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Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 8 Dec 1926

Vol. 17 No. 8

DEBATE ON THE ADJOURNMENT. - ULTIMATE FINANCIAL SETTLEMENT BETWEEN THE BRITISH AND SAORSTAT GOVERNMENTS.

I think it might be best that I should make a general statement with reference to the Ultimate Financial Settlement on which Deputy Magennis spoke. Deputies are aware that since the setting up of the Free State the land annuities have been paid over to the British Government to meet the interest and sinking fund, on the land stock that was issued in respect of lands from which these annuities were payable. A difference of opinion arose between the British Government and ourselves in regard to the income on the interest portion of these annuities. We withheld portion of the annuities against our claim for income tax. We were not entitled, of course, to all the income tax on those annuities. We were entitled, in our own view, to the income tax on the whole of some of them, and to half the income tax on the remaining portion. However, a diametrically opposite view was taken by the British Government, which held that as the practice of deducting income tax at the source in respect of these lands had ceased long before the setting up of the Free State no change should have been made, and that the annuities should be paid over to the appropriate fund in full. While that particular discussion was going on there was going on at the same time a discussion in regard to the problem of double income tax, and we were able to reach an agreement on that problem.

That agreement solved the problem of the income tax on the interest portion of land annuities, because as the land annuities went out of the country they were no longer liable to our tax. On the other hand, the new arrangement in regard to double income tax left our Exchequer as well off as it was before. Deputies may have noticed that while I said in my Budget speech that the new arrangement in regard to income tax would leave our Exchequer in approximately the same position as it was before, the Chancellor of the Exchequer said, I think, that the British Government would lose between £200,000 and £300,000 per annum. I will not go in detail into the discrepancy between these two statements. In some respects that discrepancy arose from non-agreement as to the actual effect of the agreement. In the main the discrepancy arose owing to the fact that we regarded ourselves as entitled to the income tax on those land annuities, and the British Government regarded themselves also as being entitled to it, so that while we held ourselves no better off, the British, because they were in a position that was no better than if they had waived their claim to income tax, regarded themselves as having lost a considerable sum. Apart from any question as between the Exchequers, this new arrangement in regard to double income tax was a substantial benefit to a very considerable number of taxpayers, small taxpayers in the Free State, who, under the old arrangement, were not able to get full relief. These were shareholders in companies like Guinness's and the National Bank. Shareholders who were not exempt were all right, but shareholders who were exempt were not able to obtain repayment of the Saorstát tax.

A substantial sum, perhaps £30,000 or £40,000 per annum, actually went into the pockets of Saorstát taxpayers as a result of the arrangement about double income tax. That arrangement had certain other advantages for us besides leaving the Exchequer as well off as before, as well off as it would have been had we without dispute got income tax on the interest portion of the land annuities. It did benefit to a substantial extent a considerable number of Saorstát taxpayers, and, moreover, it did away with a great many sources of annoyance and a great deal of inconvenience to taxpayers, and it meant that after it had been put into operation the administrative cost would be lessened. In view of all that, we felt that it was fair to waive the claim which we had made in regard to income tax on land annuities for the years that had passed, and to pay over to the British Government the sum of £550,000 which we had withheld. As I have already indicated, we held that against our claim. It was a larger sum than I think we would have been entitled to even if our claim had been accepted by any arbitrator as correct. There was a margin for safety.

That covers the first four items under the heads of the Ultimate Financial Settlement. The vital clause so far as we were concerned was the clause providing for the settlement of the double income tax problem on the residence basis. As a matter of fact, this particular agreement could have been entered into long before if we had been able to see that the settlement under the residence basis would have been satisfactory to us. Even at the date of the signature of this agreement all points had not been worked out by the two revenue departments, and it was with some doubt that we were actually able to sign that particular agreement. However, the figures were available shortly afterwards, and the matter was completed satisfactorily. With regard to Article 5 of the heads of working arrangements, this wa s regarded by us as a very satisfactory settlement of the Local Loans Fund question.

Heretofore we had been paying to the British Exchequer the amount actually collected annually in repayment of loans made in this country out of the Local Loans Fund. We felt that that was not a satisfactory position, that the Local Loans Fund had borrowed money at rates of interest very considerably less than money is now worth, and that, consequently, money repaid from here would be re-employed by the British Government on a very profitable basis. The arrangement will ultimately give us a sum that will be very substantial. The amount outstanding in respect of local loans at present is about £10,350,000.

The present value at 5 per cent. of an annuity of £600,000 per annum for twenty years would be seven and a quarter million pounds, but, of course, the present value of our gain on the new arrangement is nothing like £3,000,000, because some of the sums which we will receive will not come in for a very long time. The amount that we collect during the present year will be about £686,000, and it will continue for the first twelve years or so to be over £600,000 per annum, perhaps for the first fifteen years. Thereafter, until the end of the twenty years' period it will be less than £600,000 per annum, but at the end of the twenty years' period our payments will cease. On the other hand, money will continue to come into our Exchequer up to the year 2000—that is, some of the loans will not be repaid until the year 2000. But for ten years after the twenty years' period substantial sums will be coming in.

