know what will be the value of the future coins. They may know their face value. But they do know the intrinsic purchasing power of the present coin. I have yet to learn where and from what source and by what means it has been brought to the knowledge of the Executive Council that the people of this country desire to change their coinage. For that reason and for the reasons I have already mentioned, I desire to support Deputy Cooper's proposal to postpone the coming into operation of this measure, if it passes, for two years. I specially want to stress that we have now a Banking Commission composed mainly of outside experts, and one of the first duties of this Commission will be to examine into the existing system of coinage and into the possibility of future changes.

I have to congratulate Deputy Redmond on his Second Reading speech. It covered everything but the amendment. I would like to ask is the amendment in order, seeing that, if it is carried, the effect of it will be to reduce the revenue of the State this year, and no private Deputy has that particular power?

The amendment is in order. It is not against the principle of the Bill. It is only postponing the date.

On a point of order, is it not within a private Deputy's right, always within his right, to move to reduce expenditure, and, if so, is it not also within his right to move an amendment increasing it?

Deputy Cooper is a very well-informed Deputy and I am quite surprised to know where he got the information that the shilling which is going to be coined will contain ninepence worth of silver. That is something that is not within the four corners of this Bill.

I gave that as an illustration.

The Deputy used it as an argument that we are issuing coins which contain ninepence worth of silver as against a coin which contains only sixpence worth. As a matter of fact the British coin is half alloy, and the portion that is not silver may not be worth twopence. The agreement which is entered into with the Mint in London gives him the exact amount which it will cost to get £1,000,000 worth of these coins. These coins will be produced and accounted for to the Minister, and handed to him less insurance expenses. Therefore it is very easy to calculate what the cost is. It is an easy sum in subtraction. If it costs £350,000 to mint coins that are put into circulation to the value of £1,000,000, it is not difficult to calculate that there is a profit of £650,000 made on the transaction. I am sure there will not be any argument on that point.

As regards getting the present coinage out of circulation, we know very well that when the British Government wanted gold it did not take long to put gold out of circulation. If you examine the statistics in regard to exports you will find that a considerable quantity of silver was exported from this country last year; silver was sent away in huge quantities. I contend that there will be no difficulty in sending back the money now in circulation, and Britain has no right to refuse to accept it; Britain has no right to refuse acceptance of its own coin. The coin is British, and they will have to pay for it.

I desire to add my small voice to the remarks made by Deputy Cooper when he was moving the amendment. When Deputy Wilson tried to infer that Deputy Redmond's remarks were out of order on this amendment, I think he merely illustrated the fact that he himself, rather than Deputy Redmond, was out of order, because he went on to discuss a thing that had no connection with the amendment, the cost of the minting of the coin. The amendment seeks a postponement for two years of the putting of the coins into circulation. I claim that is not unreasonable.

With the immediate issue of token coins you are going to have an anomalous position. Your new token coins will be in circulation at the same time as the Treasury note is in circulation. Arguments put forward for the introduction of token coinage must equally apply to the issue of the bank note. The Commission that is about to sit and consider matters relating to banking will, I presume, explore the whole question, and it is quite likely that some recommendation of a general character resulting from that Commission might be prejudiced by the fact that in the meantime the coins indicated in this Bill will be issued.

It has been mentioned, I think, that the movement for the circulation of token coins emanated from the Ministry. I do not think it has been stated that there is any public demand for the coins. Attached to the proposal is the attraction that the State is going to make a considerable sum of money over the change. Owing to various circumstances, public opinion for some time past has been in a very comatose condition, and the general interest that we hope will be taken later on in the proceedings of this House has not, so far, been as much in evidence as one would wish, particularly considering the amount of wisdom that we display on various occasions here. I think it is extraordinary the limited knowledge the general public have of the proceedings of this House.

In a big issue of this kind I hold that the public has a right to get time fully to consider the change in all its aspects. Up to the present I think they have not had time to consider fully, not only this Bill, but many other Bills. On various occasions I endeavoured to indicate in this House that in my opinion the people of the country do not want any drastic changes to take place or to be suddenly thrust upon them. In my judgment the present public demand is that the people should be allowed to find their feet and form opinions on those changes. They do not want to have the Minister or the Ministry throwing bombshells of this kind.

Confetti.

