Skip to main content
Normal View

Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 16 May 1928

Vol. 23 No. 13

IN COMMITTEE ON FINANCE. - VOTE No. 56—INDUSTRY AND COMMERCE.

I move:—

Go ndeontar suim á raghaidh thar £75,801 chun slánuithe na suime is gá chun íoctha an Mhuirir a thiocfidh chun bheith iníoctha i rith na bliana dar críoch an 31adh lá de Mhárta, 1929, chun Tuarastail agus Costaisí Oifig an Aire Tionnscail agus Tráchtála maraon le Coiste Comhairlitheach na Rátaí.

That a sum not exceeding £75,801 be granted to complete the sum necessary to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1929, for the Salaries and Expenses of the Office of the Minister for Industry and Commerce, including the Rates Advisory Committee.

The Estimates, as presented by my Department, are given in detailed sub-heads. I intend to deal very slightly with the matters which have already appeared from time to time in certain discussions except only for a certain discussion which I want to initiate in connection with the Trade and Industries Branch and in connection with transport. Apart from that, I would like to call attention to new items which appear for the first time this year and about which I desire to give a brief explanation, as well as referring briefly to certain items from Sub-head B onwards when there seems to be any explanation required, mainly because of an increase. In regard to items which appear for the first time, there is one in respect of the Geological Survey. It is included for the first time under the Trade and Industries Branch of the Ministry. There are four other such items, namely, Sub-heads J, K, L and L L. Sub-heads K and L must be taken in conjunction with the transfer of the Geological Survey from the Department of Education to the Department of Industry and Commerce.

I am asking the House to vote £1,000 for the first time for preliminary investigation work, such as trial borings or the sinking of trial pits. I am also asking the House to vote £300 to meet expenses in connection with the visits of foreign industrial experts, invited to advise as to the promotion or development of industries in the Saorstát. I hold that both of these items, but more particularly the first, should be taken in conjunction with the Geological Survey. The item of expenses for mineral investigations is one on which I would like to speak very briefly, because I can see in the immediate future a large number of questions put down to me as to why investigations are not being made, or trial pits and borings made in certain areas, and where I would be informed in the questions that the people of the district knew that iron-ore, or some other mineral was to be found there. I do not intend to use this money for the purpose of having these borings or pits made or sunk unless there is in the background some possible undertaker, some commercial firm or body which is going to work it. I hold that that money is necessary, but necessary for a very limited use.

I have had experience, not of a great number of cases, but sufficient to show that there is need for some sums to be expended under the auspices of the Department in getting such trial borings made as are here described, in order to assure people who believe from the researches made by the Geological Survey that there are minerals in certain areas, and who want to have some further investigation made before they proceed to sink money of their own in any development work, but unless there is a commercial firm in the neighbourhood which intends to carry out some development work I do not intend to use this money simply for the purpose of getting information. The information will be collected by the Geological Survey, and this is in addition to the moneys the Geological Survey will expend itself, to be used in particular instances. I believe the use of it will be very limited. It will be only used where there is a definite chance of development in a particular place, where a firm is near at hand, and where there is evidence to go to show that the firm is seriously, minded and that there is a likelihood of development there.

With regard to industrial investigations, it has been found necessary to introduce a Vote of this sort. The sum asked for is very small, but it will probably be increased in other years. There should certainly be an increase in future years if any benefit accrues from the amount asked for this year. It was borne in on my Department in the course of investigations and conversations that they have had up and down the country with a view to stimulating industrial efforts, that there are certain cases where one thing is wanted, and that is that there should be brought to the spot people who are running industries successfully elsewhere, industries which seem suitable for this country, but without having somebody on the spot to be brought into touch with people who are likely to open up an industry there does not seem to be any reasonable prospect of getting such an industry established there. There is the other side, that there will be very often investigations, necessary investigations, made for the most part by officers of my Department into industries in foreign countries to see what progress is being made there or how some handicap is being met that is retarding development. Whatever expenses have to be incurred by officials of my own Department for the purposes of making investigations and putting the results of those investigations before prospective developing companies will, of course, be met out of the sub-head regarding travelling expenses. This Vote has to be introduced because there is no other Vote out of which expenditure may be incurred for the bringing over to this country of investigators and industrial experts to give advice and who, having made investigations on the spot, will find out if there is anything inherently wrong with a projected industry, what the handicap is, and how that handicap can best be removed.

It is obvious from the limited amount asked for that this sum is not to be used to pay fees to the people who are brought over. It is simply to pay travelling expenses and subsistence. We have often found in many of these international conferences that one gets very valuable contacts, that one gets into touch with people about whom the statement may be made that a great value would accrue to this country simply from a visit of those people. Similarly we very often meet people who are sufficiently interested to come here, but not in the position of feed industrial experts. We think that we should have some fund out of which we could meet the travelling expenses and the subsistence allowances for whatever period these people remain in the country. For that purpose this £300 will be devoted.

With regard to sub-head LL—cinematograph films—a sum of £500 is asked for to make provision for the filming of Saorstát industrial attractions. From time to time I have been appealed to by our trade representatives abroad, more particularly those in the United States and our representative in Brussels, that we should have ready for their use a film which in the first instance was supposed to be for the purpose of inducing tourists to come into the country, but when the proposition was examined further, it was ascertained that people were enquiring as to the possibilities here, people who wanted to have shown to them whatever there was of industrial life and activity in the country. These people definitely gave it to us as their belief that the exhibition of such films would lead to certain developments here. Arising out of that, after the suggestion was first made, a conference was held of all the heads of the Department who necessarily would have to agree and to co-operate in the making of such a film. Certain industrial people outside were also consulted, and they were all agreed that there was good value to be got from a film of this sort if it could be produced in an attractive form.

I am asking for the sum of £500. That film will be prepared and actually got up, but still remains to be considered. A considerable amount of investigation has gone on as to what should be included in it. We have had promises of co-operation, I do not say in a monetary but in every other sense, and it is expected the £500 will cover anything that is anticipated in the near future. Similarly in connection with item J—Industrial Fairs—which provides a sum of £500 to meet the costs of industrial fairs and exhibitions. Item C simply means any exhibit of agricultural produce can be met out of other moneys. It is not meant that we envisage fairs and exhibitions in which agricultural products will not be shown. It should be remembered in considering this item also that if there were any big international exhibition in which it was thought fit to participate it would ordinarily be brought to this House and the sum of money likely to be expended would be agreed to. This is simply to meet an occasional small fair or exhibition which comes up two or three times during the course of any one year and where we would like to have a sum of money on hands. In case sites were taken and exhibits had to be prepared and got together and other arrangements begun at short notice, it would obviate the necessity in each instance for coming to the Dáil to ask that such and such a fair should be sanctioned and money voted for it.

It is simply to have a fund of £500 to meet the expenditure likely to be incurred in exhibiting Saorstát products at smaller commercial fairs and exhibitions. The other items outside sub-head A, I think, explain themselves. The travelling expenses item is up slightly this year, because there is included in it a sum in substitution of the amount of £250 which used to be voted to the old Vote of the Geological Survey Office. There is also included in it provision for extra sums of money to meet the possible cost of officials of my own who have to travel across when any industrial investigation is on foot arising out of which experts visit this country and concerning which it is proposed to get special information. Incidental expenses show an increase by reason of the fact that there used to be a separate Vote for incidental expenses belonging to the Geological Survey. The main purpose of expenditure was for provision of instruments for use in the fields.

Telegrams and telephones are always founded on the experience of the previous year. The item of £10 is more or less a token Vote. There has not been any expenditure even to the amount of £10 for some years past. The next item is much the same, Fees and Expenses of Medical Referees. That will depend entirely on the number of cases taken to the court on foot of which payment has to be made through a medical referee under the Workmen's Compensation Act, and cases under Special Service Inquiries, etc. The item—Subscription to the International Union for Protection of Industrial Property—has disappeared from this Vote and finds its place in the Industrial and Commercial Property Office Vote. The others are as they were in previous years, excepting subscriptions to the International Institution of Statistics and the International Commission for Air Navigation, in both of which cases expenditure is now proposed for the first time. These two institutions explain themselves. I may say in regard to these international associations, of which we are members, that the subscription covers the procuring of documents and it is considered, even if only for the documents alone, that the subscription is very well worth while.

Item H explains itself. The prize has never been won, and it is offered from year to year. Item J.1 shows a slight increase, which depends not on any budgetary arrangement here but on that of the League of Nations. The Saorstát contribution, both with regard to the League of Nations and the International Labour Office, is made out on the basis of paying ten units out of 987. When the League Budget increases our fraction of the contribution goes up too. That means that this year the League Budget has shown an increase. Item II is, of course, simply a re-vote of the money voted the previous year. The gift has not been given; it is under consideration. The other items are the four new ones I have explained, and the appropriations-in-aid do not call for any special comment.

(A.) Under Appropriations-in-Aid this grant was caused by performing certain work in connection with the training of disabled soldiers. We got paid exactly for the work done. There are fewer people getting payment at the moment and it is expected that the payment this year will be considerably less than any other year. Item D. under Appropriations-in-Aid is a new item. It means that in certain of the details to sub-head A. officials are shown as being on loan to the Shannon Power Development Office. In that case, of course, the expenses of these people are borne on the Shannon Power Development Fund, which has to repay to the Department the amount of salaries each year of the officials lent to them, plus a percentage to cover the superannuation of the officials.

Item (E), of £50, is expected to be the receipts accruing from industrial fairs and exhibitions. If any money were expended under the £500 voted under (J), if the Department of Industry and Commerce took a place or had any exhibition or fair, we would sell a space to the exhibitors and recover certain fees from them, but it will be observed that not much is expected. In this country, so far, it has been difficult to get industrialists to see any value in these fairs and exhibits, or to advertise themselves in that way. Under sub-head A.—Statistics Branch —the Statistics Branch is a branch of my Department best known to Deputies on account of the work it has done, and on account of the frequent calls to that office by Deputies intent on getting certain information. I do not propose to deal in detail with the expenditure set out here; if any questions happen to arise out of definite items I am prepared to answer them, but with regard to the work ahead as to when the results of the work that has been done may be expected, I will simply say the first volume of final figures resulting from the Census of Population will be published next week and will contain 135 pages of tabular matter showing the numbers of males and females in each larger administrative area, in each electoral area, in each town down to the smallest "cluster of 20 houses or more," and special tables showing birth, death, marriage and other rates for superintendent registrars districts, etc. The second volume should appear six or eight weeks after the first volume, and will show the numbers of males and females following each occupation in the Irish Free State in each province and county, in each town of over 1,500 inhabitants, and in each rural district. After these two volumes have appeared further volumes will be issued at short intervals dealing with industries, ages and conjugal condition, Irish language and the Gaeltacht, unemployment, religion, housing, birthplace, fertility and dependency. After about a month's time preliminary reports on individual industries will be issued in neo-style form at the rate of about two a week to the Oireachtas, to the Press and to the manufacturers covered by the returns until each of the forty groups of industries dealt with in the Census of Production have thus been completed. It is hoped that the final report on this Census, including figures in respect of all the industries, and in respect of agriculture, will be issued before the end of the year.

The first ten reports will deal with the boot and shoe industry, the soap and candle industry, the tobacco industry, the woollen and worsted industries, the brewing and malting industries, the distilling industry, the fertiliser industry, the bacon-curing industry, the seed-crushing industry, and the sugar confectionery and jam-making industries. I know that there is a certain amount, I cannot say of dissatisfaction, but of inquiries going on as to why these volumes have been delayed so long. Some of them, indeed, were ready for issue many weeks ago, but it was found that certain difficulties had arisen, difficulties in connection with the placing of the contract for the printing of the volumes. It must be realised that there is a vast amount of printing to be done, and that the Stationery Office had some difficulty in making the printing contracts in the way that seemed to them to be the most suitable. These issues are now defined, and the printing will soon take place. To those who will insist on making comparisons with the census taken in Northern Ireland and elsewhere, and the speed with which these volumes in other places have been produced. I can only say that people should defer judgment until they see the exact type of document and volume of return that is produced here, and say, before making up their minds, as to whether it was not worth while waiting for the better classified information that the Statistical Branch is going to produce. I must ask them to suspend their judgment a little while. I can assure them that there was no delay on the part of the Statistical Branch that was not inevitable. I am sure also that there was no delay on the part of the Stationery Office responsible for the printing of the volumes. I have asked Deputies to assist in having this information produced at the earliest possible moment by refraining from asking for statistical information, which, of course, could be given, but which would mean that the Director of Statistics and his whole staff would be taken from the regular procedure with regard to this production, if they had to supply detailed information. I hope Deputies will assist, as they have done up to now, by refraining from getting that out-of-context information until such time as the volumes have appeared.

The trade and industrial branch is a branch with which I would like to deal. I have already referred to the geological survey which, for the first time, is included in this branch and is included for this reason that there has been an appreciable quickening of interest in the prospect of mineral development in the country. I say that because I have had many more applications in regard to mineral development recently than there have been for some time past. In that connection, I have always had to point out to investigators the difficulty I am in with regard to a particular Article of the Constitution and the fact that legislation implementing that Article had not been brought in. That legislation is at present being considered; part of it, in fact, has definitely left the Department's hands, but there is no hope of having it introduced before the autumn session. I hope that before Christmas there will be no obstacle, as far as this House can take away that obstacle, in the path of those who wish to proceed with any mineral developments.

In order to make ready against the time when I think there will be a certain development work done with regard to minerals it was thought fit to have the Geological Survey transferred, so that the work of the Geological Survey which has hitherto been of a scientific and research type will be directed more to the commercial possibilities of certain minerals in the country. It is felt that the Geological Survey, as at present organised and as previously run, did its work without any immediate reaction towards the commercial possibilities of development. For the future, we want two sides of the Department's work looked to. We will try to have it that the commercial possibilities will be the main thing to which they will look, that field surveys and work in other respects can go on as before but that always there will be the reaction to the commercial side and the possibility of development.

There is a trade and industries branch generally. As I have been asked a considerable number of questions in connection with the work of this section. I propose to deal with it in detail. I will just state, in as brief a way as I can, the work this branch has got through. I will then ask Deputies to consider what has been done and I will ask them to put up suggestions as to what other work should be undertaken by this particular branch of the Department with a view to stimulating the industrial development of the country. It must be realised at the beginning that when this Ministry was founded there was no administrative machinery for dealing with either industrial or mineral development. Consequently when the Ministry was established it was thought the first step necessary was to make a survey of existing industries and in particular to discover how they stood in comparison with their position in 1914. In order to get first-hand information, it was decided to approach each industry and in cases where there was no organnisation covering the whole country, to summon a meeting either of the several organisations which existed or of all the firms engaged in the industry and ask such a meeting to nominate four, five or six representatives who could speak authoritatively for that industry. Regular meetings of these committees have been held since, and in this way first-hand information on the state of each industry has been obtained, as well as what, in the view of those engaged in the industry, would assist towards reviving or stimulating the industry.

Industrial Advisory Committees have been set up for about 35 industries and as a result the Department has obtained comprehensive reports on the general conditions under which industry is carried on and at the same time the meetings have assisted towards promoting organisation amongst those engaged in industry, where organisation had not previously existed.

In some cases joint meetings have been held with representatives of the workers engaged in the various industries. At such joint meetings it is the practice to exclude discussions on wage questions, but all other aspects of the industry have been frankly discussed. It might be noted here that this machinery has been warmly welcomed by the industries concerned and members have been content to travel from distant parts of the country two or three times yearly, entirely at their own expense, in order to attend meetings.

Prior to the appointment of the Tariff Commission, the Branch had a duty of receiving applications for the imposition of a protective duty. Where such applications emanated from a single firm or several firms an industrial advisory committee was immediately formed for that industry, so that the members could speak for the whole group, and it was the industrial advisory committee which prepared and submitted applications in the first instance to this Department. A considerable amount of detailed work was got through in that way prior to the establishment of the Tariff Commission, and the result of it has been seen in this way, that even since the establishment of the Tariff Commission applicants who are making their appearance before the Tariff Commission have come to my Department for several kinds of information and have made use of it before the Tariff Commission in regard to conditions, rates of wages, and other matters in such and such an industry. At the same time there have been applications made to the Branch from time to time by the Tariff Commission, and they have made use of the information which the Branch collected before the Tariff Commission itself was set up. The Branch also has the duty of reporting twice a year on the state of employment in each of the protected industries, and this has been done largely through the machinery of the advisory committees in those industries.

All machinery at the disposal of the Branch, that is to say, the industrial advisory committees, conciliation meetings and conferences of other types, as well as reports prepared by officers travelling through the country on various official duties, are used in order to prepare a survey of the existing industrial position, with as full details as possible of each industry in the country, giving a picture of the general economic conditions under which industry is carried on, including every aspect of its interests—for example, wage and labour conditions, supplies of raw material, markets at home and abroad, etc. Such information is kept up to date by preserving as intimate contact as possible with each industry. It is becoming almost a practice with any industry which finds itself confronted with new difficulties of any type, so long as they are difficulties of a general character and not confined to a particular firm, to discuss these with officers of the Branch either at a formal meeting of the Industrial Advisory Committee or informally. It can be stated that hardly any change of any consequence affecting the welfare of an industry passes unrecorded.

When asking for sanction to the appointment of certain types of inspectors I said that I proposed in future to use any inspector appointed, no matter for what purpose—Trade Board Regulations, factory inspection or anything else—as a general reporter on industry in the country as he found it in the course of his duty. The scheme that was then put forward in a tentative way has in fact worked out very well. A considerable number of journeys have to be made up and down the country by officials of mine to attend conciliation meetings, to see to the carrying out of the Trade Board Regulations and to make inspections in the factories and workshops, and wherever these people have any time at their disposal they are expected and do look into the conditions of industry as they find them in a particular locality and report on anything that requires attention, and as to which an investigation could be started likely to lead to useful results. The first object aimed at, namely, compilation of a general industrial survey is almost completed and needs only the figures which will be made available for the Census of Production to be regarded as complete for the moment. Any consideration of policy can proceed on the basis of this information, as the standpoint in preparing the survey has been the possibility of improving the conditions under which existing industries are carried on and discovering in what way by Government action they can be stimulated. The task already described for making an industrial survey is regarded as the first step towards considering what should or could be done in the way of fostering industrial development. At every meeting of each of the Industrial Advisory Committees the question of ways and means of helping existing industry is always discussed. In general principle a protective tariff was regarded by most of the industries as the correct panacea. This aspect of the matter has been dealt with by the establishment of the Tariff Commission.

Another question which cropped up frequently in the early days was the provision of industrial credits. This was dealt with to some extent at least by the Trade Loans (Guarantee) Acts. The work done under this heading by the Branch is included in the statutory duties of the Branch but must be mentioned here as the only powers which the Department has to assist industrial development financially. On frequent occasions, in informal ways, people and firms have been brought together in such a way as to secure financial easement to a company or make available funds for expansion. That work although carried on in that informal way has had successful results in cases.