Since the separation of functions a certain amount of discussion has gone on in regard to British Government property which was handed over. This does not apply to the property of the ordinary civil departments, but rather to the War Department's property and lands, Admiralty property, property held by the Disposals and Liquidation Commission, and Royal Irish Constabulary property. The property in question in this particular clause had been estimated by the British as being worth £5,000,000 odd, but, of course, it was not property for which, if they had decided, instead of transferring to us, to sell to private individuals and take cash, anything at all approaching that amount could have been obtained. Against the British claim that they were not bound to transfer it to us, but to sell to us or sell it otherwise, we had urged that we were entitled to the greater part of it. In this agreement the British handed it over finally without making any claim for payment.

In connection with Article 7, the Compensation (Ireland) Commission gave awards in favour of the British Government, amounting in all to, I think, £490,000. Of that, £130,000 was subject to reinstatement conditions, and, I think, could never have been claimed by the British Government, because, of course, they would not have reinstated, except in certain cases where landlords or others might have a right to compel them to reinstate. But ordinarily they never would have reinstated, and a great portion of that would never have been drawn by them. There remains £360,000. We claimed that in respect of some of the property covered we had a claim to transfer. The amount of that property to which we could have established a claim to transfer was not considerable. One of the very big items in the £490,000 was the property destroyed in the Shell Factory fire, cars burnt, which were, of course, War Office cars, and which would, if they had not been burnt, have been transferred to England at the end of the hostilities. So that I do not think that of the £360,000 remaining we could have established a claim to a transfer of any very considerable amount. Undoubtedly, if the claims had been examined and threshed out item by item we would have had to pay a sum substantially in excess of £275,000.

After the setting up of the Free State the question of the payment to the railways of the second moiety of the sums that were due under the Irish Railways (Settlement of Claims) Act, of 1921 arose. The position, of course, was at that time that the railways needed the money urgently, and the British had a very strong case for declining to pay, because, in general, the financial relations between the Governments had been arranged on the basis of the clean cut, and their claim was that they had no liability to pay, that they were out of the country, and that whatever was due to the railways should be paid by us. At that time we were not actually in a position to pay, and we also urged that the losses and liabilities of the railways arose out of the European War, and that they should pay. The result of the discussion was that, subject to the matter being raised at the ultimate financial settlement— which, of course, at that time it was thought would include the whole question of Article V., and so forth—the British paid over to the Saorstát railways on the 15th January, 1923, the sum of £1,085,721. The matter was, as appears in this paper, raised at the financial settlement, and was disposed of, as Deputies see, by Section 8.

A certain amount of discussion went on between the two Governments in regard to the portion of the Unemployment Fund deficit, attributable to the Irish Free State. The general arrangement in regard to Government funds was, that they were divided on some equitable basis. If the Unemployment Fund had money to credit, that would have been divided, and we would have got our share. As the Fund was in debt, we, at a certain stage of the negotiations, claimed that the new Irish Fund had a debt to the Exchequer to be calculated with reference to the number of unemployed and the funds that have been drawn. We claimed that that was due to the Irish Exchequer. That was, I think, an ingenious argument, but it was not one that we really could sustain, because it meant that the division of these separate funds was to be conducted on the basis of "Heads I win, and tails you lose"; it meant that if the Fund had something to credit we would get a share of it, but if it was in debt the British Government paid. The actual amount of the deficit of the Fund had been borrowed from the National Debt Commissioners. Of course the money had to go back to them, and if we did not pay it meant that British workmen would pay for the sums that Irish Free State workmen had received. So that I think that, although this is a matter which was in dispute for a considerable time, the equities were not with us, and there was no alternative for us but to abandon it.

Article 10 of the heads of working arrangements is really consequential on the agreement of December last year. We escaped under that agreement the liability for British war debt, and consequently we could not continue to claim any share of the reparations or any share of the repayment of inter-Allied debts. The Contingency Fund is practically a Reserve or Suspense Account of the Consolidated Fund of Great Britain to provide for unforeseen expenditure in advance of Parliamentary sanction. It is consequently different from funds like the Development or Road Fund, and others which had to be divided, but the fact that we did not receive a share involved no expenditure on our part. As Deputies may have noted in the annual estimates —I am referring now to Section 11— on page 73 there is a note with reference to the pensions of the Royal Irish Constabulary. It states: "It has been agreed provisionally that Saorstát Eireann will pay 75 per cent. of the above pensions without prejudice to the ultimate financial settlement." That 75 per cent. was fixed after a consideration of the distribution of the Royal Irish Constabulary during the preceding twenty years. The proportion of the Royal Irish Constabulary assigned to the Free State area varied from 78.59 per cent. to 73.99 per cent., but over the 20 years the average was 75 per cent. From time to time various other bases for the division of the pensions charge were discussed. These were: the rateable value of the property requiring police protection in the Saorstát and in the Northern Ireland area, the statistics of indictable offences and the population of the areas, but we came to the conclusion that the division based on the distribution of the force over a period of twenty years was a fair division, and consequently the provisional agreement to pay 75 per cent. was confirmed in this ultimate financial settlement.

With regard to Article 12, certain matters were, during previous discussions left open for consideration at the ultimate financial settlement, or it was arranged that they should be then taken into account. The principal of these was a sum of £180,000 which had been lent to the Dublin South Eastern Railway Company by the British Government. It is a matter on which there was some doubt as to whether they were entitled to claim it or whether, under the general arrangement, it passed over to us and that was deferred to the ultimate financial settlement. By Clause 12 of the Articles, the British Government abandoned their claim for that sum of £180,000.

Is that now due to the Free State Government?