Confetti? Whether they throw confetti or bombshells, it is beyond the power of the people to absorb them. I claim that this is a wise amendment. I believe there would not be much loss to the country if we defer the circulation of new coins for two years. This question of token coinage must, of necessity, form part of a very much bigger question. When nearly every Minister in the Executive Council has some Commission or other sitting to examine or explore, and incidentally to inform the public on various things, I believe the time is not opportune to press a change of this far-reaching nature on the country without due consideration. I have much pleasure in supporting Deputy Cooper's amendment.

I have thought a good deal about the present alleged agitation for economy and saving on public expenditure and I wondered what there was behind it—whether there was any reality in it. I am convinced that, so far as Deputy Hewat and Deputy Cooper can speak, it is really an empty demand. There is no real purpose or intention in the minds of people asking for a saving in expenditure and the better equipment financially of the State by any legitimate means. Here is a proposition which the Minister, speaking with all the authority of his office, says will mean a saving to the value of £600,000 or £700,000 in some period of time. I do not know whether Deputies doubt the authenticity of this estimate, whether they deny it or have any other estimate of the saving to the State of this token coinage. But if they admit there will be any saving at all, why do they want to put it off for two years? That I do not understand, if there is any genuineness in their claim for lowering of taxation or economy in expenditure.

I am bound to agree with one or two things that Deputy Hewat said. I think it is true that public opinion is generally in a comatose state and I think it is to be deplored. Possibly, the introduction of a new coinage will help to arouse public opinion. It might be cheap even if it were to entail all the evil consequences Deputies Hewat and Cooper seem to think. Another item of the Deputy's speech with which I am inclined to agree is that the arguments used in favour of this token coinage are equally powerful and strong in respect to the arguments as to bank notes. I am in agreement with that, but public opinion imagines it is something very different. I believe there is no difference in essence between the issue of bank notes, without any gold or other real commodity behind them—nothing except a hope and a faith in the future. I believe there is no difference, but, for good or evil, the public think differently. They know well, as far as bronze and silver coins are concerned, that there is not intrinsically the value of one-twentieth of a pound in a shilling. They are not deceived and yet they are prepared to accept token coinage. Because the public believes that and acts accordingly, I can see no harm whatsoever in handing over to that public a shilling containing, honestly, half the intrinsic value or, as in this case, a little more than the intrinsic value of the old shilling. You would have a profit on the new coin. I do not know what the law is regarding the obligation of British banks or the British mint to accept silver or bronze coins. I do not know whether there is an obligation on them at all.

There is an old doctrine that the coin which is baser will drive out the coin that is better in value. I think this Bill, which provides that the Ministry can decide when a particular coin can become, and what issues can become, legal tender, safeguards any possibility that the British coinage will remain and drive out the Irish coinage. I have no doubt whatever the public will prefer the Irish coinage very early after it is introduced, and nothing has been said that appeals to my sense at all in the way of showing there is any danger in the introduction of token coinage. After all, the banking or financial people do not think in terms of token coinage at all, and I can see no more real difference or greater danger in this matter than accrued in respect of the introduction of a new postage stamp or an over-printed postal order. It is exactly the same thing. Why there should be this curious opposition to the saving of any sum up to £600,000. I cannot understand—even though it is saved in any period however long. I cannot account for it except that there is a sentimental fear that if you do not introduce a coinage with the head of King George something is going to happen. It may not be quite consciously realised, but I fear there is no other solid objection to it.

I think Deputy Johnson asked the question whether we agreed with the Minister's estimate of the £600,000. I do not think it would be possible to agree or disagree. There is one thing I do say—that the reserve that will have to be held in proportion to the amount in circulation, so far as the Free State is concerned, will be entirely out of proportion to the amount of reserve in proportion to circulation of general coins such as we are at present using. I think that if you are going to secure that the token coinage of the Free State will be always available, you will have to keep a reserve which will largely discount the £600,000 that the Minister refers to. Then, again, you are running a very much greater danger if you have not got a big reserve. What has often happened before will happen: that is, that certain forms of the coinage will go out of circulation altogether. That is only temporary, because if you have the reserve you can put them into circulation again. For ordinary working purposes, a circulation of token coinage that is serving 40 to 50 millions of people is, according to Deputy Johnson's own idea of centralisation, much more economical and profitable to handle than a separate coinage which is only going to serve the needs of a population of three millions.