At the moment it is proposed to extend the Trade Loans Guarantee Act for a further year. The legislation, in fact, would have been before the House only for the fact that it depends to a certain extent on the discussion which is to take place on the Report of the Public Accounts Committee. When that legislation does come forward, I shall bring it forward not as meaning the last word with regard to the provision of industrial credit, but simply because it is a matter which it has been decided to try out—a matter which has not been as productive of results as was hoped or expected, but it is a piece of legislation about which I have asked for advice on many occasions and which, in fact, these advisory committees have had brought to their notice from time to time, but we have not yet been able to get any serious proposition as to how that Act could be amended so as to secure better development than has actually accrued from it.

In a great many other ways information was obtained or assistance given to firms in connection with such matters as supplies of raw material, markets abroad, arrangements for joint conferences with ancillary and subsidiary industries, relief from troublesome customs, or other official procedure which was found capable of adjustment. In one particular way the information collected by the Branch has proved very helpful to individual firms desirous of expanding their business or entering upon a new line of business. There is no organisation in the industries themselves, with very few exceptions, which compiles the kind of information available in the Branch, that is to say, estimates of total consumption, estimates of how far existing producing units meet the total consumption, either in all the products or in different grades of the products. Frequently this information and the advice based on it have been found of great value. Lists of available factories and factory sites are kept in the Branch with notes as to the general facilities available in the neighbourhood for certain types of industries.

In addition to making a survey of existing industries in the country and examining their possibilities of development, time has been given to compile information on various industries which might, if circumstances were favourable, be established. Contact has been made with many firms in Great Britain and abroad and conversations conducted with a view to proper consideration of the conditions under which certain industries could be established. In some cases, such as artificial silk, cement, kelp, etc., exhaustive inquiries have been made and very full information is available. There are at least three cases in which inquiries were made and information supplied which have led to people taking up seriously the idea of starting an industry that is more or less new in the country, but these matters are under discussion in certain ways and I do not like to go into them now. Information as to the general conditions necessary for the establishment of a great many new industries has been compiled, and in this way suggestions made from time to time by people proposing to be engaged in such industries can be usefully checked and tested.

A steady effort has been made since 1923 to use the purchasing powers of the various Government departments for the purpose of assisting to maintain existing Irish industries. At the suggestion of this Department the Government Contracts Committee was appointed, of which an official of this Branch is a member. Each contract is scanned from the point of view of making sure that few contracts, if any, leave the country for goods which can, in fact, be made in the country. This duty entails a considerable amount of work, and led to a very big amount of very useful work being done in the country which otherwise might have left it.

In order to complete the industrial survey described already, and as far as possible to view the industrial situation geographically as well as from a general economic point of view, arrangements have been made to visit the principal towns in the Saorstát and, by calling a meeting of the principal business men in the town, obtain at first hand information as to how the town stands industrially, whether it has retrograded or progressed, and what local feeling is as to what financial resources would be available for any new industrial development, and what local conditions are from the point of view of choice of the new development to be considered. These visits are being at present paid and, so far, they have been welcomed everywhere. The general idea in this is that one would get some appreciation of industry as it previously existed in a town, get a particular, definite view of factories or sites available, and attempt to get in close conjunction in each town with the man who has some technical knowledge of industry, the man who may not have technical knowledge, but has good business experience, plus the local gentleman with a certain amount of capital to spare. An effort is being made unceasingly to get, in every town in which visits are made, an appreciation of the fact that where Government help is needed it will be given under the existing conditions, to point out to the people that they must depend on their own local knowledge and local enterprise, but that they can be favoured and fostered in many ways.

The work under the heading of Commercial and Trade Development moves pari passu with the work under the heading of Industrial Development. Although not much can be done to assist the sale of Irish-made goods in the home market, every opportunity is taken to draw the attention of large consumers to any article made in the country, and to the advantages either in price or quality which the article happens to possess. At the meetings of the Industrial and Advisory Committees the possibility of using more largely Irish made goods has been brought to the attention of industries which use such goods, and in some cases joint meetings held with the Advisory Committee representing the makers of these goods. A very special example might be cited here. It was found possible to get the wholesale furniture people into touch with the manufacturers of furniture in the Saorstát, with the result that a considerable amount of orders which, I fear, otherwise would have been placed outside the country, have been located with home firms.

Cases have occurred where firms have written asking for the names of suppliers in Great Britain or abroad of certain classes of goods, and the opportunity was taken to draw their attention to the fact that these goods of good quality and price were available in the country. The bulk of the efforts of the Branch under this heading is directed, however, towards finding markets outside the Saorstát for Saorstát products. This involves, in the first case, the preparation of exact information as to the tariffs levied on various classes of goods in different countries. A great deal of use is made of the Branch by commercial firms throughout the country. The compilation of this information is a rather troublesome duty requiring very careful work. Not only have foreign tariffs to be studied closely, but constant correspondence has to be carried on with our representatives abroad and with others in order to confirm and, in many cases, interpret such information.

A duty of a somewhat similar type has to be performed by compiling lists of firms, particularly in those countries where we have commercial representatives, prepared to act as selling agents for Saorstát goods. Particulars of the commercial and financial standing of these firms have to be obtained and the information so made available conveyed to such firms and bodies in the country as can make proper use of it.

Trade representatives have been appointed in New York. Paris, Brussels and London, and it is only in these countries that the regular machinery of direct inquiry can operate. For other countries recourse is had to the ordinary commercial and inquiry agencies. The trade representatives abroad have imposed on them the duty of pursuing inquiries as to possible outlets for Saorstát products; of reporting on the financial and commercial standing of firms proposing to do business for Saorstát firms; of intervening in commercial disputes where one of the parties is a Saorstát citizen; of taking steps to prevent the improper use of Irish trade marks or trade descriptions or of marks suggestive of Irish origin; and of reporting on the conditions under which certain industries are carried on in the country to which they are attached. Generally, the trade representatives keep the Department informed as to the economic conditions of the country to which they are attached and of any new developments which might have some bearing on, or interest for, Irish firms.

As part of the Branch's activities in assisting towards more extended marketing of Saorstát products abroad, consideration has to be given to the possibility of Saorstát producers participating in certain fairs and exhibitions of a commercial character held in Great Britain and in Europe. Considerable work is entailed in this, as Saorstát producers have to be induced to participate and the financial arrangements are in some cases somewhat complicated, and, generally, the duty of advising on, and carrying out, any actual participation involves considerable responsibility.

The duty of considering and advising upon the making of commercial treaties rests on this Branch. Although I have not yet been able to bring forward any commercial treaty for ratification by this House, a considerable amount of spade work is necessary to clear the ground. A large number of treaties were inherited and these have all had to be examined, so as to see if they fit in with the conditions which it is hoped to be seen operating in the country, and to see, at any rate, that if any commercial treaty is made it will not contain any clause or schedule of articles which might hereafter operate as a hindrance to industrial development here. We have also to supply intelligence with regard to commercial and industrial development everywhere to every department or branch of my own department likely to make use of it, and to supply material for and to take over the editing of the "Trade Journal."

I find myself, in connection with this Branch, definitely at times brought up against a claim that because new industries are not springing up it is the fault of the Government and particularly of this Department, and that because businesses or industries here may from time to time disappear that must be regarded as a blot upon the activity of the Department. With regard to the disappearance of business or industry any business which has disappeared has to be examined as an individual case with or without any Government failure either to come, or not to come, to its aid, or whether its disappearance was due to its own failure. One should remember that the disappearance of certain businesses actually and definitely marks progress and improvement in certain directions. I know that there could be got together a considerable list of businesses where, if one set out from house to house, one could enumerate a certain number of disappearances. I have seen such a list, and I have seen on such list gathered together into one firm three or four branch offices of one head house, and where the one firm now produces everything that was formerly produced in the three subsidiary businesses. Upon the list made out previously, each of the houses counted separately; and although that might amount, on such a list, to three black marks as absences of business against the Government, it would in fact mark progress, because it afforded marked appreciation of the idea that the gathering together of production into one economic unit gives the producer a better chance of keeping the home market and obtaining markets abroad by reduced overhead charges and so on. But, in any event, I would not admit, and do not admit, that a mere enumeration of businesses that have gone out, or of industries that have gone out, or the mere statement that such and such an industry used to be carried on and is not now, and such an industry might be established under conditions rather vaguely described— I would not admit that any of these statements were criticisms of this Department.

In the end any industrial enterprise is going to depend upon having proper men to take charge of the industry. Outside that, these individuals, if and when they come, could be helped by having conditions made suitable. Let us survey what are the conditions that are likely to bring industrialists here, and let each of the people concerned bear his proper part in seeing that conditions are so modified that at the beginning any industry that can be established will have a proper chance. In a country which has a monopoly of some raw material obviously there is an immediate chance for development. Let it be pointed out where we have a monopoly of any particular raw material, and where a chance of development in favour of it is not given. After that survey let us proceed along the lines of inquiring: is there sufficient training and ability in coping with competition to substitute for that monopoly, or practical monopoly, of some raw material? And even when one gets training and ability to cope with competition and enterprise these things might all be spoiled by adverse conditions, such as the location of buildings, whether the wrong spot has been selected, or whether one more suitable might not have been selected having regard to transport. The transport charges may be such as to operate against an industry backed up by the greatest enterprise. Labour and wages may operate against other advantageous conditions. The bringing in of the raw material, where the raw material is not found at home, and the conditions under which the manufactured article is afterwards exported, are all things that must be taken into consideration. These are things upon which Government action can have very little and certainly no effect if the people concerned are antagonistic.

I have to meet with another criticism in connection with this branch which, at least, I am elevating as the development branch of the Ministry in order to meet a point previously made. I am told that there is too much money spent upon statutory work and enforcement and not enough in connection with development work.

If that means that one ought to strike arbitrarily some proportion as between moneys to be spent on what is called enforcement or statutory obligation work, and moneys for development, there might be a case made that the division of the moneys voted to the Department under this Vote was rather badly placed as between what is called the enforcement side and the development side. But remember it is this Dáil which insists upon the statutory side. Where statutory conditions are imposed upon officials of my Department they have been imposed upon them by this House or some previous House, or by laws accepted by this or a previous Dáil. Unless it is being argued that inspection and enforcement work should be dropped, and that the money which is being paid to factory inspectors and Trade Board inspectors should be taken from them and handed over to people who will be vaguely set what is called development work, I do not know what is meant.

I did hear a phrase used one day to the effect that if the five millions that were put into the Shannon scheme were put into industrial work, look at what would have happened. How would the money be spent? If that five million were available, how would it be put into industrial work? Is it that there would be more subsidies to industry, and, if so, on what basis would they be given? Does it mean that the Government should go into business, establish factories, proceed to get works and hire business men to run the works, and that that money should be spent in that way? Or does it mean that larger sums should be supplied under the Trades Loans Act? That would be a foolish suggestion, seeing that all the money there has not been utilised. I would like to have it explained, when people speak of putting the five millions into industry, how, exactly, it was to be put into industry. Was it that the Government was to take up industry on its own, say, by some method of subsidies, by handing over largesse to some established industries and saying: "You spend that money, and we believe in a year or two things will be right and we will get a return for our money by increased revenue or some other indirect way," and if people speak of the proportion of money that may be spent in the development as compared with enforcement and obligatory work, the only way to end that is to repeal some of the statutes that imposed these duties upon officials in regard to inspection. When people say there are no visible results from the amount of money spent in the enforcement of statutes, is that argument really seriously advanced? There surely are visible results in the absence of the sweating conditions that the Trade Board Acts set out to prevent, and in the reduction of the number of accidents that factory inspection was instituted to prevent. There are visible results from almost every statutory obligation put upon any of the officials of my Department, and if it is thought that these statutory obligations are too oppressive, or that too much money is spent in the enforcement of them, the only way to meet that argument is the repeal of the statutes that enforce those obligations. I do not think that the particular statutes that are going to be enforced are such that there will be any necessity to repeal them. I think it will be found by anyone who considers the situation that the Trade Board Acts and the Factory Inspection Acts do good.

It must be remembered that through the operations of these inspectors and officials, who journey up and down the country frequently and who are in the closest possible touch with industry and know the conditions in the small towns they have to visit and inspect in the most thoroughgoing way, that we are able to collect information through the country and disseminate it to the people who are likely to need it, to people in the country and to people abroad who are likely to come in. Through the statutory activities of these officials, there is an amount of material got together for use at headquarters and for dissemination to people through the country and the people from abroad who may come in.

There is in this Vote a sum of money voted to the Transport and Marine Branch of my Ministry. I was asked on a previous occasion if I considered that the Railways Act of 1924 had done good and what further steps were to be taken with regard to transport. On this matter I must be brief. I claim emphatically that the Railways Act of 1924 has done tremendous good and that it has shown good results even at the present moment. The first advantage accruing to the public from that Act was that on the 1st January, 1925, there was imposed by the Railway Tribunal a reduction on railway charges and freights—a remarkable drop of 12½ per cent. on passenger fares and 10 per cent. on goods freights. I consider, further, it was an advantage to certain parts of the country, in fact to the country as a whole, in the abolition of the baronial guarantees, which proved so burdensome to the guaranteeing areas and in some cases was more than the ratepayers could very well bear. It is objected that the easing or appeasing of their situation has been brought about by throwing the burden upon the general railway shareholders and passengers. That may be the case. At any rate it was a spreading of the burden. That burden was spread in another way that I will refer to later. I think people should take an example from the Listowel and Ballybunion Railway, deceased, and from the Dublin and Lucan Electric Tramway, or Railway, almost definitely deceased, but now being resurrected in another way. If people consider that if the baronial guarantees had not been placed on the shoulders of the general public there would be certain areas in the country in which there would to-day be no railway transport. In fact, the amalgamation scheme preserved transport in certain backward areas in the country. Most of these baronial guaranteed areas would have suffered the same fate as the Listowel and Ballybunion Railway were it not for the amalgamation scheme.

There has been a new classification of merchandise which is definitely settled in line with Irish requirements. The standard conditions of carriage have been settled and the amount of the standard revenue the company can earn has been definitely decided, and the rates charged by the company in order to earn that revenue have been decided also.

That definition has involved the subtraction of £400,000 from the expenditure that the railway company wanted to have established. In addition to that there is this matter which must be taken into consideration, and that is that since the passing of the Railways Act of 1924 there has been a considerable saving. If you take the cost of the running for 1924, the last year of the amalgamated and absorbed companies, and compare that with the expenditure in 1927 you will find a decrease to the amount of £777,000. In other words, the economies that have been effected under the amalgamation run to £777,000. If one looks at that amount and the amount of money required to pay, say, the guaranteed and preference shareholders and that the payments on the ordinary stock could be met out of £777,000, one gets a true reflex of the advantage that amalgamation has been to the company. There is one further point that has to be made about the Railways Act. I do not think that to-day there is any well-informed opinion against amalgamation. The objections that were held to amalgamation at one time have disappeared. In fact, the objection now appears in a different form. At the time the amalgamation was going on certain people opposed to the amalgamation process said that one thing that was to be destroyed by the amalgamation was the competition that hitherto prevailed between the railway companies. It was pointed out that there was, in fact, no competition against the railway companies, that the railway lines, as situated, did not allow of competition. Now the argument is gone to the other extreme. The amalgamated company is now faced with competition that we are told is wasteful, and that the element that provides that competition should be harnessed and brought under control. Since the amalgamation there has arisen a new competitor to the railway, a competitor that was not thought of in 1924. That competitor has now reached his present dimensions and stature. That is the competition from the road motor vehicles. That competition has had a considerable effect in withdrawing moneys from the revenue of the Great Southern Railways Company. If that goes on the standard revenue provided under the Railways Act is now impossible of attainment, and it would be inequitable to the railway company to allow its being maintained. In other words, if passengers pass from the rails to the roads then the amalgamated company should be enabled to adjust itself to the situation.

The amalgamated company should make the carrying of goods its chief concern and not set out to be, as in the past, a passenger-carrying service. That is one of the things of the future. If, as has been claimed officially by the railway company, certain travellers and passengers are irretrievably lost, then it will mean that the railway situation will have to be regarded from another angle. At the moment there is a continuous clamour for coordination or control of transport, and that cry seems to include all transport. And when people speak of the defection of passengers from the railway system to the roads they speak as if entirely the case is that the passengers had gone on to the buses, that they had gone to the transport companies. That is not so. In fact, the greatest drain on the railway system is not so much the motor buses as the private motor car. The drain from the railway companies is not at all so much due to the proportion of its traffic that has been taken by the bus companies. The bus is a serious competitor, and I am not going to minimise that at all. But public opinion seems to regard the bus as almost the only competitor, and seems to think that the private car plays no part in taking the traffic away from the railway company. It does play a big part. And it must be remembered in this connection that the receipts in the last couple of years have not shown that there is any great decrease with regard to merchandise generally and live stock in the matter of transport. One may say that the situation is either the same or has improved. There is no pessimism with regard to that. It is only the drop in the passenger receipts which is serious. That has to be put in conjunction with the argument recently put forward about control. The question in regard to control is, is that control to operate with regard to the public-owned passenger-carrying motor vehicles? One obviously is not to control the private car. One cannot control the car which a man uses on the public highway when the highway is there for him, when he meets the charges with respect to that highway. One cannot say to such a man owning a private car—whether it is a car or a lorry—that he should not use that car which he has paid for and bought at his own private expense. Otherwise one would have to face the rather revolutionary proposal that a firm owning lorries and proposing to carry stuff over the roads should be prohibited from doing so; that they should be told they could only carry stuff to the nearest railway station to be transported again to the station nearest the place at which the goods were to be delivered, and that then they could have the use of a motor vehicle there if they liked. Such a proposition would be ludicrous, and it would be certainly ludicrous in the case of the private car-owner who would be conveying himself and his family and friends from his residence to town.

Therefore, it means that there are two public transport services under consideration. That, again, will have to be divided into its various aspects. Undoubtedly there ought to be better control of the public transport services than at the moment in regard to regulations concerning the safety of the public in the buses and the people using the highway along with the omnibuses. There is at present under consideration by a Departmental Combuses, and, possibly, better regulations with regard to the speed of motor 'buses, and, possibly, better regulations with regard to their width and length, and also better regulations as to the convenience and safeguarding of the lives of the passengers, drivers and conductors. That is one aspect of this matter which can be dealt with by itself, and which is being dealt with, I had hopes that the Committee would have reported by this time, and we could have before the Dáil whatever the recommendations of that Committee are with regard to these matters. Undoubtedly, that is a matter that can be dealt with by itself.

Then comes the question of the suitability of the buses for certain types of roads and how the roads are going to bear—not the weight, because that is another matter—the passage of certain buses operating along them at frequent intervals. There is the question whether the vehicles are too wide for the narrow roads, and so forth, and there are matters with regard to the safeguarding regulations. The financial side is a matter that can be dealt with from an aspect by itself.