Yes. There are very disputed amounts I am now about to mention. There was a claim by the British Government for £479,325 4s. 6d. for munitions supplied to the Provisional Government, and, in the very early days, to the Government of the Saorstát. There was a further claim of £28,996 8s. in respect of military stores supplied to the Government of the Saorstát. The larger amount was in respect of munitions supplied in the very early days of the Civil War, and it was to be dealt with as part of the ultimate financial settlement, but we have always disputed the amount. Things were done in a rough and ready way at the time, and any stores were handed over, any sort of ammunition and weapons that were available. We always claimed that a great quantity of this stuff was unserviceable and should not be paid for. Prior to the signing of the document which I am now discussing the British had, I think, reduced their claim to about £250,000. We were still of opinion that £250,000 was excessive, having regard to the value of the stuff, but it is perhaps correct to say that Clause 12 of the Agreement gives us, say, £200,000.

The £180,000 to which I have referred was a matter about which there was a difference of legal opinion and was an extremely doubtful matter, but in respect of the munitions, if it had not been lumped in this general settlement which we are now discussing, we would certainly have had to pay some sum. It might have been difficult to arrive ultimately at a figure. Perhaps a figure would have to be arrived at by arbitration and we would have to pay some sum like £200,000. I regard this whole settlement as one in which we were very fairly and very reasonably met by the British Government.

It disposed of a series of questions which might have been a cause of friction between the two Governments and a number of questions that required to be settled. I regard the whole arrangement as one very advantageous to the Free State and one in the making of which we were met in the very fairest possible way by the British Government.

Would the Minister be good enough to return to Article 6 and to give an explanation of this paragraph: "Provided that (a) this paragraph shall not be held to affect the position in regard to the Kilmainham Hospital, the Royal Hibernian School and the Tully Stud Farm." May I ask him what is the position with regard to the Royal Hospital and the Hibernian School and the Tully Stud Farm?

These particular places are held by bodies of trustees under charters, and, as a matter of fact, it is doubtful whether any question arises for settlement between the two Governments in regard to them, although there has been discussion. So far as the Tully Farm is concerned, it is a question which we have not been in a position to discuss yet in any full way. The meaning of that paragraph is that it is simply left over. The foot-note explains sub-section (b).

I think that when the public, outside the twenty odd members who have heard the explanation of the Minister, come to be aware of the position they will be very seriously alarmed. The citizens of the Free State were lulled into a false security—some of them at any rate— by the repeated declarations, not alone of the Minister who has spoken, but more particularly of the President of the Executive Council.

Would you cite these, if you please?

Not yet. I will in my own time.

The Deputy has drawn attention to statements made by me; I ask him to cite them.

Very good. I have here volume 13 of the Official Report. I should say, as a matter of passing interest, that I do this, and interrupt my comment, merely out of courtesy. On previous occasions the President refused to allow me to interrupt him. He chose to regard it as an indignity. I do not intend to imitate him. I will not follow him in any item of behaviour in this House, and, therefore, I depart from my criticism to read what he requires. I start with the first one, which I quoted yesterday. It is column 1312. If I read these passages, the President will be the first to complain of the length of my speech. I apologise to the House for giving them these passages again. It was quite bad enough that we had them in their original utterance.

"There is nothing so detrimental to financial prosperity as impending unascertained liabilities. It is essential for conditions of ordered finance that we should know the amount of our debt for good or for ill. This question of our liability was, I am bound to say, approached by the representatives of the British Government with a friendliness of feeling and the broad outlook of real statesmanship. They were not out to haggle over petty details or minor considerations."

The "consequences," I take it, were included in "minor considerations."

Read what is there and leave out your "consequences."

I will not be ordered by the President in any item.

Keep to the letter of my statement.

I am perfectly entitled to make any comment I please in this House upon even such a sacrosanct individual as the President or any member of his Ministry.

"They were not out to haggle over petty details or minor considerations. They were prepared to take the bold course and to make a generous contribution towards cementing the good relations which had grown up between the two countries since the signing of the Treaty."

One of the evidences of that good fellowship was that we were told by insinuation that they would pour troops across the Border to enforce the Feetham award.

That is not in the speech.

I ask you, sir, to protect me against the persistent interruptions of the most disorderly member of this Chamber.

I am asking the Deputy to read my statement without any interjections of his own. He has made interjections of his own.

We want the truth, and not the Deputy's interpretation of it.

If you want the truth it will not be found in any quotation from the President's speeches. He wants the version of the speech he delivered, but I cannot guarantee that that was a delivery of the truth in the presence of the White Paper.

The Deputy is too dense to understand it.

The Deputy is not within his right in saying that the President stated an untruth.

Did I say his statement was not true? I refused to guarantee its truth—a very different thing. Now, in column 1308 we have this very significant passage from the President. It will excite his ire that I have to explain that this passage follows upon the statement that he did not know the exact amount of Ireland's counterclaim. He said:

"I would hesitate to make any forecast as to the amount of what our ascertained liability would be if our case and the case of the British Government had been laid before an arbitrator in cold figures—an arbitrator who was bound to interpret those figures and those claims in the strict and rigid atmosphere of international finance. Suffice it to say that others who have entered into the realm of prophecy on this subject have arrived at figures varying from an annual payment of £5,000,000 to a claim for an annual tribute of £19,000,000.

"Mr. Baxter: What are the President's own figures? What are the figures of the Executive Council? That is what we want to get at.

"The President: I have not got any. We wiped them out.