Has the Minister knowledge of the extent of the traffic between England and Ireland annually, or during any period, say, five years, in silver or bronze coinage? Is it a fact that we rely upon the reserve in England? The coming and going of traffic might give us an indication whether there is any reliance here on English reserves.

I do not think that the question of reserve arises in connection with token coinage. The banks must hold a certain amount of money, in addition to that which is in circulation among the people. The question of reserve would only come into consideration if there were a great and sudden increase of prosperity and rise of prices, as then you must get more silver from your reserve to put into circulation. In pre-war days the amount of silver that came in was not large and was clearly ascertainable. Since the war there has rather been a tendency to get rid of silver. Great amounts came into the country which were not required, and there has been very little coming recently—about £10,000 or £12,000 a year. I think that Deputy Hewat cannot really have thought out the question of reserve. Where money is wanted in large sums no form of token money is required with a limited circulation, and there need be no reserve, or practically none, in the hands of the Government at all, and so the question of profit is not affected by that question. There is no doubt what the profit will be. We have had estimates based on the present prices of metal, and, unless there is some sharp variation in prices before the coins are minted, there is no doubt that we will have a profit of about £642,000. We have not entered into any negotiations with the British Government as to their taking back the coins here. When we have this law passed we can do that. There are arguments which, I think, it would be impossible for the British Government to resist in favour of their taking back the coins now in issue in the Free State in view of the division of functional powers which has taken place. If they have already taken the coins in the case of one dominion—the amount involved was smaller but the principle was the same—and if they refuse to take back the coins in circulation here at their face value, it would be very like dishonouring a cheque. Assuming, however, that they were to do so, that would not prevent us getting rid of the coin at its face value, but the process might be slower. I think that no one who has gone into the question has suggested that it would not be easy for us to get rid of all the coin here at its face value. If the British Government do not take it over in bulk, it might require some time longer for us to get rid of it. Very big sums have been taken out of the country in the past year.

Are the Irish banks finding it difficult to get rid of surplus silver?

They have had certain difficulty, but they have been able to get rid of very substantial sums, and, if necessary, they could get rid of the whole coinage in circulation in this country after a little time.

Would the Minister say, at the present price of silver, what would be the content value of silver in the proposed shilling coinage —would it be 7d. or 8d.?

On the issue of the shillings, the total cost of the number of shillings which we propose to issue would be £75,450; face value £180,000 —that, of course, is not the value of the silver content, that is the content plus the cost of manufacture. I have not heard any argument in favour of postponing this for two years. The fact that we have taken care not to act with precipitancy is not an argument in favour of postponement, but rather is it otherwise. If there has not been a newspaper demand there has been a popular demand. I have met great numbers of people who were anxious to have our own token coinage. I met them in all sorts of places and amongst all classes. When we say that there is no popular demand we should not forget the historical background of the Free State. There was always a vehement demand which embraced all this and a great deal more.

Would the Minister say that the demand comes from County Monaghan and other places near the Border?

I have heard it in County Monaghan.

There is one thing which I congratulate myself upon and that is, that this amendment has caused Deputy Johnson to break the unnatural silence with which he confronted us since the Recess. He has now dissipated the fear which I had, that he had taken some kind of Trappist vow, but when he break silence on this amendment he cause me to say:—"Quantum mutatus ab illa, Hectore." It is not the Deputy Johnson we used to know. He talks in an awed voice as if he were entering into a cathedral and speaking as a Minister with all the authority of his office. If I believed in possession by spirits I should say that he has been possessed of the spirits of unnatural obedience and subservience, that Deputy Magennis has lately chastened out of himself. Deputy Johnson knows better than to attach any undue importance to the statements of Ministers.

He knows well that Ministers can make mistakes like anybody else, and, to do them justice, they do not pretend that they do not. They are very slow to talk about "speaking with all the authority of my office." Thank heaven for it. I do not like to see Deputy Johnson leading them astray. When the Labour Party comes into office, perhaps after the next election, they will pontificate, and there will be solemn rebukes to people who dare question the authority of their office. I do not question the Minister for Finance. He is always fair and candid, but I think that the Deputies have a right to get more information concerning the basis of his calculation. Deputy Johnson asked whether I was in a position to put forward another estimate of what we would gain. I cannot, and that is the reason for this amendment. It would probably take me eighteen to make the estimate, but if Deputy Johnson votes for and carries this amendment, perhaps in eighteen months' time I could give that estimate. If I collaborated with Deputy Hewat I might do it within twelve months. I want to get a little more information as to the Minister's estimate. To Deputy Wilson I must apologise. I had forgotten the passionate desire for mathematical accuracy which pervades the Farmers' Party.