It must be remembered there was a policy established with regard to motor taxation and the Road Fund. There was a policy established and announced in this House two years ago, and it amounted to this: that one took the roads as they were in 1914, when there was little or no motor traffic, nothing relative to what it is at present. It was thought possible to find out what the roads then cost with regard to their making and upkeep. Whatever moneys were expended on the roads in 1914 were mainly contributed by the ratepayer, because the motor taxation was inequitable at the time. The ratepayer is equalised with the farmer for this purpose. What we did was, we took the farmers' selling costs of two years ago as compared with the selling costs in 1914. We said we would apportion against the ratepayer the amount that the ratepayer used to contribute for the maintenance and upkeep of the roads in 1914, increased by whatever percentage the farmers' selling costs of two years ago showed in comparison with the 1914 selling costs. In other words, we would put the ratepayer in the country in the same position as in 1914, and if he gets a better price for his stuff we increase what he used to pay proportionately; we equalise with the current values at the moment, and everything beyond that has to be met by motor taxation. That has been the policy for the last two years. If the roads are going to be torn up by unnecessary bus services, these services will meet the cost of the wear and tear by payments enforced against them. That is the position as it stands.

There is one defect in that plan, and that is the incidence of the portion of the moneys which has to be met out of motor taxation as between the private owner and the commercial vehicle, the public transport passenger-carrying services. That is again, at the moment, being looked into. Supposing a better adjustment is made, one that is regarded as equitable in the sense that one takes the percentage of damage done to the roads by the heavy bus traffic and sees that of the moneys to be paid out of motor taxation for the upkeep of the road, an adequate proportion will be taken from those who run buses along the roads, then the situation is equalised. The ratepayer pays no more than in 1914. He was satisfied with the types of roads in 1914.

Not satisfied. The ratepayer is not satisfied with the type of road that prevails to-day.

May I ask the Minister is he satisfied that he has the same freedom on the same roads to-day?

I suppose the Deputy means to convey that he is not getting the same freedom because there are too many buses. That is one aspect of the question that has to be met. Undoubtedly, there are places where it is unsafe to travel and, undoubtedly, there are places where, even speeding at 45 miles an hour, it is impossible to pass these buses and you pass them at the risk of your own life. That is the safeguarding of life and limb aspect of this situation. The finance aspect is another matter and I have described the way that that is being tackled. Before I leave that, I want to refer to the powers the local authorities have with regard to getting roads closed. If they think certain roads are not fit to bear the weight of certain vehicles passing over them, or if they think there would be a danger to the vehicle or its passengers or to other traffic, or if the road is unsuitable for such traffic, where a case is made after public inquiry then the local authority, with the sanction of the Minister, can get any or all roads under its supervision closed.

Does that apply to by-roads?

It applies to roads. I have the Act here:—"Restriction of traffic on roads and bridges." There is no definition; it just refers to roads. One of the arguments that I have always met with is, what would the Minister do on an application being made? I made inquiry as to how many applications of the type had been made. Six were made; one was granted complete, another was granted on the portion of it in regard to which it was thought a case was made, and the rest of it was refused. In another case it was pointed out that the order the County Council wanted was not the type of order that could be issued under the 1920 Road Act and the Council was directed how to proceed and it did not proceed any further. In the other three cases a definite reply was sent pointing out the Department's policy in all these applications. It was pointed out that a public inquiry might be necessary to deal with the section of the road adverted to and the Council did not, apparently, like to face a public inquiry. In other words, the Council wanted to have something done in a hole and corner way and it would not stand up to a public inquiry.

You have one aspect in the safeguarding of the passengers and other users of the roads and, secondly, you have the aspect of the economies of transport. Once these two things are taken away, this clamour for the control of public transport amounts to this, that there should be some such control as there is with regard to railways; that there should be an allocation of routes and, in allocating routes, one sees that the area that is well served by a railway system is not included. The decision in that matter will not be a decision affecting only road transport. Why should there be a decision prohibiting private enterprise from entering on the supplying of transport services? Why should a private company be prohibited from them and allow any control to interest itself at any time in, say, the provision of entertainments services, the establishment of cinema halls, or the establishment of shops of any one type, without any advertence to the fact that there are several of the same type in the town?

What does the ratepayer and the taxpayer pay for cinemas and halls compared with what he pays for the upkeep of roads?

The Deputy will not let me distinguish these different types. If the ratepayer has to pay more for the roads than he had to pay in 1914 he certainly has a right to complain. He is not being asked to pay anything now for the better type of road capable of withstanding bus traffic.

Question.

The Deputy may disagree with my figures, but that has been the policy. If the Deputy thinks that it has not been carried out I would like him to discuss the question as to how taxation could be better adjusted in some other way. That has been the policy. It is a fair policy. Outside that there is the question as to whether the House is willing to have it adopted as a general business policy that, because there are sufficient services of a certain type already existing a Government department could say to the promoters of similar services: "No, you cannot have them, as there are sufficient already." If we got that general business decision we could operate against all forms of unnecessary competition. Until we get that general ruling in regard to business generally we cannot go into the question of controlling road services. There is another aspect of the question. I think one of the items to be considered in regard to the control of road transport is that there should be a definite minimum and maximum fare established for passengers for certain road services. I do not believe that anybody has sufficient information to say what should be the charge per mile for a passenger carried by a road vehicle. It will, of course, vary with the type of road vehicle used. What could be established is that what would be legitimate for one type of vehicle would be quite wrong for another.

Up to the present, accounts have not been kept which would enable proper deductions to be made in regard to such a policy. In a year or so, however, we will be able to have that information, as, owing to recent legislation, we will be able to get access to certain accounts which will give us reliable figures and which will take into account depreciation and so forth. So far, however, I do not believe that anyone could say what would be a proper minimum fare to be established for bus traffic generally in the Free State. These are questions that will have to be answered later on. It is clear that before one comes to the point of saying that the standard revenue of the railway company must be reduced, and that the capital of such company must be written down, the other side of the question must be examined. It has not yet been examined because the material was not there for examination. The records go to show that the period of wasteful bus competition is coming to an end. It is killing itself. Some services which have been described to me as dirty and unhygienic, services in which exhaust gases are inclined to make people ill, services in which the repairs are badly attended to, and in which people have been held up to have bus repairs effected on the roadside, all operate to the disadvantage of bad bus services, with the result that bus owners have been forced to combine and co-ordinate their services. I put it to persons who think otherwise, and who are annoyed because there has not been control of road services, to think over the facts and to realise the difficulty about getting reliable figures. I ask them do they believe that anybody could get the facts, except after long public inquiry, on which could be based established fares for passengers on road services?

Will the Minister tell us what steps he has taken, or proposes to take, which will enable him to get figures to show the running costs of non-railway owned buses?

That is a different matter. I can take the services over which I have powers and make certain deductions. If they are to be made of general application, then it can be asked, do they apply to the other buses? I say that the only buses about which we can get figures are those under our control, and if we are satisfied that some public benefit will accrue as a result of our experience in the light of such figures we will be prepared to embark on that task. As I say, the result of the efforts of the Transport and Marine branch of my Department in regard to the working of the Railways Act has been effective. Their appearance before the Railway Tribunal has been productive of good and will, I think, produce further benefits from the Act of 1924. Even the statement that economies to the amount of three-quarters of a million have been effected in railway working, is one sign at least that the amalgamation of the railways was necessary.

ACTING-CHAIRMAN

An amendment appears in the names of two Deputies. It was put down first by Deputy Davin and later by Deputy Lemass. They both used exactly the same words. It is conceivable that such amendment would be approached from different points of view and argued in a different way by Deputy Davin, Deputy Lemass and others. As it seems to be an amendment which will lead to the same discussion I shall call on Deputy Davin to move it, as his name has priority on the Order paper.

I move:—"That the Vote be referred back for reconsideration." I put down this motion for two reasons. First, to give the Minister an opportunity of stating, or, if he wished to do so, of re-stating, his policy in regard to the general problem of transport. We have already had a partial statement from him on that matter. I put this amendment down for another reason. During the last four or five years discussions were initiated in this House by the members of this and other Parties on the transport problem, but during that time we had not the advantage of the presence of the Fianna Fáil Party, which is now here in almost equal numbers to the Government Party. The latter Party is responsible for a go-as-you-please transport policy at present. We have had the advantage of the statement of the Minister in which he claimed that the amalgamation policy of the Government is responsible for certain benefits under the Railway Act, and that he feels satisfied that there is no necessity to take any further steps in regard to the problem. I do not think that a solution of it has been found. I do not think that it lies with any particular party to find that solution. It requires the collective wisdom of all those who have given the matter consideration to find the solution whether they be railway users, shareholders, workers, managers and those interested in other forms of transport. I invite in this discussion from the Fianna Fáil Party a statement of their policy in regard to this problem. I have carefully watched the statements made by leaders of the Fianna Fáil Party on almost all matters of public importance, but I could not fail to notice that up to the present they have shirked their responsibility in making some contribution towards the solution of this national problem.

resumed the Chair.

I realise that there are members of the Fianna Fáil Party who have views and who have privately expressed their views in regard to this matter. I hope I am not wrong in saying that Deputy Moore is recognised, in my opinion, as the expert of the Fianna Fáil Party on this question, and in the absence of a statement from Deputy de Valera I would welcome a statement from Deputy Moore on this matter in the course of the debate. The Labour Party's policy in regard to the transport problem was put before the House in 1925 in the shape of a Bill known as the Transport and Communications Bill. That Bill was introduced into the House after very careful consideration. Our policy is the nationalisation of the means of communication, particularly nationalisation of the railways. I want to know whether the Fianna Fáil Party agree with the Government policy of amalgamation, and whether they say, as the Minister for Industry and Commerce has just stated, that it is just as well to leave what is bad enough alone and to let things grow worse, whether they will let things go from bad to worse before we face this problem that has to be eventually faced. I want to know whether they believe in the policy of grouping, unification, or nationalisation. I think it is up to that Party to make their views known on this question to the House and to the country. The Government policy is that of amalgamation as laid down in the Act of 1924.

Since the passing of the Act the Government have gone a step further in tying the hands of the railway company as against other people who are engaged in the same form of transport. They have introduced the Railway Motor Service Act, giving power to the railway company, who are ratepayers like other property-holders in the community, to run motor buses for the benefit of the travelling public. I want at this stage to quote from a statement made by President Cosgrave when he proposed the Second Reading of the Railways Bill of 1924 in this House on the 11th April, 1924. The President said:

Some, though not all, of the railway companies profess to regard the economy to be secured by unification as comparatively small. I think this is rather their "brief" than their real anticipation. It would not be a wise attitude for them to adopt, because, unless they are able by their ability and efficiency and with all the opportunities given them by this Bill to provide adequate services at reasonable rates, I think the country may be forced to adopt some other scheme for running the railways.

I state here, from the knowledge I have at my disposal, that the policy laid down in the Act of 1924 has not, in my opinion—and if the Minister were frank enough with the House he would say the same thing—brought about the results which the President hoped for in moving the Second Reading of the Bill. Of course the Minister tried to kill criticism by quoting a statement that expenditure, as compared with the expenditure in pre-amalgamation days has been reduced by the large sum of £770,000. Who has got the advantage of that reduction? It has not been the railway men or the railway users. As far as I know, nobody has gained but the people living in the baronially guaranteed areas. There has been a reduction in the rates under the Act of 1924 of 12½ per cent., but how far has this been reduced by the imposition placed on the back of the Great Southern Railways Company of the uneconomic services that were in the baronially guaranteed areas previous to the operation of the 1924 Act? It has not meant 12½ per cent., at any rate, to the railway users.

I am surprised to hear that the Minister is so far satisfied that the policy laid down in the 1924 Act has succeeded up to the present. I wonder would he explain, when he is speaking again, his statement that the Railway Tribunal has done all the work that was expected of it up to the present time. I read in the "Independent" of yesterday a report of the proceedings of the Railway Tribunal, and I saw a statement attributed to the Chairman at the meeting of the Tribunal, in which he said: "Three years ago the railways of the Irish Free State had been amalgamated and since that time the Railway Tribunal had dealt with such cases as they arose. Now they learned that the company proposed to appeal against portion of their recent decision. They had learned that the earliest date at which the appeal could be heard was 1st November next." I want the Minister to note this statement in particular and to say what is meant by it: "If the forecast was correct, it would mean that most of the aims of the Railway Act would have to be postponed." Perhaps the Minister will at a later stage explain exactly the meaning of the statement made by the Chairman of the Railways Tribunal, whom it is likely to affect, and in what way it is likely to affect the operation of the Act of 1924.

It means that the standard charges cannot come in until then.

The members of the Labour Party differed with the Government Party on the question of policy, that is, the policy of standing for the nationalisation of railways against amalgamation or unification but the Government in that Act also provided a Board of Directors of fifteen members. I believed then and I believe now that that is a ridiculous number to put upon any Board or business concern in this country, if the Minister or anybody has any idea of conducting affairs on business lines. Let us examine the situation and compare the position of the Government in regard to the Shannon scheme with the attitude adopted by them under the Railways Act of 1924. It is necessary, they say, to find fifteen men of the best brains in the country to put them on the Railway Board so that a service at the cheapest possible rate will be provided for the travelling public, and at the same time they say with the taxpayers' money involved, in the interests of good business they cannot have more than five or six directors responsible for the administration of the Shannon scheme. Either they were wrong in appointing fifteen members on the Board of the Great Southern Railway Company for the administration of the railways or they were wrong in appointing such a small number to conduct a business which the Government has created in connection with the operation of the Shannon scheme.

Are they the same thing?

I believe, and I am more convinced now than ever, that the failure of the Act of 1924 is attributable to the fact that the Government at the time insisted upon putting fifteen members on the Board instead of four or five members. My own personal view is that the administration of the Great Southern Railways or any similar concern should be in the hands of three or four men who know something about what they are dealing with. This Board is over-loaded with financiers, men who have money to play with. They are put on the Board because they are directors of this, that or the other bank and they are put in to manage railway affairs, to interfere in work in which skill and experience are necessary, and to direct skilled men while the members of the executive authority know nothing about these matters. That is, in my opinion, the explanation of the failure or partial failure of the working of the Railways Act of 1924. I am satisfied that the policy of the Government, as outlined through that particular Act, has not brought about the result which even the Minister himself hoped for at the time. We do know that it has not put the railwaymen who were working in the concern at the time the amalgamated company came into operation into a better position. Their wages have been reduced, the number in employment on January 1925 as compared with to-day has been reduced by 2,000 or 3,000. I do not see that any great advantage has been given either to the trading or travelling public in the shape of reduced fares.

I am not sure whether the Minister for Industry and Commerce is of the same opinion as the President was at the time. His opinion was that if the results they hoped for were not achieved in the course of two or three years' experience of the working of the Act, this House, or whatever House would replace it, would have to take the next best step. What is the next best step? Have we come to the stage when this House should feel called upon to consider taking the next best step in the interests of the railway users of this country? I believe the failure of the Railway Act of 1924 is due largely to the fact that the Government have taken upon themselves the responsibility of allowing another form of transport to creep into this country in competition with the railway services and without any control of any kind. Railways in every other country are controlled by a State Department, whether they are nationalised or not. They are controlled in so far as they provide for the safety of the trading and travelling public. The operations of the railway company are also controlled so far as the minimum and maximum fares are concerned. In this new form of transport which the Government has allowed to operate without any form of control they have failed up to the present to bring these people within the same form of control as the railways have been brought under the old Acts of the British Parliament and the Railway Act of 1924. The Government has not, so far as I can see, taken any effective steps to prevent the wasteful and uneconomic competition through rival companies running lines alongside each other between the same points. In my opinion all powers of government in regard to transport and the inseparable question of road construction and maintenance should be vested in one Ministry, whatever that Ministry may be. To the Ministry might be attached, if it was thought advisable, an advisory council of experts in road and transport questions, who would go into the problem of how best to regulate the transport service with a view to avoiding wasteful competition whilst at the same time giving the most efficient and the cheapest service possible.

What is the position to-day even in regard to Governmental control of the transport services as a whole? You have the Minister for Industry and Commerce responsible for railway legislation and for the control of railway services within certain limits laid down under the Railway Act of 1924, and you have the Department of Local Government dealing with another side of the transport question in so far as it affects the construction and maintenance of roads throughout the country, and you have the Minister for Justice responsible for licensing the bus owners and also for the traffic regulations, and for the administration of certain traffic laws that are now in existence. I believe that the Government of this country, no matter what Government it may be, either now or in the near future, will never come to a considered and clear decision on this whole transport problem until at least you have all forms of transport under the control of one Ministry. We of the Labour Party say that the railways should be nationalised, but whether the railways are nationalised or not the control of all forms of transport, whether of road, rail or canal, should certainly be under one Ministry and one separate Department. If, and when, it comes to that state of affairs you will have one Department and one Minister from day to day, week to week, or year to year, faced with some new problem with regard to that particular matter and where he will have under his control all forms of transport he will have to look at the question from every angle. I believe, from the experience I have had of having discussions with people in different departments with separate responsibilities in this question of transport, that there is a certain amount of conflict as between different Ministers, certainly between the heads of certain departments, which could not exist if you had all forms of transport under one Ministry. Therefore, whether it is nationalisation or not, it is, in my opinion, absolutely essential for the trading and travelling public of this country if we are to have a definite and final solution of this problem to have all forms of transport under the one Department or Ministry. There is an idea in the minds of those who are opposed to amalgamation, unification, or nationalisation, that this means the setting up of a new Ministry and the appointment of a new Minister. I do not believe that it means any such thing, but I think the time will come when the present Ministry or their successors will be forced to take that step, and that step, in my opinion, should be taken without any further delay.

I fail to see why the present Ministry should allow this new form of transport in the shape of bus competition to grow up without control of any kind. I will try to bring it home to members of the House what this means by referring to a certain area in this country where you have to-day an efficient railway service, an efficient tramway service, and a non-controlled bus service operating within the same area. I refer to the Dalkey area where, as everybody knows, a number of buses are running without control of any kind. You have also a railway service and a tramway service. I want to deal with this problem and to present the picture as I see it and as I have endeavoured to find out the facts in connection with these three services so that members of the House may understand how these transport services—the railway, the tramway and the bus services—cater for employment, and in what way they affect the ratepayers and the taxpayers in that particular area. On the Dublin to Dalkey section, so far as it affects the railway company, you have 451 men employed at the present time, and the yearly wages bill of the railway company in respect of these 451 men amounts to £79,000. To this figure, so far as the railway company is concerned, must be added the cost and maintenance of rolling stock, the cost of coal, of material, and the maintenance of the permanent way, as well as the rates on the railway property. In the case of the tramway company from Dublin to Dalkey there is a mileage of 9.10, the wages bill for 340 employees in that area amounts to £54,904 per year. The cost of maintaining the track, overhead line and cables and the way-leaves paid to local authorities and the rates on lines only amount to a sum of £23,550. The maintenance and renewal of rolling stock comes to a sum of £11,234.