"Mr. Baxter: Could the President tell us what were the figures?

"The President: As I say, we wiped them out.

"Mr. Gorey: Perhaps the President would tell us what were the figures in his mind when he was signing the document?

"The President: I do not quite understand the Deputy's question.

"Mr. Gorey: What were the figures in the President's mind when he was signing the documents in London? There is no use in talking about any propaganda that was going on outside.

"The President: I had only one figure in my mind and that was a huge nought. That was the figure I strove to get and I got it."

Now, with regard to one of these items, Item 10, it will be still in the recollection of the 20 odd members in the House who heard the statement that that was declared to be consequential upon the Pact.

Article 10 in the White Paper. The Minister for Finance said it was consequential on the Pact. Does the President dispute that? Where is the big nought? Where is the "huge nought" the President assured the people of this country he had secured?

Article 5.

Were not the public duped?

They were led to believe that the President was right in stating that he had got a big nought.

Certainly.

Yet we find here that there are consequentials which amount to millions—I do not know how many millions.

What items are there in the document the Deputy has which come under Public Debt and War Pensions?

I am using the words of the Minister for Finance. They are good enough for me—that the items here are consequential on the London Pact.

Perhaps the Deputy is misrepresenting me, because it is a misrepresentation to talk about Article 10 as he has talked about it. Article 10 is simply an agreement on our part to make no claim in respect of certain British assets.

Exactly! It is an agreement to remit.

resumed the Chair.

To remit the payment of a huge share which rightfully is ours. Now, I would invite you to notice the date of this document— 19th March, 1926. Why was not that communicated to this House before November? Is it not a strange coincidence that the moment chosen for this revelation was the moment at which we were being congratulated on our enhanced status within the Empire, when a new atmosphere of friendship and brotherhood had been created, according to the President's gushful pronouncements on the matter. It is either susceptible of explanation or it is a curious instance of remissness on the part of the Executive Council, that that Ultimate Financial Settlement, arrived at so far back as March, is only revealed to members of the Oireachtas in November. It appears from this precious document that Ireland is the debtor nation when, as between the two States —Great Britain and ourselves—there was a popular delusion, in which the President used to share or professed to share, to the effect that the debt was due to us. As far back as 1896 there was a Childers Commission, composed largely of English politicians, and it found in favour of our claim of over-taxation.

In the debate on this Pact and the cancellation of Article 5, I quoted a statement of Lord MacDonnell, better known as Sir Anthony MacDonnell, who computed that the total tribute exacted from Ireland—that, of course, included the Six Counties—down to the last pre-war year was £326,308,000, over and above the expenditure on so-called Irish services. He exclaimed over those figures—"They represent an empire's ransom." Yet it appears that it is we who have been the debtors all along. Item I. in this document says: "The Government of the Irish Free State undertake to pay..." Lower down: "The Irish Free State Government agree to discharge..." There are seven of these Agreements by the Free State Government to pay or to repay or to remit payment. Seven of them! I thought as I read the document that when I would come to the end I would find: "The British Government agree to pay for the ports retained as naval bases so many hundred millions." But there is not an iota about that. What I referred to in that debate as "the distribution of the pirate's loot," has now been made. It appears now in the distribution that all the wealth and all the resources that were accumulated during the period of union of the Free State territory with that of Great Britain—that all that, or so much of it as we know about, belongs to Great Britain. Take the German reparation taxes that are payable. Under No. 10, "The Irish Free State Government agree to make no claim in respect of any of the assets of the Consolidated Fund of the United Kingdom, including inter alia the Civil Contingency Fund and receipts on account of reparations and inter-allied debts." Our land was confiscated, sold and re-sold to settlers; huge rentals were exacted from the peasantry, and spent abroad. Our trade was ruined. We have never, as President Kruger, did, put in a claim for reparation on these matters. No. England is the righteous nation in these relations. We are the debtors. "The Government of the Irish Free State undertakes to pay to the British Government, at agreed intervals, the full amount of the annuities accruing due from time to time under the Irish Land Acts, 1891-1909, without any deduction whatsoever, whether on account of income tax or otherwise.""Without any deduction whatsoever"—not even a deduction for the cost of collection. Why should the Government of the Irish Free State undertake any such obligation? Mr. Baldwin, in a recent speech, said that "Ireland exports a higher proportion of her income than any other country in the world." For that quotation I am indebted to an article in the "Review of Reviews" by Senator Colonel Moore. Included in that exportation of our income is this tribute—for "tribute" is the proper word—amounting to between two and a-half and three million pounds. Those Land Acts that are referred to in the White Paper from 1891 to 1909 were made in settlement of the land disputes that arose because of the assertion of the Irish people that the land was theirs.

It was admitted by Gladstone, who was the first in 1871 to frame the Land Act that revolutionised the whole attitude of the British Liberal Government to the Irish land question, and he recognised that that was the claim, that that was the positive and unshakeable decision of the Irish people in regard to land tenure. Now, these moneys that are paid in the form of land annuities, what are they but the redemption of Irish land from foreigners, because in so far as the money goes out of the Free State Government it is going to people who refuse to remain in citizenship here. There are some landlords, to their credit be it remembered, who remain citizens here. When the President went with that big nought in his mind, that he was so bent on securing as the residue when the balance of our claim and that of Great Britain had been struck, why was he not mindful of the land annuities. Did not the national equity require, when once it became a question of a settlement of financial relations between Great Britain and Ireland, that the land charges should be one of the very first considerations. The President was so bent on cementing friendship, as he called it, so bent on disseminating this atmosphere of good comradeship and fine fellowship, that all that escaped him that would have been very much present in the consciousness of an ordinary Irishman.