We are going to ask Britain to coin for us a shilling containing 75 per cent. alloy. We are going to pay them for that with a shilling containing 50 per cent. alloy, and they are going to be obliging enough to pretend that it does not contain any alloy at all. Deputy Wilson says it is all right. I think he visualised the Minister writing a cheque when the thing was done. But you have got to pay for a cheque with something. You have got either to have money or goods behind it. The trouble is that we are not, in our dealings with England, having the same amount of goods behind our currency or our cheques as we had in past years. The Farmers' Party know that, and are suffering for it, and I do not want to make any joke about it. The Minister when he writes a cheque will have to give something in exchange. I gather he contemplates the currency— gradually replacing this currency—and he accepts the position, that because the British Government have done that in the case of one Dominion it will do it in our case. I think I am right in saying that the one Dominion which the Minister refers to is South Africa. Am I right?

If I am correctly informed, the change in the coinage of South Africa took place in the year 1920, eleven years after South Africa received Dominion status. That is another argument in favour of the amendment—that this change is not necessary. Nineteen hundred and twenty was not only the time when the coinage was changed in South Africa, but it was about the time when it was changed in England also, and instead of the coins containing 92 per cent. of silver the British Government substituted coins containing only 50 per cent. of silver. Practically none of this new coinage had got out to South Africa, so that the mint got back nothing but coins containing 92 per cent. of silver, while at the same time they were coining coins containing only 50 per cent. silver. That was obviously a profitable transaction for the British Mint— obviously advantageous.

These conditions do not exist in this case at all. I do not know why the Minister stood out for 75 per cent. of silver in his coinage. He has never given any reason for that. That is another argument for delay. It might be possible to exchange on what you might call a fifty-fifty basis, but to coin a more valuable coin and accept a less valuable coin in exchange, seems to be quixotic. The Minister said that even if the British Government did not agree we could somehow or another replace it in time by dribbling it over the Border. But it would be a long process; it would be a comparatively costly process, and it would not be a very dignified process.

We have opened up new avenues in the subject this afternoon. That in itself is an argument for further consideration and delay. The Minister said that when he has got his law passed he can negotiate with the British Government. I am not quarrelling with his passing the law. Certainly let him pass it and let him have it in reserve. All I suggest is that the law should not come into operation until he has time for these negotiations.

The President was good enough to say on the Second Reading that I was generally reasonable in regard to matters. I am sorry he should think me unreasonable in this. My only consolation is that I often find him unreasonable and that does not affect the respect and admiration I have for him. I hope that feeling may be reciprocated. But I am unreasonable in his eyes on one or two points—the points that touch the daily life of the ordinary man. I do believe that the greatest need of the country and the greatest desire of the majority of people is to get back to normal conditions as soon as possible in the things that touch their everyday ordinary life. They care little for constitutional changes, juridical changes, changes in the law courts, changes, that affect them only once or twice a year. They do not mind outward changes, such as in the colour of the pillar-boxes, but I do think that in things that affect the everyday conduct of life in the home they are anxious to get back to ordinary bread and butter politics and, therefore, I hold that we should be wise to delay making sudden changes such as this.

It seems to me that the discussion of the details of the proposals goes a very considerable way to support the plea for going slowly in this matter. I agree with Deputy Cooper that the Minister has not really substaintiated the case for adopting, for example, the 75 per cent. standard of fineness instead of 50 per cent. To get £180,000 for £75,000 appeals to Deputy Johnson, but I think the prospect of getting £180,000 for £50,000 would appeal to him still more strongly. The Minister simply said in that connection that there had been certain difficulties experienced in respect to the actual coinage where the alloy was 50 per cent. Therefore, he went apparently somewhere about half-way between the previous 92 per cent. and the present 50 per cent., but he gave no indication that any real definite experimental work had been carried out to see what was the best alloy that could be used. If you have very fine silver you will have a coin that will wear fast. If, on the other hand, you have only 50 per cent. of silver, there appears to be some difficulty in striking a good coin, not that any of us object very much to carrying the 50 per cent. coinage in our pockets. Some of us would be very glad if we had it. But, I think it is quite a probability that a very small percentage of change in the amount of alloy will give you a wearable and durable coin and also a coin that will not afford that difficulty with reference to striking that is experienced with the 50 per cent. alloy. The Minister gave us no sort of assurance that any real trials had been made in that respect. That is one point on which I think time is required in order to make sure that when we are doing this we shall do it in as good a way as possible.