Let us come to the bus services that are operating in that area. Let us see for ourselves and find out as I have tried to find out what employment they give and what money goes into circulation as a result of their operations in that particular area. According to the Minister for Local Government in reply to a question in this House on the 18th of July last we have 11 bus companies operating with 24 buses on the Dublin to Dalkey line. Since that question was answered two additional buses have been put on that line.

They give employment to 40 drivers and conductors, and the average wage paid per week does not exceed the figure of £2 per man; therefore their average yearly wage bill would amount to £4,160. I have been generous to the bus owners who are plying for hire in that particular area when I say that the average wage does not exceed £2 per week. I have the name of one bus company—appropriately named, in my opinion, the Pirate Bus Company—which pays the conductors the miserable pittance of £1 per week. There is no overtime and Sunday duty is included. I understand they work an unlimited time. I put before the House for consideration the amount of money spent on wages and the number of men employed by the railway company, the tramways company, and, on the other hand, the bus companies What is the revenue to the State from the bus companies operating on the Dublin and Dalkey route? According to another answer I got to a question from a Minister in the House to-day, the receipts from the licence duty from the twenty-four buses amount to the small sum of £1,290. I think it is a public scandal that bus owners and companies at any time can go to the Dublin County Council Office and take out a licence to run buses on the Dublin to Dalkey route and make use of the permanent way put down by the Dublin Tram Company. I do not wish to see the Dublin Tramway Company put out of existence by the operation of bus companies of this description, with the assistance given by the Leyland Motor Company, who send their buses here and maintain their interest in the bus company until they get back the money to which they are entitled for these buses. The tramway track has been constructed out of the revenue of the Tramway Company. They built their own 'buses in this country in their works at Inchicore. They laid down their own lines, and the Minister for Industry and Commerce has the audacity to tell the House that it is good policy to allow bus companies to come in and use the lines laid by the Tramway Company. The Tramway Company are spending large sums in wages and maintenance, and these bus companies are coming in and confiscating the property of a privately-owned company which gives good employment and manufactures its own rolling stock in this country. You might as well suggest that it would be a good and proper thing to allow these buses to come in on the tracks and use the permanent way laid down by the railway shareholders. The Tramway Company operating between Dublin and Dalkey is under severe State regulations with regard to safety appliances, and the travelling public are protected in that way against personal injury and loss of life. It is well known that if a person is injured or killed by a tramway car that the Dublin juries in particular are liberal to the applicant for compensation. What does the Minister expect to happen to an individual who met with an accident caused by one of those non-controlled bus companies? I have made inquiries with regard to these bus companies plying in this area, and I find these buses are being run by individuals in some cases and a collection of individuals in others; the buses are bought on the hiring or deferred pay system.

Seventy-five pounds is paid down for one or more buses and the rest of the money is paid by instalments. In any one of these cases, if an accident took place involving loss of life or injury to persons, I do not care what a jury would give in the way of damages, nothing could be got from the people who run or own them. Is that fair treatment to the Tramway Company, as against the bus company, under such circumstances, or does the Minister still contend that there should be no control and that there should not be provision in the way of safety appliances and provision against loss of life or injury to any person who may make use of those non-controlled bus companies?

There is another point. The public authorities throughout this country, for some reason which I cannot understand, are, consciously or unconsciously, providing these bus companies with free bus stances while at the same time in the same areas railway or tram companies are providing large sums in rates to the local authorities. If we must have competition, I am not making a case against fair competition or for the wiping out of bus companies, but if there is to be competition it should be on fair lines, and if the railway companies pay a large amount every year in rates on property owned by them in certain areas, there is no justification as to why the Local Government Department or Ministry should allow public authorities to provide free stances for bus companies to compete against people who pay for the roads in the locality. Of course, the railway companies have to take whatever traffic is offered to them in the shape of passengers or goods, but there is no such obligation upon the non-railway-owned bus companies to accept traffic; they can take or refuse whatever traffic they like. The railway companies and tramway companies have certain time-tables and are expected to run to these, and are expected to run whatever trams or trains are put down in their time-table. The bus companies can come and go as they please. In the Dublin and Dalkey area I have been watching them very closely. I find you will have a huge number of buses in the early morning to pick up whatever passengers they can get. They snap up the passengers from the tramway company and put their buses in the sheds from the hour of ten onwards. They may go out again at 1 o'clock, or they may not, but they certainly go out in the afternoon between 6 o'clock and 10 o'clock, when there is a reasonable demand for passengers. If you have to have the three forms of transport in this country— the railway, the road and the tramway company—I think in the case of people who ply for public hire, who use buses to carry people, they should be required to give a guarantee to those people they carry from one point to another that time-tables will be adhered to and that vehicles will be adavailable when required.

I have already pointed out to the Minister the serious position which the travelling public are confronted with as a result of the failure of the Government to insist upon third-party insurance in the case of bus companies. The Minister makes the case that the ratepayers of any particular area are not paying anything more to-day than they were in 1914 or 1915 for the upkeep of roads. I should like the Minister to produce figures in support of that statement, as I do not think it is correct. He also makes the statement that the bus companies and the owners of motors generally are, in his opinion, paying a reasonable amount in taxation for the damage they do to the roads. I should like to ask the Minister what revenue the Government derives from bus owners registered in Belfast who run buses across the border and in some cases ply even as far as Dublin. As far as I can find out, they pay nothing for the use of the roads in the Free State area. I should like to know whether the Minister is prepared to take action to make these people pay something for the use and abuse of the roads in the Free State area. My principal complaint against the Ministry is that they have allowed this new form of transport to creep in without any control. Whether or not we have nationalisation of the railways and tramways, there is no justification for a third form of transport being allowed to be set up here without giving the same protection to the trading and travelling public as is given under the Acts regulating the operation and control of railways and tramways.

I am not making the claim that the Labour Party are the only Party to put forward any proposal for the solution of this problem, but I think that the debate on this Vote will serve a useful purpose if it brings from the leaders of the Fianna Fáil Party a statement as to what is their solution of the problem. Every Party and person anxious to provide a good transport system should make a contribution to the solution of the problem. The Fianna Fáil Party almost equals in numbers the Government Party, which is responsible for the Railways Act of 1924. I want them to tell the Dáil whether they are satisfied with the transport policy of the Government as they find it, or if not, what alternative proposals they have in mind which will bring us nearer to the final solution of a problem which must be solved in the near future.

The motive which I had in putting down an amendment to refer back this Vote to the Minister was different in many respects to that which induced Deputy Davin to put down a similar amendment. In fact, one reason which I had was to prevent the discussion of this particular Estimate being confined to a particular matter like transport, which is only subsidiary to the whole question of the development of Irish industries, which is the main concern of this Department. It is the policy of the Government and the Minister in relation to Irish industry to which this House should give its earnest attention. This amendment will give Deputies an opportunity of expressing their opinions and, if necessary, their dissatisfaction with that policy in so far as it has been manifested. The Minister informed us that the greater part of the money asked for is expended upon the administration of various laws concerning Irish industries, many of which were enacted by the Government of another country with particular relation to the problems of another country. I have no doubt that the Department of Industry and Commerce is reasonably efficient in the manner in which it carries out its work in connection with these enactments, and that the duties that devolve upon it are carried out and not neglected. I believe that if the effect of many of these enactments was considered it would be found that a number of them were unnecessary or could be modified or amalgamated to suit the particular requirements of this country. But the point I wish to make is that the Department has a function in relation to Irish industry which is not confined to the administration of the laws concerning it. It has a function of leadership and stimulus within its sphere.

The Minister explained at great length the various steps which the Department has taken since its inception in carrying out the functions which devolve upon it. It is not, however, the machinery set up to carry out its duties with which this House should be primarily concerned, but with the outlook and the purpose that direct the machinery. I think it is a fair criticism of the Department, as we have known it, that the leadership which it has given has not been sufficiently vigorous or the help which it has extended to Irish industries sufficiently strong. Its attitude appears to have been one partly of pessimism and partly of indifference. If, as the Minister tells us, any Irish manufacturers really appreciate the work which the Department is doing on their behalf it is something to be marvelled at. It is something to be marvelled at that Irish manufacturers and the people generally do not look upon the Department as something naturally opposed to their interests.

When we look around and see the position of Irish industry we must come to the conclusion that something has gone wrong. The Minister has informed us that the disappearance of certain industries may, in fact, be an indication of progress that the statement that certain businesses have disappeared, or have not been established is not fair criticism of his Department. But I submit that the Minister's statement is not a defence of the activities of his Department. Merely to say that the disappearance of certain businesses might be an indication of progress is not to say that the disappearance of businesses, which we have seen disappear, is an indication of progress and not of industrial stagnation. When we look round and see not merely the position of Irish industry, but the appalling number of unemployed, we are forced to the conclusion that there is something wrong with the policy behind the machinery of the Department. The nation's labour forces are by far the most important of these assets, and an inability continued over a long period of years to direct some fifteen or twenty per cent. of these forces into useful spheres of employment is in itself an indication that the directing machinery has broken down, and results, of course, in disastrous impoverishment of the nation. The resources of labour which are at present idle could, we are convinced, be directed into useful spheres of employment if the right lead was given.

It is in connection with this problem of unemployment that we must face the industrial situation. A solution must be found for it. We of the Fianna Fáil Party have found it impossible to get the House to stand up to that problem. It has been treated as a matter incidental to the political situation and incidental to the natural growth of recent events, not as a problem which can and must be solved. Because when we face the problem of unemployment for the purpose of solving it, we will find that we will have to solve 90 per cent. of the remaining economic problems that confront us; that unemployment is symptomatic of the disease from which the whole industrial body in this country is suffering. Its economic and social effects are both disastrous. On the one hand, you have a burden placed upon industry by the necessity of providing for the unemployed, a burden that is not even partly represented by the Vote we passed the other day in connection with unemployment insurance, or the Votes which we are called upon to pass occasionally for the purpose of financing relief schemes.

As a result of the existing situation you have a strong inducement given to the workers to give the least possible return, per day or per week, compatible with continued employment, under the quite natural impression that the amount of work available is strictly limited, and that the longer the time they take in performing the work the better they are paid for it. You have then, of course, the obvious evil represented by the decreased purchasing power of the community, which has an effect upon every sphere of industrial activity and on every branch of trade in the country. On the other hand, we cannot, as representatives of the people, ignore the social effects of unemployment, the disintegrating effect which it is having on our family life, the wrong attitude of life which many young people are developing. We must face the fact that there are large numbers of men of from 21 to 25 years who never in their lives have had the experience of regular employment. The attitude which these men must take towards all questions concerning the nation cannot be normal. We have got to take that into consideration. We have to face the evils resulting from this unemployment—the economic and social evils—and, realising the magnitude of the problem, set ourselves to solve it.

The attitude of the Minister has very largely been that he, as Minister, and the Government and the State, are being loaded with responsibility in that connection which is not rightly theirs. He will tell us that it is not his direct responsibility to provide work for the unemployed, that the function of his Department is merely to stimulate industrial enterprise in the hope that that stimulation will result in a diminution of the unemployment problem. But we have got to face that attitude and say whether or not it is the correct one. We have given our 12 million or 15 million acres of agricultural land into the hands of the farming community. We have told them to do the best they can with it. We have given our resources in capital and technical skill to private enterprise in industry. Between them these two bodies are unable to provide food, clothing and housing for the people. Whether or not they are unable, in any case they failed to do so. And the responsibility of the State is direct and immediate in providing food, clothing and houses for the surplus for which private enterprise in business or in agriculture has failed to provide. There are, of course, two kinds of unemployment. They are usually described as the normal and the abnormal, but these terms are often misused. By normal unemployment I do not mean that there should be normally seven or eight or ten thousand unemployed people in this country. I believe that there should be no persons normally unemployed here, and that if the policy of the State were properly directed there need not be any. There are, of course, certain seasonal fluctuations in certain industries that result in periodic unemployment.

Certain industries are affected by seasonal demands for products and fluctuations in supplies of their raw material, with the result that those engaged in them are normally unemployed for certain periods of the year. There is also the occupation—the loading and unloading of ships, for example, which really depends upon the existence of the reserve of labour from which they can draw. That is casual labour. I think it would be generally agreed, and I think I can nearly speak for every Deputy on this matter, that the decasualisation of labour should be effected as rapidly as possible. For dealing with that normal unemployment it will be found that some scheme of unemployment insurance is best suited. Whether the existing scheme is best for the conditions existing in this country is a matter which can be investigated. I think the Government itself had that matter under investigation at one time. But Unemployment insurance can only be made to cover fairly easily calculable risks of recurring periods of unemployment amongst people normally employed. It cannot be made to cover the case of people whose occupations are permanently gone and people out of work for years at a time. We must reckon these as abnormally unemployed and must be dealt with in an abnormal manner. Amongst the abnormally unemployed we can place those whose occupations are permanently gone as a result of changes in industrial organisation, those who never had permanent employment of those who have exhausted their benefit under the Unemployment Insurance Act and have nothing more coming to them. I think we can also place amongst the abnormally unemployed all the agricultural unemployed. Our agricultural industry is over-staffed. We have, according to statistics supplied by the Department of Industry and Commerce, sixty-one agricultural workers per thousand acres of arable land, as against fifty-six in Denmark, although Denmark ploughs 65 per cent. of the land, against our 15 per cent. I think those who read that admirably prepared document, issued recently, on agricultural statistics, will feel convinced that our agricultural industry is over-staffed.

It is incapable of providing employment under present conditions for a larger number than that at present employed in it, and those unemployed in that industry must be regarded as having permanently lost their occupations.

I have said, and it is a principle that we on this side accept, that it is the direct responsibility of the State to provide employment for those for whom private enterprise in agriculture or business is unable to provide. It is the State's responsibility. They have adopted this particular system of economic administration by which they divide the country's resources and place them in the hands of private individuals to make the best they can of, and if these private individuals have failed and are failing to provide for all the people of the country, then the State must either reconsider the system which it is working or take on itself the direct responsibility of providing work for the surplus now unprovided for. I do not suggest the State should go directly into business on its own accord. Undoubtedly now, and for a long time to come, the only permanent solution for the unemployment problem lies in the stimulation of private enterprise in business. The Government, however, must take on itself as a prime duty to force that increase in business activity in this country that will result in the reduction in the number of unemployed now, and they must face that duty immediately.

When we look at this problem and hear the points concerning it which have been addressed to us this evening by the Minister for Industry and Commerce, we find that the problem is not insoluble. The Government have already taken direct action to stimulate a certain class of industry that is associated with agriculture. The development of creameries, etc., can be instanced. Their action in that matter has been directed along the right lines, and if the policy that inspired them to take that step was also adopted in other spheres, similarly good results would probably be obtained. Our problems are, of course, essentially different from the problems that confront other countries. Our problems are our own, and they must be faced with a knowledge of the manner in which, in fact, they do differ from the problems of other countries. No doubt, as the Minister has already made arrangements for it, we can benefit by the importation, permanently or temporarily, of technical skill from abroad, but we cannot find in any other country in the world a ready-made solution for the difficulties that confront us here. We can examine the manner in which other Governments faced their problems. We can see what they have done in England, Germany and France, and if we cannot find the actual machinery that we need reproduced there, we can find that spirit which we need reproduced there. In Germany, for example, industries have been reorganised with direct State assistance. Closer association has been maintained between the State and industry by the former actively participating in certain industry through holding large blocks of shares in important industrial concerns, by direct subsidies to large manufacturing firms, by special tariffs for railway transport, by the guarantee of export credits to the chief industries and by increasing participation in the control of public activities. Our problem is different to the German, the French or the British problem, but the spirit that animated the Governments of these countries to face their problems successfully will be found to be the spirit that we will have to instil into this or some future Government to ensure that the problem will also be successfully faced here.

The Minister for Industry and Commerce pointed out that we have neither a monopoly of any raw material nor any particular technical skill or ability possessed by the people of other countries; that we are not favourably situated for the development of particular industries, and that the Government cannot help Irish industries in respect to these matters. No one claims that it can. No one claims that we do possess these particular advantages. If we did there would be no such discussion taking place as is now taking place in this House. If we had a monopoly of particular raw materials, if we were favourably situated for the development of particular trades, or if we had training or ability not possessed by the people of other countries, we would have the industries that grow from these advantages established and flourishing here. But we have not got them, and that is our problem. We have to face the fact that the development of Irish industry requires certain advantages that we do not possess and that we have to acquire.

Irish industry needs efficient management just as the industry of any other country does. It does need technical skill. Our resources in technical skill are limited; in fact, they are subnormal. It requires capital for development purposes, and it requires— and this is an old point—preferential treatment in the home market. Let us see what the Government can do to provide these four particular requirements of Irish industry. Can the Government help directly to supply efficient management or technical skill, the capital for development purposes or the preferential treatment needed in the home market? The steps which have already been taken by the Department of Industry and Commerce to maintain contact with Irish industrialists are, I think, quite satisfactory. The information which they are in a position to supply to the promoters of different concerns must undoubtedly help to increase their efficiency. They should, I think, develop these particular activities to include the organisation of discussions upon common problems of organisation and distribution, and questions of that kind, so as to ensure that the brain-waves that might occur to one manager or one set of directors would be shared by all those engaged in that particular industry. I think the Department of Industry and Commerce could also usefully discuss with the Department of Education the possibility of broadening and increasing the facilities for bringing the best brains of the nation into the universities, and for providing adequate avenues by which the products of the universities might be attracted into the higher walks of industrial life. We are inclined to deride university graduates as business men, but it will be found that the broadening outlook and the possibility of getting a bigger or clearer grasp that does come through university education would be of considerable value in a business career.

It is, however, in the matter of technical education that the Government can help more directly. We have had, of course, recently published a very valuable report upon technical education, and it is to be hoped that, whatever legislation the Government is contemplating arising out of that report, it will be introduced without delay. We have to face the fact that in many industries we do lack technical skill. In how far that deficiency in technical skill is actually hindering our industrial development it is impossible to say. The Minister for Industry and Commerce informed us the other day that the development of the boot and shoe industry beyond its present limits was not possible in consequence of the scarcity of skilled operatives. If his statement is correct it means there are at present no skilled boot and shoe operatives unemployed here. Whether that is so I do not know. If it is so, I am surprised that information was not given to President Cosgrave before he took it upon himself in America to invite American boot and shoe manufacturers to start factories here. It surely was not going to enhance the prestige of the Government here to have its President inviting American business men to start factories, and when they did come to inform them that we had no skilled workers with which to man the factories. It is extraordinary that that particular fact was not discovered by the Minister until after the President had so committed himself.