Why did you not mention it last year?

These are the diplomats who, as the President claims, exercised in London on this matter all the statesmanship that they possessed.

It took you twelve months.

We never had the White Paper until now.

You had Colonel Moore.

Why does the President indulge in the habit of jeering when facts are presented to confute him? Never, until now, had we a clear statement in black and white as to how the Government regarded this question in relation to Great Britain's financial claims. Now I am jeered at because I deal with it when it becomes an actuality. That is so like the methods of the President.

My recollection is, Sir—

I refuse to be interrupted.

The payment of land annuities was discussed twice already, once by Deputy Wilson and once by Deputy Hogan.

I refuse to be interrupted. Any Irishman with the red blood of Irish nationality in his veins knows that next to the national claim, the claim with regard to the land, was predominant. Yet it was forgotten in this settlement. Petty questions of law were allowed to put it aside, and now, under what is supposed to be an ultimate financial settlement, the Free State finds itself charged with the perpetuation of this annual tribute. Not only that, but under Article 2, which is retrospective, the Free State citizen is obliged to look on and see a sum of more than half a million of money repaid to the British Treasury, the amount hiterto withheld in respect of income tax. The Minister for Finance has given a most unsatisfactory explanation of that, so far as I could take it down at all. It is all a matter of what we feel. "We regard ourselves as entitled to income tax," he said, but he did not get it. "We regard ourselves as entitled to it." Why did not he regard himself as entitled to a complete cancellation of land purchase annuities? Only a few days ago the President defended the Executive against the charge of over-taxation and over-expenditure, claiming that if he reduced expenditure he would cut off necessary services. Here, before him, is a source of income to our Treasury to the extent of from two-and-a-half to three millions a year, but he never thought of that—truculent almost to the limit of ferocity in dealing with his own country; mild and obsequious in dealing with the enemy. That is the President's procedure.

I never abandoned my people, anyway; that is what you did.

I am willing to be interrupted to hear that extraordinary remark explained. Shall I go on, sir?

The President has better sense now after a pause.

You are a long way from your base.

Yes, I am a long way from my base, thanks to the President and his colleagues. The President made that remark before when I spoke of myself as an Ulsterman. Who put Ulster out of Ireland politically? No wonder I am, politically, a long way from my base, and I resent it. The Minister for Finance regarded ourselves as entitled to income tax. Was that all we were entitled to? Surely any Irishman would contend that we were entitled to the cancellation, not of the income tax, but of the payment of the annuities. Article 5 is declared by the Minister for Finance to be very satisfactory. By some sort of juggling with figures he found it satisfactory, but what I find satisfactory in it is the revelation he made in trying to show it to me to be satisfactory. He calculated that the amount outstanding at present in respect of the Local Loans Fund is about £10,350,000. Where is the President's big nought? Why were the public left to believe that we started with a clear financial sheet, having still a substantial loss?

Article 5 mentioned public debt and war pensions.

I am speaking of public debt.

I speak of Article 5 and the Deputy knows it.

I know what I am talking about.

You are trying to deceive the public.

The President repeatedly tries to reduce debates in this House to the level of a Poor Law Guardians' meeting. I leave that ambition to him.

The White Paper has none of the appearance of a document which would provoke this kind of debate. It seems to be all about finance, and if we discuss all about finance it would be a great advantage to the whole of us, including the President and Deputy Magennis. There are certain kinds of phrases that are bound to provoke interruptions, while they are perfectly in order. I am sure that the Deputy appreciates that.

I know, but I understand the President's tactics very well. His idea is to rattle me, but he will not succeed in doing so.

I have no intention of doing such a thing. The Deputy does not even amuse me.

This is no matter for amusement—the commitment of the Irish people to a tribute of millions of money at a time when so many Irish citizens are being harried with their pockets stuffed with sub-sheriffs' writs. The President used words that were intended to create the impression, and which, in fact, did create the impression, that we had the smallest debt, the debt being confined to the loan recently raised. It is not a week since, at a public meeting, a member of a distinguished profession here in the city of Dublin referred to our financial clean sheet. He corroborated what I allege, that the impression was deliberately created in the public mind that after cancelling Article 5 we were in an excellent position financially. Now I learn what I did not know before, that the amount outstanding under the heading of Local Loan Funds is £10,350,000.

The Deputy is only three millions out in that.

Under Article 7 "The Irish Free State Government agree to pay to the British Government the sum of £275,000 in full and final discharge of all claims made to the Compensation (Ireland) Commission in respect of damage done, prior to July 11th, 1921, to property belonging to any of the British Government Departments mentioned in the last preceding paragraph." Possibly that damage includes damage to public buildings taken over. Why are we obliged to reinstate in their original condition public buildings which, presumably, are transferred property to the Irish Free State? Is England coming back? Is that the idea? Are the buildings to be made assets to the value they had at the time of the original transfer? What is the idea?