I am speaking of details because I am taking it for granted that the principle has been adopted by the passing of the Second Reading, and I have no thought in my mind as to offering this suggestion of delay with the object of spiking the Bill or anything of that kind. Reasonable delay does not mean throwing out the Bill; it means merely seeing that the Bill is carried into effect in the best way possible. There are other things which require investigation, but I will confine myself to speaking of that. If you can make this profit when you are going to put 75 per cent. silver into the coins, and silver costs something like 2s. 9d. an ounce—which is a substantial figure— I think you might very well try to get considerably more profit by putting in less. You will not then be met with the difficulty of asking someone to hand you more than the actual value for the coin you return.

I do not really know what bearing Deputy Thrift's and Deputy Cooper's arguments had on the exchange of coin. I think it was some attempt to deceive or blindfold the Dáil, because it is a question of the British taking back coins which were issued for a certain sterling value. They issue their half-crown as one-eighth of a sovereign and the question of their taking it back has nothing to do with the totally different question of minting certain coins under contract. We are not bound to go to the Royal Mint for our coins. We could get them in the United States Mint. There are also private mints. The question of mintage has absolutely nothing to do with the other question of the British receiving back certain coins which they paid out for a certain face value.

It does affect the price you pay for them.

Not at all.

The amount of silver in the coin.

That has nothing to do with the other separate question. The amount of silver in the coin is a matter on which I stated briefly what our views were. Several countries recently have had silver coins issued of the proportion we proposed, seventy-five per cent. People who have experience of dealing with the mintage of coins recommended that proportion, which would give us a very good-wearing handsome coin. That would be particularly desirable on our first issue of coinage. At some later stage there would be nothing to prevent us issuing new coins with a less proportion of silver if we wanted to do it, and the expense of replacing one coinage by another would not be very considerable at any time if we choose to do it. The cost of mintage would be something like five or six per cent. of the face value. We could do it for one year's interest on the total coinage issue. If it was desired at a later stage to issue coinage containing only fifty per cent. of silver these coins could be issued to replace the coins we now propose to issue. We thought it desirable in all the circumstances, having regard to the unreasonable hesitations and tremors that we have had evidence of here to-day, to issue a coinage that was a good coinage and that would be a creditable and handsome coinage.

The Minister has been very lenient, indeed. The amendment is to insert the words: "On and after the 1st day of January, 1928," and the reasons given are that it is desirable to get more information. Deputy Cooper and Deputy Thrift want more information, and to take the fullest possible advantage of the variations of the markets. The proposal is that the Bill shall pass giving the Minister all the powers to take advantage of the markets and to issue coinage, gather all the information, and submit it to the public if he likes. The Bill is to be passed, giving the Minister power to do these things, but he must not take advantage of the markets before the 1st January, 1928. If silver becomes cheaper before that time, "Nothing doing." He cannot buy it; he cannot enter into this contract. He must wait until the 1st January, 1928. As far as the Bill is concerned, the Minister may do this at any time, even waiting after that time. Really the arguments in favour of this amendment are against the whole system of Irish coinage, nothing else.

Amendment put and negatived.

Question: "That Section 2 stand part of the Bill"— put and agreed to.
Sections 3 to 13, inclusive, ordered to stand part of the Bill.
SCHEDULE.

I move:—

To delete from the Schedule the word "nickel" and all that portion of it referring to "Sixpence" and "Threepence" and substitute a new paragraph as follows:—

The amendment would have the effect of substituting with regard to 6d. and 3d. a formula that would provide for their being made of silver. Even the ingenuity of Deputy Johnson in coming to the rescue of the Minister—an ingenuity which I am sure is due to his chivalry, knowing that there is now no Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Finance, and that therefore the Minister may need expert help —can detect no argument against Irish coinage in this. I accept the principle of Irish coinage, but I say it should not be an Irish nickel coinage, because wherever I have come across nickel coinage it is one of two things—either ugly or inconvenient. If it is, as the French and Belgian coins are, punched in the middle, it is impossible to have any really artistic design on it. If you have a hole punched out of the middle of the coin you get little things crowded in the corners.