The third matter which I have mentioned is the provision of capital for development purposes. The Minister has definitely asked for suggestions. He has stated that the Trade Loans Guarantee Acts have not produced the results that were expected from them. I wonder has he analysed the causes for the comparative failure of these Acts? They have, of course, produced good results in so far as they have resulted in the starting of some industries and the preservation of others. But they have not undoubtedly justified the high hopes that were held out when first these Acts were introduced into this House. Let us look at the situation as it is. If a person engaged in business enterprise in this country, or a person proposing to engage in such enterprise, requires capital for development purposes, he has got to proceed to the Department of Industry and Commerce, get in touch with the officials there and run the gauntlet of the Advisory Committee and of the Minister for Industry and Commerce. After having passed the Minister for Industry and Commerce he has to go to the Minister for Finance before he gets the State guarantee, which he brings to the Industrial Trust Company of Ireland and gets cash.

It will be noticed that the part the State plays is a passive part. It sits there motionless. Those who want capital and who are anxious to develop industry have to do all the driving; they have to establish their bona fides by passing several difficult tests which the Act places in their path. It is only when they have finally succeeded in passing these tests, after they have passed these tests either by bullying or persuading the Ministry that their claim is a good one that they are able to get their money and proceed with the work. There have been cases in which the procedure does involve considerable delay, with the result that the concern in question had actually ceased operation before the financial assistance arrived for it. Now if it would be possible to devise a scheme in which the part the State would play would be an active part, then half the difficulties would be overcome. If you can visualise a Minister for Industry and Commerce, or some board or section acting under his authority with a reserve of capital under its control, going throughout the country seeking an investment for capital, seeking avenues for employing it, looking at existing industries and seeing how far they can be developed with the assistance of new capital, looking at the blank spaces in our industrial organisation in order to get those blank spaces filled up, then you have an entirely different situation to what now exists, and if we are going to succeed in building up industries in this country we must ultimately arrive at that position when the State will play an active, and not a passive, part in its development.

I wonder if the Minister for Industry and Commerce has considered the application to this country of the scheme which was first put forward by the Industrial Committee of the English Liberal Party in the report recently published, a scheme for the formation of a national investment trust? We have got to face in this country first that there is a considerable disinclination on the part of the owners of capital to put it into Irish enterprises, and, secondly, that there is no scarcity of such capital. At the moment there are approximately £250,000,000 of Irish capital invested abroad, and, according to the figures given to us by the Minister for Industry and Commerce, that represents an increase of about £30,000,000 last year.

You did not tell them that at the elections.

I do not know what the President is driving at, but as a matter of fact it was one of the strongest election cards I ever played; and I only learned it myself for the first time in the last couple of weeks. During the last year there was a substantial increase in the volume of Irish capital invested abroad. There is no scarcity of such capital, but it is going out of the country instead of being utilised here. We know that Irish industry is impoverished for the want of capital. The situation that does exist could be met, in part, at any rate, by the adaptation to the particular circumstances of this country of some such scheme as that proposed by the Industrial Committee of the English Liberal Party, the formation of a State Investment Trust. In other words, that the State would go to the owners of Irish capital and ask them to give into the hands of a State Trust for investment their surplus capital, guaranteeing them a certain fixed return, that the investment trust would use that capital to stimulate industry in this country; would invest it in sound Irish enterprises, and utilise the profits that would accrue from that investment to repay the original investors, deducting probably a small amount for management expenses. I cannot claim to have considered that proposition in all its details, but I think it is one that might be well worth considering. It would without considerable difficulty enable that position which I have mentioned to be created in which the State would be able to participate actively in the promotion of Irish industry by the provision of capital resources.

We have then to come to the fourth requirement that I mentioned, and that is, protection for Irish goods in the home market. In this matter we again find the State playing a passive part. Instead of actively seeking how it can help Irish industries by protection or similar means it sits still. It sets up obstacles and it tells the Irish industrialist to proceed to break down these obstacles and it says to him: "If you succeed in breaking down every difficulty which we can place in your way." and finally bully us into what you require you will succeed in that way." That is the wrong attitude. Instead of sitting and playing that passive part, the State should play an active part. The State should seek to help Irish industry even in directions in which Irish industrialists have not thought of. If the State tackles this problem it will, I am convinced, be able to reduce the volume of unemployment very substantially within a decade. We must recognise that that is not facing our immediate problem. As I have said, the State is responsible for meeting this problem of unemployment. It can permanently solve that problem by the stimulation of industry in this country. The immediate solution of the problem, however, must be by the provision of schemes of State work. The State must borrow or otherwise procure the capital necessary to enable State schemes of work to be initiated. It must enable schemes of work for the reconditioning of the nation's capital by highway development, afforestation, reclamation, construction of waterworks, sewerage schemes, slum clearage and the development of docks and harbours. By the development of all such schemes as these, those who are at present out of employment, without the hope of getting employment, must be provided for by the State. It should not be necessary to continue such State schemes in operation for a long period, because if at the end of ten years it was found that by the stimulation of private enterprise in business or agriculture it was not possible to absorb all those at present seeking work, then we would have to alter our attitude and outlook, and we would have to face the facts that the country is over-populated and that the only solution is to exterminate or export the surplus.

The Minister referred to the Geological Survey Department and stated that he was asking the Dáil to vote a sum of £1,000 for the purpose of mineral exploration. I think he will agree that the knowledge we possess regarding the geological resources of this country is practically useless. That knowledge was acquired at a period when the devices and machines for winning minerals from the land were much less highly developed than they are now, and many deposits of minerals were probably condemned as uneconomic at a period when that information was collected, whereas if it had to be collected now such deposits might be considered to be economic. The Minister stated that he was not prepared to carry out any exploration unless there was immediately in the neighbourhood some commercial firm prepared to act if the exploration proved successful.

Exploration of the type referred to in the sub-head— namely, borings or pits.

I would like the Minister in his reply to state whether he is satisfied that the Vote asked for is adequate. It has been stated that the Geological Survey Section has not any boring apparatus capable of enabling it to carry out trial borings. I do not think that the policy of the Minister in this regard is adequate. We should proceed to find out what our resources are and then find out whether they are workable in an economic manner. Merely to wait until some business concern comes and says that it is willing to work in a certain area if the results of our investigations are satisfactory is not sufficient. The resources of this country have not been properly investigated in the light of modern conditions. If we are to get the best out of the country and to provide work for as many people as possible that exploration should be carried out as speedily as possible. Before concluding I would like to say something on the points raised by Deputy Davin concerning the transport services. The matter in dispute between Deputy Davin and the Minister appears to be whether the Act of 1924 was a failure. Deputy Davin says it has been a failure and I do not think that the Minister says that it has been a success.

He does. It is necessary, however, before deciding whether it was a failure or a success to know what it was intended to achieve. I am quite prepared to admit that the Minister is correct in saying that the 1924 Act did a considerable amount of good; that the various benefits which he stated have followed from it are advantages which it would have been regrettable if they were not achieved. The abolition of baronial guarantees; the reduction of fares and freights; the reduction of expenditure upon amalgamated lines to the extent of £770,000; and the other advantages which the Minister mentioned as having been derived from the Act of 1924 are things which we should be glad have happened. If, however, it was intended that the Act of 1924 was to be a permanent solution of the transport problem we must regard it as a failure. If it was merely intended to patch up a situation which existed before the passing of the Act, then it has been a success. The question which we have to ask ourselves is, what did the House intend that Act to achieve? It was, I think, introduced as an experiment and, if I recollect rightly, it was declared to be an experiment in a certain form of State control of railway transport. It was a device to give private enterprise and railway transport a second chance. The first chance that private enterprise got in railway transport resulted in extravagance, waste, and inefficiency. It was decided to give it a second chance on a new basis as an experiment.

The question which we have to consider is not whether that experiment is going to be a success or failure, but whether we can afford to let it work itself out to a conclusion if there is any danger of failure. There is undoubtedly—the Minister admitted it to be serious—a new form of competition which did not exist when the Act of 1924 was passed. That competition has hit the railway companies in the matter of receipts from passenger traffic. Is it likely that the decrease in such receipts will result in an increase in the freights for goods traffic? Is it possible that a decrease in the receipts from passenger traffic will be so great that the railway companies will cease to be an economic unit? I wonder if the Minister has any suspicion that the activities of motor omnibus companies in this country have not been financed by British firms for the very purpose of smashing the railway companies. The question is, can we afford in any circumstances to allow the railway companies to be smashed? We must look upon this from a fundamental basis. We want the railway companies there, not for the purpose of conveying passengers but for conveying goods. If the passengers can get themselves brought from one place to another very cheaply by bus traffic, well and good. That is their own look-out; but Irish industries want the railways there, and want them run efficiently and cheaply. If we are to have any revival of industry, we must have cheap rates and quick service. At present the management of our railways gives us promises of neither.

I think I am correct in saying that our railway rates are the highest in the world, or, at least, very nearly so. If there is any danger that the new transport situation which has arisen is going to result in the collapse of the railway system as an economic unit, we have to face the fact that the situation which existed in 1924 does not exist now and that another policy must be adopted. That policy will have to be on the lines stated by Deputy Davin—State control of all public transport services. Whether that State control can best be secured by means of nationalisation or by giving a monopoly in all these services to one company is not a matter on which I feel competent to give an opinion—nobody is. We have not sufficient information. The Minister made the point that the information is not available, but the obvious need for some controlling authority is there to cut out the wasteful competition and to ensure that the railway companies will be given whatever portion of the passenger carrying business of the country is necessary to ensure that they will be able to pay their way.

I think it will be found in time that the advantages to be derived from omnibus traffic are very limited. Any Deputy who has had the courage to travel more than thirty or forty miles, even in a most luxurious omnibus, will admit that these vehicles have a long way to go before they can compare with the means of transport by rail. It is possible that the omnibus and railway services could be co-ordinated so that instead of competing against one another they would supplement one another. If that is possible, however, it can only be possible under a unified system of control. It is quite clear, even from the statements of the Minister and Deputy Davin to-day, that there is a situation which requires investigation in the light of existing conditions. It is not sufficient to say that the conclusions arrived at in 1924 still hold good. They do not. There is a new situation now and proper investigation of the transport problem in the light of that new situation would be well repaid. Undoubtedly there has been a decrease in the working costs of the railways, but whether that decrease is really indicative of an earnest desire for economy in the management of railways is another question—a question which, it is possible, we will have an opportunity of debating elsewhere.

Certainly, it has been my experience that every person with whom I have been able to get in touch, with an interest in the railway problem, has informed me that whatever economies have been carried out, have been effected by reducing the wages of the lower-paid workers and by dispensing with the services of men for whom there was plenty of work, while, as one worker told me, managers and assistant managers are falling over one another at the Head Office of the company. If that is so, there is all the more reason for a proper investigation of the transport service. In that investigation, I would like to make it clear that the Fianna Fáil Party will not shirk any solution which may be found necessary. They are not afraid of any labels which may be attached to them in this matter. If it is found, and personally I believe that it will be found, that nationalisation is the solution, then the Fianna Fáil Party will stand for it. Whether it is nationalisation, monopoly or unified control, a solution must be found, otherwise the chaos that is now existent will be increased until there is neither cheap nor efficient service for the business people or the passengers in this country.

This Vote has been contested from only two angles, the first angle being that of transport and the second, that of industry. One section of the House appears to think that the question of transport is of over-riding importance, while the other section appears to consider that the question of industries is of greater importance still. We, on these benches, realise that both questions are of almost supreme importance. We have listened very attentively to the speeches on both aspects of the question, but we regret to say that very little has been contributed to enable us to advance much further along the road. Deputy Davin invited plainly from the Opposition Party a definite pronouncement upon the policy of nationalisation of railways. Deputy Lemass has frankly confessed his complete inability to say whether that nationalisation was in the interests of the State or not. He has gone so far as to say that possibly at some future time if the Party to which he belongs came to the conclusion that it was in the interests of the State, then they would not shirk the responsibility of standing for nationalisation. I do think that something further is expected from a body so important in numbers as the Fianna Fáil Opposition in this House. We, on these benches, do not stand for nationalisation of the railways. There are many precedents before the Opposition as there are before us, to prove that nationalisation will never help to solve the difficulties that confront the country on the question of transport. You are all aware that the Italian railways are State owned, that they were never economically managed, that the service is one of the worst services in Europe, and that until that great man who has been born in Italy in a recent generation, took charge of the whole system in Italy, they were a complete failure and a drag on the State.

Deputy Davin went further to say that his chief complaint was that a new form of transport had been permitted to come into this country and that there had been no regulation and no steps taken to prevent the incoming of that system. Perhaps there are very few Deputies who used the railways more in their career than I have. I have had ocular demonstration of the falsity of the argument put forward by Deputy Davin. In the potteries in Staffordshire one can see an exactly similar condition of affairs in existence as Deputy Davin referred to in dealing with the route from Dalkey to Dublin. In the Staffordshire area —it is a small area as far as mileage is concerned—there is a train service at intervals of ten or fifteen minutes. There is an electric tram service practically identical with our own and there is in addition the ubiquitous bus to which Deputy Davin has offered such a strenuous resistance. Deputy Davin suggested that if we had prevented the incoming of buses, perhaps the services as far as trams and railways are concerned, might be in a more flourishing and prosperous condition and he suggested that nothing of this nature was allowed in other countries. I simply put forward one great example existing in this district in Staffordshire.

Is the Deputy defending the rate of wages paid by the bus companies to their employees namely, £1 per week?

I am not defending the rate of wages paid at all. In fact I will go further and say that I know that these bus companies have actually taken advantage of the unfortunate men, because of the competition for traffic on the roads, to urge them to drive at a rate of speed which is not legally permitted, and when fines are imposed the unfortunate drivers have to foot the bill themselves. The owners of the buses are not called on to contribute a penny. I do not stand here to champion the bus companies in any respect. I know that they are lacking in a great many things. I agree with Deputy Davin that they are lacking in fair treatment of their employees, but after all one has got to consider a question of such outstanding importance as this from a broader aspect than that of the buses. In the London papers of this week there was a very startling statement as far as the London Midland and Scottish Railways are concerned. I gathered from it that there was a loss of two millions in passenger receipts and about two millions in goods receipts. If that be true and I see no reason why these figures should not be accepted, what is the logical inference to be drawn? The logical inference to be drawn is that there is a depression in practically every railway system in the world, that, in common with other countries, the Irish railway systems are suffering from the same cause as the systems across the Channel.

Expect the Italian one.

Mr. BYRNE

I do not think that interruption is worth replying to. I felt somewhat inclined to agree with Deputy Davin when he suggested that it was not a wise thing that transport should be administered by more or less three different departments. I have suggested on a former occasion in this House that the question of transport is so important that it might be well for an undeveloped country like this to take it and, as Deputy Davin reasonably suggested, put it under the head of a separate Minister or some other individual who should be liable for all problems that arise under this particular head. But when we look at the remedies that have been suggested to cure this particular evil from which we are suffering at the present moment, we must realise that very little contribution of a constructive nature has been made from benches other than the Government Benches. Two things were suggested which might be coupled into one. The first was co-ordination. We were told that it was necessary to climinate wasteful services; it was necessary to prevent overlapping. I simply took, as an example, the case of the North Staffordshire Railway to show where exactly the same system of overlapping and of uneconomic services prevails. I think, if I am not misquoting the leader of the Opposition, who is not in the House now, that he stated on a former occasion that we have numerous services now existing to carry a traffic whose bulk is of such small dimensions that pre-existing services found that they would prove hardly remunerative. That practically amounts to the same point which has been made by Deputy Davin. It comes back again to the one question of overlapping and co-ordination. But Deputy Davin, for one who is so logical and commonsense generally, rather knocked me out when he said if we are to have competition of this kind let us have fair competition.

I said if we are to have competition.

Mr. BYRNE

"If we are to have competition of this kind let us have fair competition." As one who has been engaged in business practically all his life. I never experienced what I may call fair competition. In the city of Dublin to-day is there fair competition in any branch of industry or commerce? Is it fair competition to have huge combines buying in huge quantities and coming over here and selling at what to the ordinary individual would be uneconomic prices? I think that the meaning of the word "competition" indicates an entirely different thing from what Deputy Davin meant when he referred to fair competition.

On a point of explanation, I desire to say that I was referring to services that are State controlled or should be State controlled.

Mr. BYRNE

I am glad to see that Deputy Davin has now qualified his remark somewhat, but it is necessary for us on these benches, so far as our limited intelligence goes, to deal with things as they have been presented to the House. I think the Minister for Industry and Commerce anticipated that when he asked if you adopt such a principle as this how are you going to deal with the other activities of the country? How are you going to deal with drapers and men engaged in business of every kind? Are you going to prohibit any increase in their numbers? A very learned legal authority on one occasion asked me: "Are you in favour of the licensing of shops?" I was not in favour of the licensing of shops, any more than Deputy Davin was in favour of the buses. But, after all, when one gets down to consider this, what is the thing that really matters as far as the country is concerned? All those services exist for the benefit of the public alone.

And themselves alone.

Mr. BYRNE

Naturally nobody is in business for philanthropic purposes. I am sure Deputy Davin will give me credit for more commonsense than to suggest anything of that nature, but the guiding principle by which we all must be controlled, in considering matters of this kind, is service to the public only. Some of the advantages from having a dual service of buses and trams as well as the railways were brought home to me in a very forcible manner. A resident in Glendalough pointed out to me, when discussing this subject on one occasion, that, while sympathising with the railways, he could get a bus from Glendalough to Dublin and return from Dublin to Glendalough for 12s., where before he had practically to pay that amount in car fares before he reached the railway station at Rathdrum. If we are to consider these things from what I suggest is the rockbottom point necessary for consideration—service to the public— would it be a reasonable and fair thing to wipe out that bus in order to help the trains that run from Rathdrum, and let the inhabitants of Glendalough be charged something like 28s. as against 12s.? These are things that must be considered. I do not suggest for a moment, because I know Deputy Davin is so interested in the railway question, that any mercenary motive could actuate him in dealing with a question like this, but I do suggest to Deputy Davin that in considering questions of this kind we must put service to the public first, last and all the time.

And safety.

Mr. BYRNE

I think as far as safety is concerned that we in this country are as free from accidents as any country in the world, and I have had a good deal of experience of railway travelling. The Minister, in my opinion, put forward one argument that was quite unanswerable. He pointed out that through railway amalgamation a sum of £770,000 per annum has been saved, and Deputy Davin tells this House that the amalgamation of the railways has been practically a disaster. I do appeal to Deputy Davin to look at these things not so much from the narrow point of view as from the broad point of view of the Minister for Industry and Commerce. The Minister for Industry and Commerce pointed to a fact which our friends on the Opposition Benches never alluded to at all. The Minister for Industry and Commerce asked, what was the real cause of the drop in the revenue of the railways, and he told us what was the real cause. He told you it was due really to privately owned cars rather than to publicly owned buses. He pointed out to you that if you regulate the buses to-morrow and that if you adopt that blessed scheme of co-ordination the evil of which Deputies have complained would still exist. Co-ordination appears to have some magic talisman for all parties in this House. The only word I know that appears to be more powerful from my humble observations is the old word we heard so often and so much about, "cooperation." We have got to be in this House almost co-ordinate mad, but I would like to ask those people who speak in favour of co-ordination how it can be done. How are you going to co-ordinate the services of the bus to which I referred in Glendalough, in conjunction with the service of the railway people from Rathdrum? The question of co-ordination may appear a very simple one until one begins to tackle it and then the difficulties of the whole problem only begin to appear. If you co-ordinate to-morrow you are not going to wipe out the deficit that exists from a drop in passenger receipts in the railways in this country and after all that is the main thing in which, I am sure, Deputy Davin is interested. If we can only write down the capital of the Irish railways, the problem is solved at once; you have economy, service and everything else we require.