In Article 8 the Minister tells us: "The British Government waive all claims against the Government of the Irish Free State for the refund of any portion of the sum paid by them under Section 1 of the Irish Railways (Settlement of Claims) Act, 1921." He stated that the British Government had a strong case for declining to pay. What I am wondering at is, that the Minister made that remark exclusively with regard to Article 8. Surely that remark applies to every Article in this document to which his signature appears. If the British had not a strong case for declining to pay where they declined to pay, why did the Minister accept the decision? Why is it only with regard to this small matter of monies paid under the Irish Railways (Settlement of Claims) Act it is necessary to assure us that the British had a strong case?

Under Article 9 "The Government of the Irish Free State agreed to pay to the British Government so much of the deficit of the Unemployment Fund of the United Kingdom as may be attributable to the Irish Free State on the basis of the relative proportions of the insured populations of the two countries as at 31st March, 1922, with interest thereon from that date." Does Ulster agree to pay that? Did the Northern Government agree to pay that? On the contrary, they received a huge subsidy to make their Unemployment Fund all right. What is fair treatment for the Six Counties is not equity for the Twenty-six Counties. I suppose we are always to adopt that attitude when our Ministers go to London. It is part of the London atmosphere of good-fellowship.

I dealt with Article 10 when dealing with the unruly interruptions of the President. Under Article 11 "The Irish Free State Government agreed to repay to the British Government 75 per cent. of the pensions and compensation allowances payable to ex-members of the R.I.C. under the Constabulary Acts, subject to the exception mentioned in Article 10 of the Articles of Agreement for a Treaty between Great Britain and Ireland." There is one slogan the President is very fond of, and that is, "England always honours her bond." Why does not England honour her bond with regard to the Royal Irish Constabulary? Why are we to pay part of the pensions? It has always been contended and admitted in this House that pensions are deferred pay. Therefore, why are we paying for the services of the R.I.C.? If I were to quote for the President the words of the late President Griffith, I suggest he would not accept them.

With cruel irony, when England forced upon this country her policy of free trade, to compensate Irish agriculture for its ruin she agreed to take over the cost of the Constabulary. She agreed to do that as a recompense for the destruction of the agricultural industry consequent upon a free trade policy. Now that we have got freedom to make our own laws and our own arrangements one of the first uses we make of that freedom is to take over a retrospective payment to the members of England's army of occupation. Everyone knows that is what the Royal Irish Constabulary was. Over and above its superficial aspect of being a police force it was armed. A member of the R.I.C. was more than the gendarme in France. It was the British head. Admittedly, the Royal Irish Constabulary was the army of England here. Indeed, we established a splendid record of good-fellowship and comradeship with Great Britain when we set our hands to Article 11.

Do you repudiate the Treaty?

I do not repudiate the Treaty. I thank you for teaching me that word. Who repudiates the Treaty? Every man who brings the Treaty into odium and disfavour in the land; every man whose conduct in public affairs incites criticism in the Irish citizen's mind that the Treaty has failed, and that we are being defrauded in some respects, is an enemy of the Treaty. What worse enemy of the Treaty is there than this White Paper with the signature of our Minister for Finance attached to it. The late Colonel Saunderson, in a debate in the British House of Commons, pointed to the Irish Parliamentary Party and declared: "There they sit; eighty-three solid arguments against Home Rule." In our Front Bench, with the Ministers who were responsible for this so-called settlement sitting on it, we have a solid argument against Treaty——

Is it Colonel Saunderson you are following now?

I follow no one. I use the illustration. I am so scrupulously honest in these matters that I will not steal another man's thunder. If the only retort the President can make to this indictment be merely a gibe——

I say it is a Treaty—

—a school-boy's gibe, then it is a very bad day for the Free State, and for such a Government with such a head. We agreed to pay the pensions of the law officers. We agreed to pay a whole lot of pensions.

If England was so generous as the President asks us to believe, why did not our representatives, I will not say take advantage of the generosity, but utilise it? Why is all the concession on our side? The Treaty, the President forgets, was, to some extent, in the melting-pot from the moment that he and his colleagues went over into the blue fog in London on a certain day and agreed to Treaty No. 2. I am talking with reference to this which is a consequence of Treaty No. 2, and he has the temerity to quote to me Treaty No. 1. Are we possessed of such short memories? Does he hold us in such utter contempt as to think that we forget what was said within the last hour by the Minister for Finance—that one of these Articles here was a consequence of the Pact, the Pact being the setting up of a new Treaty in certain respects?

What I contend is our representatives dealing with these financial matters, not at arm's length, but face to face with the British representatives of finance, should have fought our case; they should have made our case; they should not have been so bent on establishing a reputation for themselves in the ha'penny newspapers and the illustrated Press of what good fellows they were. Their duty in these matters was not to be popular with the British newspaper-reading public; their duty was to make the best bargain that they could for Ireland.

So we did.

They sold our nationals in Ulster into bondage and did not get the price. Only when this document, dated the 19th March, was revealed in November, did we begin to see the real situation. The Minister was careful, and he did not tell us what the amount of the indebtedness is now in consequence of this paper.

I would like to have a little light upon this question. The position as it appears to me is not satisfactory, because it is not clear. My queries in the matter are very simple. Article 5 of the Articles of Agreement for a Treaty (December, 1921) states:

The Irish Free State shall assume liability for the service of the Public Debt of the United Kingdom as existing at the date hereof and towards the payment of war pensions as existing at that date in such proportion as may be fair and equitable, having regard to any just claims on the part of Ireland by way of set-off or counter-claim, the amount of such sums being determined in default of agreement by the arbitration of one or more independent persons being citizens of the British Empire."