The shamrock.

We should have the shamrock on one side and the round tower on the other. On the other hand if you have a nickel coin which is almost the same size as the silver coin, it is very apt to be taken for the silver coin. In this Bill it is provided that the sixpence, which is made of nickel, should be almost the same size as the shilling. It will bear about the same proportion to the shilling as the florin to the half-crown. I think Deputies know that there is a good deal of inconvenience caused by the resemblance of the florin and the half-a-crown. Very often when handing a coin over a counter someone says: "Is that two-and-sixpence or two shilling you gave me?"

You say two-and-sixpence all the time.

I am thankful to Deputy Redmond for counsel's opinion.

(1)

(2)

(3)

(4)

“Sixpence

43.63636

2.82759

75 per cent. fine silver, and 25 per cent. alloy(copper)

One-fortieth.

“Threepence

21.81818

1.41379

One-eightieth.”

I shall do so in the future. Up to the present I am relatively honest. As we all know, that inconvenience exists with regard to these coins. It will exist in a greater degree with regard to these new coins with which people are not familiar. The only argument the Minister put forward in favour of nickel was that it was decided to have a nickel threepenny bit because the present threepenny bit was inconvenient, and that involved having a nickel sixpence. If that is his aim I suggest he might do equally well by abolishing the threepenny bit. That is not the substance of my amendment, but I would be able to accept that as a compromise. We will have these coins and British coins for a time circulating in this country side by side. My experience between silver and nickel coins of about the same size and the same value circulating side by side as in Italy, is that there is an extraordinary amount of confusion. I only speak of my experience as a traveller and tourist. After all, travellers and tourists will be coming here, and there are a great many old-fashioned people who do not like to change their ways. This is not a partisan amendment put forward with any ulterior motive, and I would urge the Minister to accept it or allow a free vote.

I think there is a good deal in the concluding remarks of Deputy Cooper about the abolition of the threepenny bit. There may be advantages in having a threepenny bit, but I do not think the advantages are on the side of the people who have them because they are very apt to get lost. There may be an advantage to the Department of Finance because the Minister admitted the other day that one of the means he has got at his disposal of being able to replace coins in circulation is that some are inevitably lost, especially that small coin known as the threepenny bit. It is an inconvenient coin. It does not represent very much, and three copper pence is not a very incommodious weight to have to carry in one's pocket. I do not think it would cause great inconvenience to any people in any walk of life in this country if the threepenny bit or its substitute were abolished. Strictly speaking, this of course does not come within Deputy Cooper's amendment, but, the matter having been referred to, I took the liberty of doing so also.

Now the suggestion is that the word "nickel" be deleted and that if there is to be a sixpenny and a threepenny bit that they should be silver. I think there is a great deal to be said in support of that. I have seen various forms of nickel coins, from Belgian coins to Chinese ones. They are holy coins in China. You see dragons and holes in the centre of them, but they are distinctly inartistic and in some ways incommodious and very likely to be mistaken for silver coins of similar size. The introduction of nickel is, of course, a novelty, and perhaps for that reason it commends itself especially to the Ministry because they are fond of novelty. Perhaps it may be said on their behalf that because it is a novelty it does not commend itself to those on these benches. However that may be, I do not think it is a novelty that has been demanded or asked for. I do not think there will be any general approval for it. If the threepenny bit were abolished and the sixpenny bit was to be of its present dimensions in silver, I do not think there would really be any necessity for any nickel coins at all.

I desire to support Deputy Cooper and Deputy Redmond as regards the retention of the present silver coins. I think the Minister would be well advised to continue the issue of silver coins as at present. My experience of dealing with silver coinage side by side with nickel coinage is that the silver coinage is preferred by the people. I believe that the silver coin is the neater coin. At any rate it looks very like real money. I know that, having had some experience in regard to the coinage in Canada, where we had the silver ten-cent. piece. Sometimes that coin circulated there with the American dime or ten-cent. piece, which is made of nickel. Although the dime was American, it was current in Canada, and it could be accepted, but it was not generally regarded as a coin that the people liked a great deal. It was an unsightly sort of coin. It turned dark in colour, and was affected to a greater extent than the silver coin by being carried on the person. An argument used in favour of the retention of the present silver sixpence is that the people have got accustomed to it. I think there will be some difficulty in getting the people to take kindly to these new nickel coins. Then there is also the fact that this new nickel threepenny piece will, apparently, be of about the same size as the present silver sixpence.