Deputy Lemass, speaking here on the question of industry appeared to think that want of capital in this country was one of the main causes which has kept us in the present state of economic depression. I have been in close contact with some of the best business brains in this country. When the economic slump began those people whose capital was exceedingly large, as a first step, got as much of it paid off and reduced as they could. As a result these people who were so far-seeing as to take that step when money was fairly plentiful were able to pay as regular dividends in the uneconomic period as they were when things were more prosperous. It has been suggested from the Benches on the opposite side that the Department of Industry and Commerce has been found wanting. In my opinion the whole speech of Deputy Lemass was simply one of generalities; he did not come to grips with the subject at all. The Minister for Industry and Commerce pointed out a great many useful things that had been done to help forward the industries of this country. In the eyes of the Opposition Benches they appear to have no merit at all. The Minister referred, amongst other things, to a survey of 35 industries. He told us that valuable information had been tabulated, that industrial and advisory committees had been set up. He told us one very astonishing thing, that when people were coming before the Tariff Commission, industrialists who looked for tariffs upon a certain commodity for manufacture came to his Department to obtain the information that would help them to state their case, and the strange fact standing out on the other side was that the Tariff Commissioners also came to the same Department to obtain similar information that would give them the other side of the question. Could any greater compliment be paid to the efficiency of the Department than that? You have absolutely honest belief on the one side on the part of industrialists, and honest belief on the other on the part of that body of men who have been set up to decide very important things in connection with industry. The Minister for Industry and Commerce told us here how information upon important things, raw materials and various things of that kind, had been obtained from him. He had compiled information for new industries— kelp, cement and artificial silk—and I believe there are strong possibilities of these industries coming to this country in the near future. If that day should ever arrive, the Department of Industry and Commerce is ready to go ahead with the work.

He also told this House that various things had been done in the way of geological survey, and no credit was given from the opposite benches for them. He told us about foreign agents and how they helped the selling of Irish goods in foreign countries. He told us how they endeavoured to find an outlet for Irish-made goods, and told us, also, that they protected Irish goods, and saw after the carrying out efficiently of Irish trade marks. Has not that been of wonderful importance to this nation? Has not that been a duty that has been very faithfully discharged in the interests of this country, a duty that will carry wonderful results, if not now, in the immediate future?

He also pointed out that even here at home he brought together the manufacturer, on the one hand, and the distributor on the other, and that many orders were kept at home in this country that otherwise would have been sent away. Speaking with some knowledge of business, I thought it was a sad commentary on the business acumen of the people of this country to think that, but for the intervention of the Department of Industry and Commerce, certain orders would have gone out of this country. That certainly speaks anything but well for the efficiency of both parties concerned. I know if some of those men had the experience of going across the far side and pushing the sale of goods that such inefficiency as that would not exist. I know from experience across at the far side that every possible avenue where trade is to be found is sought, canvassed, inquired into and looked after.

Here in our own city these avenues existed and they were never explored. Let us be honest. If this country is ever to go ahead, such a mode of conducting business must be relegated, at the earliest possible moment, to the limbo of the past. Let us get ahead; let us introduce modern ideas and put our shoulders to the wheel. If we do, I say that a little help is worth a great deal of pity. If we do we will accomplish a great deal more than we realise; a great deal more than we anticipate. The Minister referred to another very important thing—Trade Loans facilities. I am informed by the Minister that actually at this moment there is one million of money available here for the creation and setting up of new industries. Will anybody in this House who criticises the administration of this country by the present Executive, tell me in what country in the world similar facilities exist?

Did the Deputy ever hear of State banks in countries outside this one?

Mr. BYRNE

I heard of State banks, but State banks are an entirely different proposition from Trade Loans facilities, and the Deputy is thoroughly well aware of that without me informing him. When Deputy Lemass finished his speech the whole thing boiled down to this: that private enterprise had failed. Why had private enterprise failed? Deputy Lemass endeavoured to tell us that it had failed for want of efficiency. Well, if what the Minister for Industry and Commerce told us to-day is true, Deputy Lemass is certainly right in making that statement, but I feel sure that no sane Deputy will blame the Minister for Industry and Commerce for that. Deputy Lemass suggested that it was also due to lack of technical skill. I wonder how this technical skill is acquired in other countries where there is no such thing as a system of apprenticeship at all. There is too much spoon-feeding and humbug going on in this country. That technical skill can be acquired if we have the will. The means are here; let us endeavour to acquire the skill. Deputy Lemass went one better by saying that a very valuable asset for a business career was a university education. I am a business man for the greater part of my life, and I have the honour to hold a degree in the University of Dublin. I never found it worth a halfpenny piece to me in business. In fact, I was more inclined to look upon it as a sort of drawback rather than a help forward.

Deputy Lemass said that the functions of the Department should be one of stimulus and impetus. He told us that there was something wrong when the problem of unemployment has not been solved in this country. Why could not Deputy Lemass be honest and tell this House that the problem of unemployment has scarcely been solved in any country in the world? I believe there are very serious complaints to-day on the question of unemployment in perhaps the wealthiest country in the world, the United States of America. If one looks at the question of unemployment across the Channel it will be found that in that country, which I know better than my own, there are from 90,000 to 100,000 persons unemployed in one industry alone. One has not to go any further than that for an example. If one looks at that great model State—Northern Ireland—there are 25,000 persons unemployed there, and Deputy Lemass suggested that other countries had solved the unemployment question, and that the Free State alone had failed to do so. We expect something better from one of the men on the front benches on the opposite side than a contribution of that sort to such an important and far-reaching debate as this. Deputy Lemass has done practically nothing, as far as anything constructive is concerned, to help forward the aims and objects which he set out to achieve today. The solution of the problem was that private enterprise had broken down, and that the State would, possibly, have to interfere. He was very vague as to details of how State interference was to take place. Any man who has any business training knows the value of private enterprise and private initiative. The greatest industrial countries in the world have been made up by the individual initiative of their own people. If one looks at America one finds there the Carnegies, the Armours, the McCormacks, the Stanleys and all the other great names in the industrial word. If one is honest in matters of this kind one will ask this straight question: Is it a wise thing for any young State such as ours to put any bar on individual enterprise? Speaking as an ordinary, plain business man, I say it is one of the most dangerous precedents that could possibly occur in a country like ours. If that is the contribution to this debate of the Fianna Fáil Party then I say God help this country when they come into power.

There was only one thing said on the opposite benches that I was in agreement with. That was with reference to the geological survey. I notice in the Estimates the sum of £2.249 for geological survey. There is a staff of seven and I think the charwoman is included in that number. There are three geologists, and I gathered from reading the Estimates that they are temporary officers. Does the Minister for Industry and Commerce hope to deal with the development of this country on such an estimate as that? That is the only item in Deputy Lemass's speech with which I was in agreement. I have here a communication sent to me inquiring what red clays are available in the Free State suitable for the making of teapots; what clays are available for the making of white earthenware; what clays are suitable for fire clay goods, and what clays of any class are suitable for pottery, and many other things of that kind, and we have a Vote of £2,249 for such an important matter, whereas the setting up of this industry might mean the investment of anything from £20,000 to £50,000. The Fianna Fáil Party tells the country from the platforms that this country can be run on half the amount of money that is spent on doing so by the present Executive. How are you going to develop a country if you have not the necessary capital to do so? I suggest that the sum of £1,000 that the Minister is asking for boring appears to me to be inadequate. If this country is to progress, as I have already stated, it has got to put its hand to the wheel, to adopt modern methods, to use capital wisely and well, and if it does there can be no doubt but there is a future before it.

The Minister, in the course of a very detailed statement, paid considerable attention to the transport problem. I believe he was justified in doing so, because I think that national efficiency demands an efficient state of transport. However, although the Minister's statement in regard to the transport problem was pretty detailed, on the whole, I was disappointed, because he did not outline to us the Government's policy with regard to the question of road transport. I would like to direct the attention of the House to a motion that was passed by the Seanad on the 23rd November last. The motion reads:

That the Seanad is of opinion that the question of the establishment of a Ministry or Department of Transport charged with the regulation and, so far as practicable, the co-ordination of all branches of inland transport and of all other matters relating thereto is urgent, and shall be considered by the Executive Council as early as possible.

If the Seanad were as valuable as some of the Ministers allege in regard to legislation enacted, it was the duty of the Executive Council, after that motion was passed, to consider this whole problem, and I had hopes that the Minister for Industry and Commerce would have made a definite pronouncement in regard to the Government's views upon it. Instead of making that definite pronouncement, the Minister referred us to the fact that an Inter-Departmental Committee has been sitting and will report shortly in regard to this question of inland transport. However, I would like to direct the attention of the Minister to a statement made in the Seanad on that motion that "In April, 1927, the Government set up an Inter-Departmental Committee to inquire into road transport regulations, such as speed limits, cattle droving, etc." This Committee is still sitting, but its terms of reference do not permit it to consider at all the question of the reorganisation and national control of transport. I take it, therefore, that we cannot expect any solution of the transport problem as far as that Committee is concerned.

As every Deputy knows, during the past few years, there has been a considerable development in bus traffic all over the country, and unfortunately that traffic has not been regulated in the manner in which I believe it should. For instance, on some roads we have a large number of bus companies competing with one another, and, while speaking on this problem, I would like to make a passing reference to what is probably the most important aspect in regard to the bus situation. So far as buses are concerned. I believe they have a very big effect on rural Ireland. Already the tendency is for the people to migrate from the rural areas into the towns, and unfortunately the development of the bus services has affected the people in the small towns and villages. In County Donegal it adversely affects the people in Stranorlar, Buncrana and a number of other centres, because since the inauguration of these bus services the people are inclined to migrate, as it were, from them to the Six Counties to purchase the goods there that they had hitherto purchased in County Donegal. As far as Donegal is concerned, the bus problem is to a considerable extent different from the problem in or around Dublin or in the south of Ireland. I think I would be safe in stating that the majority of buses that enter Donegal come from the Six Counties. The Minister referred to the fact that the taxation which these bus-owners pay goes towards the upkeep of the roads. As far as the majority of the buses plying in Donegal are concerned, the situation is somewhat different, because the taxation which is paid by the owners of these buses, I understand, goes to the Six-County Government.

These buses are plying regularly into Stranorlar, Buncrana, and Ballybofey. They are competing against the railway companies. In Donegal the railway companies give a considerable amount of employment, and they pay a certain amount of taxation towards the upkeep of the roads. Deputy Davin referred to pirate bus companies. Some of the buses coming into Donegal are certainly pirates, because they are tearing up the roads, which are constructed by money that comes from the taxpayers of County Donegal, money that is contributed to the Road Fund and by other motor owners. I think that is part of the problem to which special attention should be given. I suggest that the Minister should consider the question of buses coming from the Six Counties into the Free State. He should consider the fact that they are doing a considerable amount of damage to the roads, and he should consider whether these buses should not contribute a certain amount in taxation towards the upkeep of the roads in Donegal. The Minister referred to the fact that the development of these bus services has been principally in regard to passengers, but there is another aspect of the situation, the question of motor lorries, which are competing against the railways in the north-west of Ireland. Coming from the Six Counties and using solid tyres they are doing far more damage to the roads than the vehicles with pneumatic tyres. They are not contributing anything towards taxation, and they are doing harm to the railways, which are giving employment. Does the Minister ever consider that aspect of the situation?

At present it is necessary for the Department to give a certain subsidy to the Londonderry and Lough Swilly Railway. I am not by any means opposing that subsidy. I say that it is necessary, and I was glad to have an assurance from the Minister some time ago that it was to be given this year, as in other years. But while he is paying to the Londonderry and Lough Swilly Railway Company a certain amount of a subsidy for the upkeep of the railway, these buses are coming in from the Six Counties, doing that railway harm, and paying no taxation. I believe that as far as buses, either coming to Donegal from the Six Counties or to Dublin from Belfast are concerned, they should be called upon to contribute a certain amount in taxation when they ply for hire within the Free State, and I believe that the heavy lorries which carry goods should be called upon to pay a higher rate of taxation than the buses that use pneumatic tyres.

Deputy J.J. Byrne referred to the fact that the buses were giving a service to the public, and that in discussing this question the particular thing we should consider is the service to the public. There is a different side of the question which we should consider, and that is the safety of the public who travel on these buses. For instance, if a traveller on the railway gets injured or killed compensation is paid, but as far as some of these buses are concerned, as Deputy Davin has pointed out, they have been got by their owners on the hire-purchase system; probably all the instalments have not been paid yet, and if an accident takes place and a person is injured or killed, he or his next-of-kin will be unable to get compensation from these companies owing to the fact that there is no such thing, as far as some of the companies are concerned, as third-party insurance. I believe that the Minister should consider the question of compulsory third-party insurance in regard to bus companies. Another question which should be considered is the long hours that many of the employees of these bus companies are called upon to work. The railway company give better employment in the shape of fair wages and an eight-hour day, but some of the bus companies make their employees work in some cases, probably twelve hours a day, for an exceptionally low rate of wages. I believe if we are to get efficiency, as far as the buses are concerned, that the drivers of them should not be called upon to work more than an eight-hour day, because if they are obliged to work longer than an eight-hour day it means that their efficiency, as far as driving is concerned, is considerable lessened, and consequently there is great danger of accidents occurring to the public. According to the Board of Trade regulations, railway engine-drivers have to pass an eyesight test, but no such test is necessary in the case of bus drivers, not even a test in regard to their efficiency as drivers. Any person can go and get a licence to drive a motor, whether he is competent to drive one or not. The question of speeding ought also to be taken into consideration. The problem, in my opinion, has not been given enough attention, and I do not believe that the Government or the Minister's Department will give it proper attention until they are compelled to do so.

The Minister referred to the question of cinema houses. Attention was not given to them, as regards the provision of proper accommodation for the public, until we had the terrible disaster at Drumcollogher. Unless the Government tackle this problem and try to bring about some sort of co-ordination in the system of our road transport. I believe there will be accidents. Accidents are bound to occur owing to the competition in the speeding that is taking place at the present time. As Deputy Davin pointed out, it is very unfortunate, in my opinion, that we have three Departments dealing with this question of bus traffic. The Department of Industry and Commerce deals with it for one. I believe that Department is already overburdened without having to deal specially with that particular problem. I believe the Department is so overburdened that it is not able to give enough attention to it. For instance, part of the Minister's time and that of his Department is taken up with unemployment insurance questions, industrial investigations, statistics, trades boards, the Shannon scheme, etc., as well as the question of the buses. Consequently, I believe that the Department, being overburdened with a number of big problems, has not been able to give proper attention to this question. It is true that under the Department of Industry and Commerce we have a transport and marine branch. When that particular Department was under discussion some time ago, some of the Ministers jocularly referred to the fact that the employees of the marine section of it never went to sea. I believe that, as far as the transport section of it is concerned, they are not paying enough attention to the question of co-ordination as far as traffic and bus services are concerned.

It has been claimed by the Minister and by Deputy J.J. Byrne that the amalagamation brought about by the Railways Act of 1924 has been a success. Deputy Byrne went on to point out the gigantic savings effected by railway amalgamation. It might be information for the House, and more especially for Deputy Byrne, to know that there was a drop of £2,500 in passenger receipts for the first four months of the year due to this unfair competition of the buses. As far as railway employees are concerned, railway amalgamation has not been a success. I do not mean to go into the question of how railway employees are affected by this question of amalgamation, particularly as I shall have an opportunity of doing so on some of the Estimates that are to come on later. Deputy Davin pointed out that one of the reasons why the amalgamated company has not been a success is the fact that the Government insisted on fifteen directors being on the new Board. He instanced the case of the Shannon scheme, where you have a much smaller number of directors, and these directors are experts in regard to electricity and matters appertaining thereto.

In the case of the Agricultural Credit Corporation, the number of directors is small. I might term these directors experts in regard to agricultural matters, but as Deputy Davin pointed out, as far as the majority or one might say all of the fifteen directors on the amalgamated railway company are concerned, they have had no railway experience. They have never worked in the railway service. Possibly their only railway experience is the fact that they have certain sums of money invested in railways. They have no other experience in regard to railway matters. I put it to the Minister how, under those conditions, could the amalgamated railway company be a success? Let us take, for instance, a private business concern, whether it be drapery or hardware run by a limited company. If you put directors in charge of that limited company who knew nothing about the business it is only going to be a matter of time until the company becomes bankrupt. They are not going to make a success of the business. I can tell the Minister that is one of the reasons why railway amalgamation has not been a success under the 1924 Act.

We of the Labour Party believe, as Deputy Davin said, that the only solution of the railway problem in this country is in railway nationalisation. I believe that railways are an essential public service. The Minister pointed to the fact that later on, if road traffic develops, it might ultimately mean that the railway companies will only carry merchandise traffic. I would very much regret to see that day coming, because I believe that if the industries of this country are to develop that we must have an efficient transport service. I would throw out this suggestion to the Minister that when his Department is considering the whole problem he should take into consideration the question of co-ordinating the railways and the buses in this way, that the buses would not carry passengers for long distances; that they should act as feeders for the railways and should not undertake journeys longer, say, than ten miles. In that way they could act as feeders to the railways, and there could be a sort of co-ordination between the two services which would help to solve the transport problem, instead of having, as at present, the suicidal and unfair competition which the railways are suffering from, from these bus companies.

The railway problem has been touched on from the aspect of the amalgamated company only. As far as the 1924 Act is concerned, there is another aspect of it that I would like to deal with. That Act does not provide for any solution of the question as regards railway companies crossing the Border. In passing, I may say that under the 1920 Act which established the Northern Government, as well as the Southern Parliament, there was a stipulation made which, I am sorry to know, has since been relaxed or waived by some of our Ministers. They seem to have given up the idea. I refer to the Council of Ireland. In referring to this, I may be going outside the debate, but I just want to deal with it for a moment. As far as transport problems within the Six Counties and of railways crossing the Border into the Six Counties were concerned, we would have had equal representation with the Northern Government upon the Council of Ireland. That Council was to have had control over transport problems, fisheries and Contagious Diseases of Animals Acts. The provision that was made in that Act to deal with transport problems has been given up here unfortunately, and the question of the railways crossing the Border has not been tackled at all.