Now, there was a liability assumed for the Public Debt of the United Kingdom. It appears to me what requires to be answered is what was included in the Public Debt of the United Kingdom? I refer to the Government of Ireland Act, 1920, and in Section 23 there is a reference to Imperial liabilities:

Ireland shall in each year make a contribution towards the Imperial liabilities and expenditure mentioned in the Sixth Schedule to this Act.

The Sixth Schedule begins with a reference to National Debt charges. I take it that the Public Debt referred to in the Articles of Agreement for a Treaty at least includes, if it does not represent entirely, what I call National Debt charges. The Sixth Schedule sets out:

National Debt Charges, that is to say:—

(1) The charge in respect of the funded and unfunded debt of the United Kingdom, inclusive of terminable annuities paid out of the permanent annual charge for the National Debt and inclusive of the cost of the management of the said funded and unfunded debt; and

(2) All other charges on the Consolidated Fund of the United Kingdom for the repayment of borrowed money or to fulfil a guarantee other than charges in respect of local loans stock and any guaranteed stock raised for the purpose of land purchase in Ireland.

That reference "other than" is part of the paragraph which refers to other charges on the Consolidated Fund of the United Kingdom. It appears to me, as I read it, that charges in respect of local loans stock and guaranteed stock raised for the purpose of land purchase are part of the public debt of the United Kingdom. If that is answered in the affirmative that is the actual position; that represents the public debt in the absence of any contrary statement.

Then we have to read Article 2 of the settlement of last December, which states that "the Irish Free State is hereby released from the obligations under Article 5 of the said Articles of Agreement." We are therefore released from the obligations to assume liability for the Public Debt of the United Kingdom or that part of it which, in the Treaty settlement, came to the Free State. I am at a loss to understand any other interpretation. There may be one evident which I am not able to see, but it requires explanation.

If there is a responsibility lying upon the British Government for Irish land stock and the interest thereon, that, I take it, would be part of the Public Debt. Any share of responsibility in respect of that, or in respect of local loans stock, was wiped out by the Agreement of last December. If that is controverted and the denial is made clear, then it seems to me there is no case in respect of the claim for the retention of the land purchase annuities or the fund that is created by the land purchase annuities.

I would like to have some clear statement of the case; some repudiation, and evidence in support of the repudiation, of the statement that the interest on land stock is part of the Public Debt of the United Kingdom. If it is not part of the Public Debt, then presumably it is not guaranteed by the British Exchequer.

There are two of them now. There is the public debt and the loans guarantee; that comes in under "Loans Guarantee."

I do not follow the reference in the Sixth Schedule of the Government of Ireland Act.

National Debt Charges, that is to say:—

(2) All other charges on the Consolidated Fund of the United Kingdom for the repayment of borrowed money or to fulfil a guarantee, other than charges in respect of local loans stock and any guaranteed stock raised for the purpose of land purchase in Ireland.

It is part of the charge upon the Consolidated Fund.

It would be a charge.

Therefore, it is part of the Public Debt.

It is a contingent charge.

The President says it is a contingent charge. In the Act in question there was quite a distinction made, and it is a distinction that exists to-day in Northern Ireland. The receipts from annuities were to be paid to the credit of the Exchequer in Ireland?

That part of the transaction therefore finished. That was one distinct and separate transaction. Another part of that Act was that the British Exchequer out of annual votes was to pay the interest on land stock.

That is in respect of that.

That is to say they accepted in that 1920 Act responsibility as a charge upon the British Exchequer of the interest on Irish Land Stock as part of the Public Debt of the United Kingdom.

But not as far as we are concerned.

The President says "not as far as we are concerned." But that was the position in the Articles of Agreement for a Treaty with the amended Treaty of December last?

We were released from the obligation to assume a share of that Public Debt which included interest on the Irish Land Stock. The Minister, I hope, will make it clearer than it is at present. To me it is clear enough that every portion of the liability which fell upon the British Exchequer in respect of the Public Debt was wiped out in December last. Therefore there was wiped out the obligation to pay any sum of money towards interest on Irish land stock, and, as a consequence, if that is even an arguable interpretation, we would be entitled to retain in this country the amount of money received in land purchase annuities. That seems to me to be a question that ought to be particularly dealt with by Ministers. On the information that is before me at present, it seems to me that we are not liable to pay the sums mentioned in paragraph 1 of this White Paper. And again it seems to me that the undertaking entered into, in respect of that, leaving the question of local loans out for the moment—I will leave that to settle itself, because I take it the same reasoning would apply to one as to the other—is one that it is hard to understand. At any rate, I would like to have it made clearer than it is, if it can be made clearer, why the Government accepted the liability to pay the full amount of the annuities accruing under the Irish Land Stock inasmuch as the Irish Land Stock was a liability of the British Exchequer, which we were relieved from paying by the agreement of December, 1925.

It should be understood that so far as Article 1 was necessary in this paper at all it was really only necessary for the last two lines—that is, "without any deduction whatsoever, whether on account of income tax or otherwise." The whole question of the payment of these annuities in general has been settled and decided by the Oireachtas, and the matter is provided for in the Land Act of 1923, so that the question that was settled by these heads of settlement was that there should not be a deduction for income-tax. We have been claiming income-tax, and we have been holding the money in support of our claims for income tax on the interest portion of the debt.

Could the Minister say in what way the Land Act of 1923 settled that question? It refers to payment to the appropriate authority. What is the appropriate authority?