No, it will be about half way between the present size of the threepenny and the sixpenny pieces.

In any event I think no real advantage is to be gained by the introduction of these new coins. I do not agree with Deputy Cooper or Deputy Redmond as to the abolition of the threepenny bit. I cannot see any disadvantage in its present size, and I do not see why it should not be retained. There may be a slight disadvantage in the fact that it is liable to get lost sometimes. Even if it does it is not a coin of very great value. In my opinion the introduction of these new nickel coins will be a great disadvantage, and I think it would be far more acceptable to the people if the present silver sixpenny piece and threepenny piece were retained. Their retention would have this additional advantage, that they would be similar to the coins in use in England, and travellers coming here would have no difficulty in distinguishing them. In an earlier portion of the debate Deputy Johnson made a remark with regard to inferior coins displacing the good ones. I think Deputy Johnson's information in that regard was hardly right. My own opinion is that when you are dealing with token coins it makes no difference. It is only when you are dealing with actual currency, where the good coin could be taken out of circulation and melted down and where the actual metal value of the good coin is greater than the metal value of the inferior coin that danger might arise in that way. That is the only case, I think, in which the inferior coin would displace the good coin.

I do not want to argue this on any matter of principle. The reason why the change was suggested is simply this: We found that there was a great deal of objection to the threepenny bit as it at present exists. It is a coin easily lost and rather difficult to pick up again. It is difficult to find in the recesses of one's pocket. It is generally regarded as not being a very good sort of coin. On the other hand it was felt that to have no coin smaller than the sixpence, nothing between the penny and the sixpence, was hardly desirable. That might mean, in many cases, carrying more coppers than people would like to carry. You have, of course, to have regard to the fact that the present purchasing value of a penny is small, so that if you had a convenient coin in place of the present threepenny bit it might have a good deal of circulation and be carried a good deal. We want now to increase the size of the threepenny bit, but we could not increase that without increasing the size of the sixpence. Otherwise there would be a liability to confusion. If the threepenny piece and sixpenny piece were increased in size and were still made of silver it would have meant that the cost of making that change in size would have run somewhere near £100,000. That would have been a very considerable sum. I have not been able to get an exact calculation of the cost just at the moment, but at any rate it would have been a very considerable sum. On the other hand, by making them of nickel there was an actual saving of about £35,000 as compared with what the cost would be under Deputy Cooper's amendment. That is to say, to make them of the old size and of the same amount of silver would cost about £35,000 more than by making the coins to the new size and of nickel.

It is felt that nickel is a good deal used in many countries for coinage. It is not an unpleasant metal in any way. Quite a nice coin can be made of it. and in all the circumstances it was thought that we would have a more convenient coin for the people if we increased the size of the threepenny bit somewhat and increased the size of the sixpenny bit a little further, so as to prevent confusion, and so that there would be no possibility at all of mistakes being made. In some countries you have nickel coins of almost the same size as certain silver coins, so that unless one looks carefully at them confusion is likely to take place. Here the size would be big enough to prevent confusion arising. There would be not only a difference in size but in colour, feel and design. The intention is to make the nickel coin with plain edges instead of milled edges so that even in the dark people handling the coins would not be liable to confusion. It is not a thing that I want to regard as a vital principle in the Bill or anything like that. I submit to the Dáil that we will have, on the whole, a suitable coinage if we adopt these new sizes. We will get rid of a coin that is of a very inconvenient size, and will substitute for it a coin that can be more easily handled. and that will cause no confusion. There will be no risk of mistake with it, and there will also be the extra gain to the State of about £35,000.

Would the Minister, in connection with this matter, not consider the question of perforating the token coinage—the threepence and the sixpence? I do not care what you do in the way of size; there is bound to be confusion, and the obvious way for a man to satisfy himself whether he is taking a silver coin or a token coin out of his pocket, in the dark, is to have the token coin perforated. That would enable the Minister also to increase the size and to make a better coin than is proposed now.