Unfortunately, the question of railways crossing the Border has not been tackled, and I believe that it should. I also believe that the question of bus traffic as it affects railways crossing the Border should be tackled. So much for the transport problem to which the Minister referred. Deputy Lemass, in the course of his remarks, made reference to the fact that the principal reason why he wanted to refer back this Vote was because he believed enough had not been done by the Government towards relieving the unemployment problem. Deputy J.J. Byrne referred to the fact that unemployment also exists in Northern Ireland. He gave the number of unemployed in Northern Ireland as 26,000, but they are probably on a live register drawing unconvenanted insurance benefit. He also referred to the unemployment problem in England. As I pointed out previously, an unemployed person in the Free State is at present in a worse position than an unemployed man or woman in Northern Ireland, England, Scotland or Wales, because in these places they have uncovenanted benefits, whereas the men or women in insurable occupations in Donegal or any other county when unemployed, are only entitled to one week's benefit for every six stamps on their card, with a maximum benefit of six months in the year. After that they are cut off from all benefit.

I had hoped that when this Vote was being brought forward the House would have been asked to vote a much larger sum than they are called on to do, that some provision would have been made to deal with this unemployment insurance question, and that some extension of the unemployment benefits would be given. We of the Labour Party believe it is the duty of any Government in any country to look after the welfare of its citizens in that country, and that any Government that does not do that fails in its duty towards the people. We believe that any Government that allows thousands upon thousands of unemployed men and women to be hungry and unable to provide for their wives and children in the way of clothing, rent, etc., is failing in its duty towards the people. I pointed out before that in the democratic programme of the first Dáil one of the stipulations was that the women and children would have the first call on the nation's resources. I am sorry to know that so far as the Department of Industry and Commerce are concerned they have apparently surrendered that belief, because if they had not surrendered it I believe they would have made such provision that uncovenanted benefit could be extended to the unemployed, which would help to stop emigration and benefit the country economically. On those grounds I support the motion, and if the question is coming up again, I hope that the Minister will give us not alone a fuller statement in regard to the Government's policy in connection with the transport problem, but that he will also ask the House to vote a larger sum, so that he will be able to give attention to the question of extended benefit.

I support the amendments that stand in the names of Deputy Lemass and Deputy Davin. It has been pointed out by Deputies of the Labour Party and the Fianna Fáil Party that the present Ministry of Industry and Commerce are not dealing adequately with the question of transport. It may appear to people in Dublin city and its vicinity, on account of the fact they are pretty well served with different kinds of transport, that the rest of the country is in the same happy position, and that everybody is quite satisfied. Unfortunately there is a large body of people in the country who take a great interest in the question of rates, and they cannot see why the present position should be allowed to continue. Large buses get into some back road in Mayo or Donegal, and the next year people have to be mulcted severely in the way of rates in order to make up for the thousands of pounds worth of damage done by these buses in a very short time. If the Minister had outlined some policy to show that the Government were giving attention to the question of transport so that the House could expect some action to be taken in the matter, and that legislation would be introduced in the near future to deal with it, I am sure we would all be very well satisfied. Unfortunately, not alone has the Minister failed to indicate any policy in regard to transport or unemployment generally but, in my opinion, he has completely failed to justify the existence of his Department. It seems to me that the Department is modelled on the British Board of Trade. When listening to the Minister I could not but feel that the statement he made detailing an organisation with hundreds of officials carrying out the statutory regulations, and that sort of thing, would come very well from the Minister responsible, let us say, for the British Board of Trade, which has the responsibility for looking after the trade requirements of a large Empire and especially shipping transport.

For a country where there is no industry.

And various other things. In this country we have very few industries. We have Guinness's, Jacob's and Henry Ford's, but I dare say they are pretty well able to look after themselves without any particular attention from the Ministry of Industry and Commerce. We have small industries which have failed to secure the support they sought from the Government in the way of tariffs or subsidies, or protection in some other form. It seems to me a rather serious joke that while the revenue man is coming in one door to seize machinery, and perhaps close down the factory, while the Tariff Commission is insisting on efficiency in industries, which under the circumstances they cannot show, that at the other end you have all these officials in order to keep our industries alive, and I suppose they help to create others. We have not only taken over this large administration from the British and based it on the British model. which is quite unsuitable to this country, but we have taken over a number of subsidiary services like the National Health and Unemployment Insurance.

Deputy Cassidy referred to some matters in connection with these. I wish to state now, as I did on another occasion, that not only should this Department be re-organised—if not abolished altogether—to bring it more into conformity with the requirements of the country as regards small industries, for the large industries do not want assistance, but we also want a drastic re-organisation of the subsidiary services like the National Health and Unemployment Insurance. These two services could be brought together. I read recently in a report that a good deal of the time of the National Health Insurance Department is taken up with matters that should properly come under Unemployment Insurance.

Is National Health Insurance under discussion?

ACTING-CHAIRMAN

It is not under this Vote.

I thought, as Deputy Cassidy was allowed to refer to Unemployment Insurance, that I would be in order in alluding to it. I want to show that not only is the country saddled with this Department, but that it has taken over subsidiary services, and that these are costing the country hundreds of thousands of pounds. In view of the state of unemployment and emigration, I think the Minister ought to be able to justify the existence of the Department, even if he cannot state a policy for the future. We look through these separate branches, and we are not satisfied that even the best of them is giving value for the money expended. The Minister stated that the Statistics Branch, which is costing £30,000, was not able to attend to its ordinary duties by reason of the extraordinary information that is being sought through questions apparently from this side of the House. If the Statistics Branch is as efficient as the Minister claims, and I have no doubt it is one of the most efficient in the Government service, it is an extraordinary thing that they cannot tell us what the national income of the country is and what is the amount of our capital invested abroad. As regards the questions put to the Minister which he considers extraordinary, I think the only questions which were not of a Departmental character were the questions that Deputy Lemass put in regard to the adverse trade balance, and in regard to that, the data or the method of making up the items which go to the determination of the adverse trade balance were not given to the House.

They may be just very approximate calculations so far as we knew. In Northern Ireland they publish a very nice Year Book which gives details, in a very simple, homely way, of a great many of the things which the Statistics Branch is occupied with at present. I would suggest that it may be found later on that a great deal of time is being wasted in collecting very detailed statistics with regard to production and raw materials, and that a great deal of saving might be effected if a general Year Book could be published from this Department. I am surprised also that, while the Minister referred to trade representatives in different countries, he was not able to give any indication as to the work which these representatives are doing. At the least, we ought to have some kind of report placed before the House from each of these trade representatives in foreign countries so that we may know exactly what they are doing.

I asked the Minister on two occasions to make some arrangement with regard to surveying the outlying strata of the Castlecomer Coalfield, but nothing has been done in that matter yet. I am glad to see that £1,000 is being given for that purpose.

Just precisely not for that purpose.

Not for that purpose, but for the purpose of mineral exploration generally.

I said specifically that that was the very purpose precisely for which it would not be used.

Will the Minister say what is the purpose?

I have said all that.

In any case, £1,000, as many Deputies have pointed out, will not do very much. The information on this side of the House is that the amount which is being spent on the geological survey and on this matter of mineral exploration could with profit be increased. At present the position of the Irish mines is that, whatever work they are able to get through in the winter, there is hardly any prospect of keeping the men employed for the summer. In Castlecomer at present there are 200 men waiting to receive orders for their discharge from employment in one coalfield alone. There is the persistent feeling—and I have heard nothing in this House to disabuse me of it—that the Government are not doing what they ought to do in order to see that Irish coal is purchased by Government Departments and public institutions, and that they are not doing as much as they could to prospect, and to secure that Irish capital would be given for the development of Irish coalfields.

Going through the other branches, I find no explanation from the Minister as to what actually the Trades and Industries Branch is doing to encourage Irish industry. He stated that Councils were set up in certain industries, and also that the Branch is largely occupied with the carrying out of statutory regulations. I do not feel that these duties are sufficient to warrant our accepting this Estimate and voting for it. In regard to transport, as I said before, the Minister has not alone not attempted to justify the existence of this Branch, but he has completely failed to put any policy before the House for dealing with the transport situation. There are 359 officials in this Department of Industry and Commerce. There has been a reduction since last year, owing to the fact that the census work has been carried through and a certain number of officials have been released from work on that account.

I suppose the Minister will get up and say that we are very mean and small to go into these matters, but when we see long lists in this Department especially, of servants of the State receiving salaries of £800 per annum and £200 in addition as bonus —salaries that compare very favourably with the very highest-paid services in the commercial life of the country and that would compare very favourably with the fees paid to directors of banks and railways—when we see these salaries, and hear the Minister on other occasions telling us that 28/- per week is a sufficient wage to enable a labourer to eke out an existence and maintain a wife and family, we must come to the conclusion that if the national economy cannot be righted in any other way it must be righted by a drastic re-organisation of the Civil Service.

Take the question of bonus. The bonus, I understand, was established in order to enable the lower-paid official in the Civil Service, who was very hard hit during the war, to make his salary have some relation to the cost of living. But will any Minister venture to tell the House that the cost-of-living bonus was instituted to remain there permanently to increase the salaries of officials who are getting from £600 to £800 per year by amounts ranging from £200 to £300? I cannot believe it. The Minister for Finance stated last year that they were in an extraordinary difficulty with regard to this question of bonus—that they could not get rid of the officers they had, and if they did get rid of them, there were no people who would take the positions at the salary without bonus. I cannot believe that, and I take the attitude the Government have taken up in the Wigg-Cochrane case as an indication that they, as well as we, see that some drastic effort must be made, that in view of the threat of further large amounts having to be paid by the Irish taxpayers in respect to pensions, they see the necessity for taking advantage of this opportunity to re-organise the whole Civil Service.

Quite wrong.

We are told that the bonus is assured to these civil servants by the Treaty. I am only referring now to the ones who are receiving salaries of roughly £1,000 per year. Is it fair or just that they should continue to remain in receipt of this bonus, which by the way is calculated at 80, although it will probably come down during the next twelve months to 60— at any rate it stands at present at about 70? Even if we take 70, instead of 80, as the figure, we will have a saving of about £3,500. If that was carried through all the Departments— if we first started to estimate with regard to the possibility of a downward fall in the cost of living, and I think we are going to have that for the next few years—we can first avoid the charge of over-estimating which is constantly being made against Ministers and which in many cases was to the extent of 20 per cent. We can get rid of that charge of over-estimating, and furthermore, we can bring the position of the Civil Service into conformity with the condition of the people in the country. When we are told that the cost of living is 70 above the basic figure, we are not told how that cost of living affects the farmers and the labourers who are expected to work for 28/- per week. All that the farmers and the labourers ask for is that what the Government has decreed in their case should apply to the top, and that on this question the officials at the top and the Ministers themselves ought to show an example to the country.

Deputy Lemass referred to the question of the exportation of Irish capital. When this question was first dealt with here and when Deputy de Valera suggested that an economic council ought to be set up to deal with the whole question of Irish industry, he was scoffed at by the Minister for Industry and Commerce, and although the Minister has been five years in his present position he has not yet been able to make up his mind as to what is best for Irish industry. We do not believe that the Irish industrial problem will be settled by State action, but when we have a Department here whose only ground for existence, I may say, is to see that certain statutory regulations are carried out, we can naturally come to the conclusion that if the Ministry were sincere and really believed that no State aid ought to be given to industry, and if they examine the question of their Departments in the same rigid spirit as the Tariff Commission examined some Irish industries, and if they went through a few of the Schedules and inquired as to the efficiency of these Departments and their costings, and as to how the costings could be reduced, and the efficiency increased, I have no doubt the Ministry would see that the very existence of these Departments means that you will constantly have Irish industries looking to them for assistance. If that assistance cannot be given the Department should be done away with, and we should look for some other form of organisation. The alternative form of organisation is that we first build up our technical education, and secondly, develop our Tariff Commission and extend its functions so that when Irish industries are being critically examined, we ought not to examine them in a small carping spirit, but in a large national way, having regard to the fact that the capital of the country is being drawn out and is gravitating in a way that no one knows how it can be stopped, that it is going across the water, and it will require the strongest possible effort to keep it at home. The Government should have a body that will deal with Irish industry, having in view to keep the capital in the country, and so help our own industries, not to examine them in a small way, going into little points here and there, but to take a broad outlook and to see whether these industries are of value to the country or not; to see what capital is sunk in those industries, and to see whether the people who have that capital sunk have any right to have attention paid to their claim. I submit that Irish industries, in which millions of money are sunk, are entitled to as much consideration as industries and undertakings over in England.

In England recently, that huge country, with its great traffic, the Government were compelled to reduce the rates on the railways. In this country we ought to do something for the railways also. I suggest the Government should give more serious attention to the matter, and do what they can to assist and to forward the internal re-organisation of the railways, so that they will be able to meet the new conditions somewhat in the same way as the English railways have been able to do.

I must say I was very surprised at hearing the Minister for Industry and Commerce declare that the cost of the upkeep of the road to the local ratepayers was not more than in 1914.

That has been misquoted twice. What I said was that the conclusion was arrived at in this way. One took the 1914 payment from the ratepayers and increased that, taking the farmers, the ordinary ratepayers, to the amount which in 1926 the farmer was getting for produce over the 1914 figures. In other words we put the ratepayer on the 1914 basis allowing for the difference in what he was getting for his produce.

I am afraid the farmer ratepayer will not be satisfied. He maintains that he is not getting more for his produce now than in 1914. His argument is that he is back to 1914 prices, but the cost of the upkeep of the roads is far in excess of 1914. As evidence of that the Waterford County Council last year and this year cut the county surveyor's estimates by practically £30,000. In addition to that, they had to cut off a number of third-class roads and deprive a number of their own ratepayers practically of access to their own holdings. The damage done to their roads by the extraordinary motor traffic, the heavy lorry traffic, is very severe, and although the surveyors adopted the policy pointed out by the Minister of debarring lorries from using certain roads, still the damage done is enormous. The ratepayers of the district hold that it is very desirable that the heavy traffic should go back to the railways. I know it will cause certain inconvenience to many farmers if they are deprived the use of those motor lorries. But they cannot have it both ways. Until we have roads fit to maintain such traffic I hold it should go back to the railroads which are fitted for it. I am not a railway shareholder so that I have no axe to grind in the matter. With regard to the question of the foreign manufacture I do not know if it is true what I heard, namely that a foreign manufacturer bought up the only cement works in Ireland and then closed them down. If that policy is allowed to continue it is going to be very serious. A foreign manufacturing firm with enormous capital behind it can come into this country, buy up an industry and then close it down. That is going to be a very serious matter for us.

Dealing with the geological survey, the Minister pointed out that only on occasions when certain people were prepared to undertake development work would the geological survey take place. Now, how can people know that a mineral exists until a boring takes place? In Waterford County, it is believed, there are deposits of copper; along the sea-coast, I think, the copper was worked. The old works still exist. It is believed that copper is also to be had about five miles from Bonmahon. About 20 years ago foreign capitalists came into the district and endeavoured to locate the copper. The result was unfortunate for many local people. A considerable number of people were persuaded to put the savings of years into this undertaking, and I am afraid it was more a financial juggle than anything; they lost their money. Would it not be wise if the Department of Industry and Commerce were to endeavour to prevent that occurring again? I have just heard in the district that somebody is making a tentative move to re-open the mines. I would ask the Department to safeguard prospective investors in the district. It is very easy to get up enthusiasm for this sort of thing, and induce people to part with the money that they can ill afford. If the thing is undertaken again, it would be well that the people should be safeguarded against financial jugglers who may simply use the place to deprive people of their money. If the mineral exists, would it not be well to have borings made where the mines were working, and then take care that if they are to be exploited they would be worked in a genuine manner and not in the interests of financial jugglers?

I must say I was rather surprised at the statement made by the Minister for Industry and Commerce, particularly on account of the fact that he indicates to the House fairly definitely that he has absolutely no programme as regards his Department for the coming year, that he has no policy and no programme. The Minister referred, in passing, to several matters that are arousing a great deal of discussion at the moment, but as far as I could detect from his statement he has no idea, and he cannot even suggest anything, in regard to what they intend to do to grapple with such problems. The Minister suggested that he was criticised for having spent five millions on the Shannon scheme. He wanted to know could we indicate any industry to which this five millions could have been put and which would have brought some benefit to the country. I understand we are precluded from discussing the Shannon scheme on this Estimate, but as the Minister did mention it by way of comparison, I presume we will be allowed to make a brief reference to it. I wonder if the Minister thinks that if the Shannon scheme had not been gone on with, and if the Department of Fisheries had been given an extra million for fishery development, that something would not have accrued to the country? If another million was given for the development of industries in the Gaeltacht, or for extra help to the agricultural industry, does the Minister think that more benefit would not have been derived? I mention there the main industries of the country that would have derived some benefit if portion of the money now spent on the Shannon scheme were diverted. I wonder how the Shannon scheme was introduced here at all?

ACTING-CHAIRMAN

The Deputy is departing from the main subject.

I do not see why it was introduced. When the Minister speaks about five millions on the Shannon scheme, we in Dublin know that we are scrapping two million pounds worth of plant to make place in the shape of customers for users of the Shannon current. If they had left Dublin out of it and let us keep our plant in Rathmines and Pembroke, and if they used the Shannon current for development work throughout the country, there might be some argument for it.

Arising out of the amalgamation of railways, the Minister said a saving was brought about of over £700,000. Deputy Davin contradicted that. He said that between two and three thousand men were rendered idle, and if you just reckon up the average of £2 per man as a modest weekly wage you will find that at least half of the saving was composed of wages earned by these men who are now unemployed. They are walking around idle, and in some cases a lot of the work they had been engaged on is being imported. The Minister also referred to trade loans. We hope very shortly to have an opportunity of discussing these trade loans when the subject arises in the report of the Committee of Public Accounts. Then we will go into that matter in great detail. I would like to read two small paragraphs, and perhaps Deputies will understand from them that there is a lot to be desired in the administration of that Act in the way of granting loans:

The Comptroller and Auditor-General takes the view that even if the transactions are within the Act, the giving of guarantees in such circumstances is not desirable, as the firms were on the verge of closing down, they had no credit, and the proceeds were mainly used to pay debts which they could not otherwise meet. The main purpose of Section 1 of the Act was to guarantee loans for the carrying out of capital undertakings. In effect, the section has been used to assist existing firms by the simple process of reconstruction to keep going. This, in the opinion of the Committee, was not the intention of Section 1 of the 1924 Act.

If loans are guaranteed on this basis the Act would be used mainly to enable firms in need of money to obtain credit by merely amalgamating or reconstructing. The Committee deprecates the Act being used in this way.

In other words, the Act is not being administered in the sense that it is encouraging or making it possible to encourage the starting of new industries by being able to get the capital necessary for the capital expenditure. Deputy Davin points out a matter which deserves at least serious attention. I notice the Minister is evidently enjoying the situation.