The appropriate authority was the Land Purchase Fund or the Land Purchase Account, the primary security for the payment of this loan. The liability of the British Exchequer in respect of this loan is a contingent liability. The Exchequer comes in, in so far as annuities are concerned. The fund into which the annuities are to be paid does not meet the requirements of Interest and Sinking Fund. A different kind of argument may be put up in reference to the Excess and Bonus Stock. There may be matters to be argued so far as that is concerned. But so far as the ordinary issues are concerned there is nothing to argue about. That is met out of the annuities which repay the Interest and Sinking Fund, and any liability which the British Exchequer has in that respect is purely a contingent one.

Does the Minister wipe out the 1920 Act entirely?

Yes, it is completely gone; the Treaty supersedes it. It has no effect so far as we are concerned. We have been advised with respect to other matters in regard to the 1920 Act, that in so far as the Saorstát is concerned the 1920 Act is absolutely gone.

In all respects.

In all respects, as if it never had been.

There was a special reference to it.

Will the Minister allow me to ask him is not the case this: that the 1920 Act is more favourable in this regard than the Free State settlement?

I do not think so. I do not think that arises.

According to the 1920 Act these monies were to be paid over to the Exchequer of what was called Southern Ireland. Now, according to the Minister, it is agreed that these are to be paid to the British Exchequer. Surely that is a less favourable arrangement for us.

The Deputies know that the entire financial arrangements of the 1920 Act were very different. There was no financial independence.

There was a ten million contribution.

There was no financial independence in the 1920 Act at all.

Was not the arrangement ten millions from Southern Ireland and eight millions from Northern Ireland? What is the contribution now from Northern Ireland?

I do not know.

I will tell you; it is £1,700,000.

I understand from the Minister that the Treaty has abrogated the 1920 Act altogether. If that is so I want to refer him to the decision of Judge Meredith in connection with a certain case where he decided that certain sections of the 1920 Act are still applied to this country unless they have been repealed by the Oireachtas. If I understand the Minister's statement it seems that the judge's decision was not in accordance with the law.

The Minister could not say that.

I cannot go into Mr. Justice Meredith's decision at all. Now, there is just the other aspect of the thing, and that is that this agreement, and the agreement of December last, were not drawn up with all the detail with which an Act is drawn up.

That is, everything that might possibly be questioned is not set down. They are not articles that were months in preparation and in course of elaboration. The circumstances, therefore, in which these agreements were made, and the understandings on which they were based, must be taken into account. The basis on which the December Agreement was come to was that public debt did not include liability in respect of land stock interest. That was specifically understood between the two parties. The President informs me that it was mentioned during the debate. In respect to the local loans, the position simply is that a certain amount of money was lent to people by the fund. Now, we might claim in respect to the local loans fund that the fund should be divided, that we should assume our share of liabilities, and that we should get our share of the assets, but that is impossible where you have a stock issue to the public. You cannot say that a certain part of the local loans stock held by an individual is to be the responsibility of the British Government, and that another portion is to be the responsibility of the Free State Government, so that it is not practicable to divide the fund, and the only thing to do is to arrive at some arrangement which would be equitable to both parties. It might even have been claimed that the land purchase fund should have been divided just, for instance, as the Church Temporalities fund was divided between the Saorstát and Northern Ireland. It might have been claimed that the land purchase fund should have been divided, that we should have taken our responsibility for a share of the stock, and that we should have received the assets. The reason that was not done was because it was not practicable, and it would have been no better for us. We would certainly have had to assume liability for stock up to the full value of the annuities that we were receiving. Probably, under any arrangement for a division we would have been much worse off, but again it was not a practicable thing to divide the land purchase fund. It was not possible, for instance, to say that the dividend on the land stock held by Deputy Magennis should be the liability of the Saorstát Government, and that the dividend on the land stock held by Deputy Good should be the liability of the British Government. You cannot divide stock which has been issued to the public in that way. It was not practicable to divide the fund, and the only thing that could be done was to arrive at some agreement. You could not have any agreement fixing in equity and fairness the liability of the Saorstát at less than the amount of the annuities the Saorstát was actually collecting.

Before the adjournment, can the President give us some indication as to what his hopes or intentions are regarding the business before Christmas, and when he expects to take the Christmas adjournment?

I think we will take the adjournment on Friday week. I believe the Minister for External Affairs will be able to make a statement on Wednesday, and I expect that we will be able to get through the remainder of the business by Friday. If there is any difficulty about it I expect Deputies would not mind sitting late one or two nights, but I do not anticipate that will be necessary. It may be necessary to give notice before the adjournment for Christmas of the extension of the Medical Act for possibly three months. It may not be necessary to continue it for three months, as an agreement has been practically reached in the matter, and it is only a question of working out the details, but fearing that a Bill embodying the agreement would not be passed in time it may be necessary to extend the present Act.

Would the President consider between this and Wednesday the advisability of bringing in a supplementary estimate with a view to relieving the unemployed at Christmas? I do not think that is too much to ask.

With reference to the White Paper dealing with the Ultimate Financial Settlement, are we to understand that each head will be worked out in detail, and that the Government will seek ratification from the Oireachtas, for this White Paper has no clause for ratification?

Under the various Votes items depending on these heads will appear.

But as far as that document is concerned it winds up the whole of the transactions.

The Dáil adjourned at 7.20 until Wednesday, 15th December, 1926.

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