I would like to support Deputy Cooper's amendment. I am rather surprised at the attitude taken up by the Minister with regard to this matter. He stated, on the one hand, when he spoke of silver coinage, that he had no hesitation in adding 25 per cent. of silver to the larger silver coin. He might have saved, if he had adopted 50 per cent., something like £200,000. Now he makes a point that he is doing away with the silver coins in these smaller issues because he is going to make a saving of £35,000. If he wanted to save money, there is no reason why he should not have saved £200,000 in the other case. I do not think that the Minister made a good case for the issue of nickel. Anyone who has travelled abroad has a great objection to nickel coins; I object to them very much. I also object to the threepenny piece. I am one of those people who, for one reason or another, am constantly finding holes in my pockets and threepenny pieces are constantly vanishing through them. Consequently I regard threepenny pieces with the greatest aversion.

If the Minister gives a guarantee that there will be no confusion as the result of the adoption of nickel coinage, even in the mind of a cattle-drover coming from a fair in the dark on a wet night, and that he will not confuse the silver coin with the nickel, then frankly I do not believe it, or else I myself must be very inferior to the average person. I have always found the use of nickel, side by side with silver, confusing. Deputy Sir James Craig has disposed of the argument the Minister used as regards the plea of cost. If the Minister wished to continue the silver coin he could have done so by adjusting his percentage of alloy to a certain extent without any additional cost. It is hard to weigh and balance the argument with regard to the cost suddenly produced at the last moment. We have no information as to the cost of the manufacture of those coins, or no information as to the estimate that may be in the Minister's possession. I cannot properly weigh and balance the arguments with regard to cost, but I am sure that if the Minister wanted to get over it he could. In my opinion, the desire to introduce these nickel coins is one more instance of change for the sake of change, and for the sake of doing something new. I do not see how we shall derive any advantage from this change, either economically, spiritually, or otherwise, and therefore I must press my amendment.

Would the Minister consider the advisability of leaving this amendment to an open vote of the House? I think it would be an excellent means of finding out what the general feeling existing in the country with regard to this matter is. I am sure the Minister does not want to force us to accept something that the people do not want to accept.

I will not resign if I am defeated on it.

Question put.
The Committee divided: Tá, 10; Níl, 46.

  • Earnán Altún.
  • John J. Cole.
  • Bryan R. Cooper.
  • Sir James Craig.
  • John Good.
  • William Hewat.
  • Séamus Mac Cosgair.
  • Ailfrid O Broin.
  • William A. Redmond.
  • Liam Thrift.

Níl

  • Earnán de Blaghd.
  • Séamus Breathnach.
  • Seán Buitléir.
  • Seoirse de Bhulbh.
  • Próinsias Bulfin.
  • Séamus de Burca.
  • Louis J. D'Alton.
  • Máighréad Ní Choileain Bean
  • Uí Dhrisceóil.
  • Michael Egan.
  • David Hall.
  • Thomas Hennessy.
  • John Hennigan.
  • Patrick Leonard.
  • Donnchadh Mac Con Uladh.
  • Liam Mac Cosgair.
  • Tomás Mac Eoin.
  • Pádraig Mac Fhlannchadha.
  • Patrick McGilligan.
  • Eoin Mac Néill.
  • Seoirse Mac Niocaill.
  • Liam Mac Sioghaird.
  • Liam Mag Aonghusa.
  • Pádraig Mag Ualghairg.
  • Martin M. Nally.
  • Peadar O hAodha.
  • Mícheál O hAonghusa.
  • Seán O Bruadair.
  • Tomás O Conaill.
  • Parthalán O Conchubhair.
  • Conchubhar O Conghaile.
  • Aodh O Cúlacháin.
  • Eoghan O Dochartaigh.
  • Séamus O Dóláin.
  • Eamon O Dubhghaill.
  • Peadar O Dubhghaill.
  • Eamon O Dúgám.
  • Aindriú O Láimhín.
  • Fionán O Loingsigh.
  • Risteárd O Maolchatha.
  • Tadhg O Murchadha.
  • Séamus O Murchadha.
  • Máirtín O Rodaigh.
  • Seán O Súilleabháin.
  • Andrew O'Shaughnessy.
  • Mícheál O Tighearnaigh.
  • Caoimhghín O hUigín.
Tellers:—Tá: Major Cooper and Sir James Craig. Níl: Mr. Dolan and Mr. P. Doyle.
Amendment declared lost.
Schedule and Title put and agreed to.
The Dáil went out of Committee.
Bill reported without amendment.
Fourth Stage ordered for Wednesday, 10th February, 1926.
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