I would like to correct the Deputy. It was a dispute I had with the Minister for Industry and Commerce as to whether the Deputy had used the word "depreciate" or "deprecate" in the particular paragraph he read out. I think it was "deprecate" and the Minister for Industry and Commerce said it was "depreciate."

I might have said that and I am delighted that the President is so interested in my pronunciation. I hope some day to have the benefit of a lesson from him.

There are more ridiculous things than what the Deputy says.

The Minister himself says some of them. I hope the Minister will listen with a little seriousness to what I have to say upon this matter. There as no doubt about it that these buses that are running at the present time, controlled by small private owners or small companies, are not compelled by the Minister for Industry and Commerce or the Transport Department to have their passengers covered by insurance in the event of accidents taking place. They should be compelled to insure their passengers. The railway companies have to cover their passengers against any such possibilities.

The Minister will have to take notice of these things and he will have to take notice of the bus situation. He forgets that allowing these bus companies to go on the roads will bring about a situation which when he does want to inquire into, he will find himself up against vested interests and he will then have a different story to tell. I think the time has now arrived for the Minister's Department to take into consideration the situation as described by Deputy Davin and get down to linking up transport rather than allowing this competition in transport to develop. That will not lead to the solution of the problem of transport proper in the country. The Minister takes a light view of the situation. I repeat again that I did expect to hear from the Minister some statement of policy with regard to industrial activity and transport generally. If you compare the Minister's Department with the Department of Lands and Agriculture, you will find that the Department of Lands and Agriculture has done far more for industry in this country than the Department of Industry and Commerce.

took the Chair.

I agree with Deputy Briscoe in the compliment he paid to the Minister for Lands and Agriculture. I find that I could not pay such a compliment to the Minister for Industry and Commerce. Talking of this question of transport, which is always vital to industry, we find when we examine the industrial position of England that their industries were developed largely through their system of transport, a very cheap and efficient system. To-day in this country we are faced with a transport system that is in a state of complete chaos. You have a railway system opposed by a bus system over which there is not the slightest control. You find the bus companies organising systems of their own. They travel when they like, where they like, and at what speeds they like. They take passengers on board without the slightest responsibility whether they injure or kill passengers. The whole system seems to be brought about simply through the fault of the railway companies. The railway companies are not without their faults. I do not see that they ever catered for their customers as other business concerns do. The railway companies in Ireland through the system that prevailed here were largely privileged companies. Their system was more or less a military system. The railways all started out from the City of Dublin, leaving huge tracts of this country untapped and without any means of communication. They left some of the richest and most productive parts of the country without railway accommodation.

It is quite obvious that when we as a nation attempted to revive those particular areas they grasped at the first and handiest means possible to develop themselves, and for that reason they adopted the bus and motor haulage system. As I said, railways are to-day largely to blame. They have not catered for their passenger traffic. Passengers were compelled to find other means more comfortable and more speedy, means of travelling. Travelling down from Dublin you will find that down in the country the waiting rooms are not heated or lighted. You will find when you arrive at a railway station at night that if you have not a match or flash lamp you cannot get out of the station. There is no light in the station, and you are not safe in moving about. That is why the railway companies lost their traffic. That is because they were, unfortunately, placed in the wrong position to attract goods traffic. Getting off that, I am thoroughly in agreement with Deputy Lemass that some form of co-ordination must be adopted to relieve that situation. If the railway companies are to live I hold that they will have themselves to adopt a more business outlook. They will have to cater more for the public than they have done up to the present. In the matter of the carriage of goods and livestock and that sort of traffic, they are to-day irresponsible. They have practically no contract and practically no liability for any damages and loss that may accrue. They absolutely suit their own convenience without taking into account the convenience of their customers.

On the question now of tariffs and on the Tariff Commission, I believe that the Tariff Commission has very great responsibilities as far as industrial revival is concerned. We are a new country. We are not like the older countries who already have machinery at their disposal. We need some very efficient machine corresponding, I suppose, to an economic council. I do not believe that the Tariff Commission has either the time or the powers to be effective. There are international questions connected with the question of the revival of industry. We, I believe, must be in the position of finding out very accurately what the cost of production of certain commodities is in foreign countries. I believe that without knowing very definitely what that cost of production is that we are really not in a position to manipulate either through tariffs or through any other way our industries in opposition to those in outside countries. We can neither manipulate nor develop our industries without a knowledge of this fact. We must remember that those countries have had years and generations in advance of us. Therefore, to my mind, the Tariff Commission should have greater powers. It should be permanent and it should be sitting constantly, and it should be there to receive information and to give certain advice to people connected with industry, and to give that information at all times. The Minister for Industry and Commerce explained a very elaborate system for reviving industries. Certainly it sounded well, and it should look well on paper, but it is a doubtful point if through any particular method that he has proposed it is possible to revive industries in this country. You have a great number of points to decide which the Minister for Industry and Commerce cannot possibly give attention and time to. You have the transport problem and you have the problem of the cost of production, and the problem of the probable consumer. I believe with Deputy Cassidy on the Labour Benches that it is necessary to have, perhaps, some form of Ministry of, say, roads and ways that could pay very definite attention to the question of transport with, perhaps, an Economic Council to look after the other end of it. I think that we would be in a position then to tackle the problem efficiently and with enthusiasm. It needs a great deal of enthusiasm amongst the people in order to revive industries. If we are not in a position to get that enthusiasm or help—the help must come first from the people— I do not believe that we can do anything here. Centralisation is one method that the Minister proposed. I believe that centralisation is a good thing, but not in a country like ours.

I believe that great countries like the United States. perhaps like England, are in a position to centralise and to reap huge profits from that, but as we are essentially an agricultural country I do not believe that the centralisation of industry is a thing that we should adopt. After all, England centralised and has been successful up to date in that centralisation. It is doubtful, however, whether England to-day is in a satisfactory position in regard to industry. Centralisation suits people of certain temperaments, but I doubt very much if it would suit the temperament of the people of Ireland. I think that industries of special kinds developed throughout the country would be much more suitable to an agricultural community like Ireland than such things as centralised industries. I do not believe that we have either the population or the resources to start industries of such a colossal nature that it would be suitable or convenient to centralise them. There are certain industries of an agricultural nature which we can centralise, but I doubt very much if other industries such as those of a mercantile nature could be centralised.

The transport question and the transport charges of which the Minister spoke appear in this country to me to be a certain protection on foreign goods. What I mean by that is that foreign goods seem to get preferential rates all along the line. I can find no more descriptive word to apply to them than the word "protection." I suppose it is really protection because the English industrialists are completely protected. They are in such a position that if we impose a weak tariff on anything, such as the attempt to impose a flour tariff, I suppose they are in such a position of being protected by transport that they would immediately overcome the three shillings. Railway passenger receipts will continue to fall so long as the railways do not cater for passengers. That is the main fault with regard to passenger traffic and it does not matter what assistance the Minister may attempt to give the railways, because the railways are more or less in the same position as industry. It will require the action and initiative of the companies controlling the railways to make the first effort to better their position, just as the first effort must come from the people if we are to revive industry.

My only reason for taking part in this debate is to beg of the Minister, in his reply, to give us some little encouragement, some few encouraging words, in regard to industry. Even the talk about the upward curve was more satisfactory than the pessimism which has been coming from the Government Benches for the last week or fortnight. The Budget statement was, in truth, gloomy enough. Following that we have had the confession by the Minister for Fisheries that the fishing industry was hopeless. That statement was, in fact, anticipated by the Minister for Finance. To-day we have had an account from the Minister for Industry and Commerce of the wonderful machine that is being created, but we have no information as to what the machine is going to create—no information beyond the machine, nothing about the future of industry, nothing that would lead us to believe that there is any hope for our urban population at the moment, nothing to give us any idea as to whether the chemical and other inventions which are being made hold out any prospect that Ireland's resources can be turned to account for the benefit of her population in the immediate future. We are told nothing, for instance, about such an important subject as artificial silk. The Minister does not confide in us whether his Department is giving attention to that very important matter, or whether there are any special difficulties which prevent the establishment of such an industry here. How is it that Northern Ireland has got such an industry recently established within its borders, yet there is no sign that such an industry is likely to be developed here? We are told nothing about the prospects of Irish coal, as to whether the use of pulverised fuel will mean that the Irish coalfields can be turned to account, or whether the extraction of oil from coal is an industry for which Irish coal will be suitable.

The Minister's statement altogether was as disappointing as one could expect. He tells us that transport is all right, that his Railways Act of 1924 is proving a wonderful success, but at the same time he does not give any indication that there is likely to be a reduction in railway rates. Is it another of our illusions that railway rates, which have been a by-word in Ireland throughout the present generation, and that all the anomalies that used to be spoken of in connection with through rates, are really perfectly normal and rational things, and that the country has got to realise that it has a transport system perfectly suitable to its requirements, agriculturally and industrially? Remember that the Railway Tribunal has had no proposal up to the present put before it to reduce railway rates.

If it has, it was only for a very insignificant amount. The most that can be hoped for from the Act of 1924 is that there will not be a substantial increase in railway rates, but, even in that case, it is only a hope, because as the Minister has now agreed apparently, the matter of transport is to have a free rein, we may expect the railways will be getting less and less passenger traffic, probably less parcels. Consequently the rates for the traffic they must carry will have to be increased.

That would seem to be the prospect in front of the railways. Very few traders, industrialists or producers who read this debate and read the Minister's speech can regard the future with anything but dismay in my opinion, but there is no doubt whatever that everyone who is producing in Ireland is up against a very tremendous proposition in regard to the present transport rates no matter whether by rail or canal. It is therefore very discouraging to find that the Minister has no prospect of anything better for the country and that he cannot give it anything more with regard to the industrial side of his Department than merely a description of the machine.

One little detail in that description was particularly interesting. He said that his Department was at the present time organising local committees for the development of industry. There was a time, I remember, when these committees organised themselves automatically, when there was an enthusiasm in the country for Irish industry and when no Government official was required to visit a country town to create an industrial organisation, to ask people to come together or to collate information regarding industrial possibilities in the district or anything of that kind. There was a time when all that was done by the people very thoroughly and very cheerfully. I wonder why it is that it now requires the visits of a Government official to induce the people to do it? I think if the Minister examines that question he will find that the people have no confidence that the present Government favour an industrial policy, or that the Government really desire the development of manufactures in the country. They believe rightly or wrongly that the importing element in Dublin have so much influence with the Government that they are preventing anything like industrial development, that they are preventing the proper use of the tariff weapon and that so long as that prevails it is hopeless for them to expect anything like industrial advancement.

The Minister's statement in regard to transport was an amazing statement. Of course, it raises a very much bigger question than has been touched upon up to the present. It raises the question of what, if road transport is to be allowed to develop, will be the future cost of the roadways, how much will the population have to provide for the building of suitable highways and for the maintenance of these highways at the best standards that prevail to-day. To my mind, nobody at the present time is in a position to answer that question but it is a question that I think should be answered before you allow this sort of thing to develop, where you have a transport service provided to which the people get attached and which they would like to see continued, when the country may not be able to continue it for them. It seems to me a very shallow statement to say that all the ratepayers are being asked to pay for roads is their just proportion above the 1914 figure which is represented by the increased price over 1914. All the rest has to be borne by motor owners. Well, I suppose motor owners are not to be ratepayers nor is a ratepayer to be a motor owner.

Again I would wish to refer to a statement made by the Minister for Finance in his Budget speech when he said that all expenditure ultimately came out of production. Surely the Minister for Industry and Commerce cannot be satisfied when he makes a division of that kind that he is convincing us that the farmer and the general ratepayer have not to bear any of the responsibility or any of the expense in connection with the improvement and the maintenance of roads, that they have not to meet any of the big expenses necessitated by the use of motor buses and motor vehicles generally in the country. To me, at all events, it is quite an unconvincing statement, and I would like to hear a great deal more about it before I am satisfied.

We thought too that we might have heard a little about the production of things like cement in the country, and whether there is any prospect that an industry which is so important as that is likely to develop. It seems curious that Denmark should be able not only to produce all the cement for her own requirements, but to export considerable quantities and, in addition, machinery for the making of cement. So far as I have been able to find out from inquiries at the Geological Survey Ireland has much better materials for the making of cement than Denmark. It would seem strange that an industry of that kind, which once existed here, should be allowed to disappear and that, apparently, no effort has been made to revive it or to develop a new factory. I remember that the Minister dealt with that in another speech he made some time ago, when he said that it never was a good proposition. It would surprise me if it were proved that to import £400,000 worth of cement, a great deal of it to Wexford, is more economical than to keep people who were engaged at the cement factory, and who would still be engaged if it were working, on the dole. It would surprise me if it is an economic proposition to keep these people unemployed as they are and leave the country dependent on foreign producers of cement. If that were fully examined— that it is better to be paying £400,000 to foreigners for the production of that cement, and for sending it to us, that it would pay us better to pay that money to foreigners than to keep our own cement workers engaged, however defective the industry might be—it would be found that the industry, such as it was, would have been sufficient to meet a good portion of our requirements until we were in a position to do better for ourselves. I think the Minister will admit that there would be a much greater possibility of having a good cement factory here in the near future if the old cement factory had been continued.

If the cement was still being produced here, there would be a greater possibility of enlarging the industry and putting it on sound lines than at present, when all we have is a derelict cement works. I do not want to go further with that proposition because I see that the time is advancing, but I do hope that the Minister in his reply will be able to give us a little more hope, a little more confidence that we may expect an industrial advancement in this country in the near future.

The speech of the gentleman I now know as Deputy Moore—at one time I heard him introduced at a meeting in Kilkenny as Dr. O'Kelly from Dublin—was as convincing as it is misleading. I was listening to the part of his speech where he said people organised themselves some years ago. Organised themselves for what? It was true that there was some organising, organising that people should buy, as far as possible, things of Irish manufacture, but it began and ended there. Is that organising people for industrial development? Was there no more to be done, and is all further organisation to be done by the Government? Is it the Government's duty to organise directorates for our several businesses? Is it their duty to organise management and service? Why are our industries in the position they are in to-day? Not because it is the fault of the people or the consumers of our produce or industrial products. It is the fault—I think altogether the fault —of the direction of our business and the management and service given in our industries. The speeches of Deputy Moore and other Deputies are absolute confessions of failure. In other words, they say except the Government comes in and shows people how to conduct business it cannot be done. What is wrong with Irish initiative and brains? Can the Government put them right if they are wrong? Protection is the only cure for all our ills, but why, if we want to live in this world of ours, can we not pull our own weight? Is it necessary that we must make room for some other race? We cannot carry on and live independent of assistance from outside or without a brass wall around us.

There have been a good many businesses started within the last 30 or 40 years. Where are many of them to-day, and why? We had businesses started, a good deal of money put into them and directorates appointed who knew nothing at all about the particular business they were appointed to direct. It may not be absolutely necessary for them to know the technical part of the business, but they did not know enough to get good service from their managers and staff. Generally, if you want a manager to manage a business you have to look for him and spend a great deal of time getting him, but many of the managers I knew were looking for directorates. If you see a fellow looking for a directorate you know what he is. That is the kind we had in this country. In the end, we had neither directors nor managers. We had another element connected with the service. When the business was going on reasonably well, other influences commenced. A strike started. You wanted to get more out of the bottle than you could put into it. You thought to get blood out of a turnip, with the result you had not even the turnip. You had people exploiting the unfortunate workers, and in a few months the factories were closed down. In a month later all the most up-to-date fittings were sold as scrap and sent back to England. There are three essentials or corner stones for any business or industrial development. Those are direction, management, and service. Until we are prepared to realise this; until we get that position right, and until we get this problem faced honestly; until we get everyone to pull their weight and to have that old British bull-dog spirit, where you take your hold and keep it, we can get nowhere. They knew how to keep their hold, and we have got to do the same. I said a few nights ago in Kilkenny that the contest for existence is keener now than ever, and that it is only those who can get a hold and keep hold, will get on, and the others will go to the wall, both countries and races. If we are not prepared to do that our managers, directors and staffs can never do anything right. If you do that the general public will give its response. Let us face this proposition in the right atmosphere and stop patting one another on the back. Tell the truth about it and get it right. I would have absolute confidence in this country if we could change the old atmosphere.

I would like to deal with the question of transport first. I hope I have made my position clear to the House as to what the policy I spoke of was in regard to payments. There was an examination made as to the amount contributed from the local rates for the upkeep and maintenance of roads in 1914 and certain other years were examined. The conclusion drawn was this: that there had been an increase. If you take the average of the years 1923, 1924 and 1925 and compare it with 1914 there has been an increase of about 98 per cent. in the payments made. But in that same period an analysis also showed that the rates of wages paid by county councils in 1924-25 as compared with 1913-14 was 140 per cent. and as wages represent the larger amount in road maintenance it was a conservative estimate at the time if 120 per cent. was taken as performing in 1924-25 the same work as was performed in 1913-14. We, therefore, came to this conclusion, on the results of this examination, that there was not being done, at the expense of local rates any bigger amount of work on roads than had been done in 1914. That being established the second point brought into consideration was this: The average farmer was taken as being a ratepayer, the man who contributed to the local rates, and on that a figure was taken as representing what his produce was bringing him in over the 1914 figure, and that roughly was taken as the payment which should be requested from the ordinary ratepayer over the 1914 basis to represent the same amount of work put down on the roads as done in 1914. Roughly the amount paid from local rates in 1914 was £700,000. There would be something over £1,000,000 to be contributed by local rates and the rest to be found by motor taxation. There may be some quarrelling as to whether something approaching 50 per cent. increase was fair to the ratepayer, but at any rate the policy was broadly that the ratepayer would be asked to contribute, taking the value of money as being adjusted, what he contributed in 1914 for the type of road made in 1914 and not a different type of road required thereafter; any extra expenditure on that road was to be met out of motor taxation. That in fact has been done. The figure that has been contributed by the Road Fund which is motor taxation plus a small item is of interest. The figures for 1923 are not reliable because the Road Fund was not being paid properly. In 1924 the amount was £62,000; in 1925 it was £561,000; in 1926 it was £673,000; in 1927 it was £735,000. If buses are going to cause any great break-up in the roads, and if the roads are consequently going to cost more for people to maintain, in the end it will be the buses that will pay and that is what I stated to be the finance of the transport problem in so far as it related to the road vehicle.

The figures the Minister is quoting as having been spent on road maintenance only apply to the maintenance of trunk and main roads, not county roads.

They apply to everything. After that there was a special Road Fund. In the last figure I quoted there is an amount within the National Road Scheme. There has been a definite increase year by year in the amounts derived from motor taxation. I segregated this question of what was called co-ordinating transport into three sides. I did not say nothing was going to be done, although speaker after speaker said that was the effect of my remarks. I said in so far as there was a side to this problem which applied to the safeguarding of passengers and other users of the highways that that aspect was being looked to by a particular committee which had not yet reported but the report of which was expected; that it would deal definitely with all those matters—the speed of buses, the length and breadth of buses, with anything that has to do with the conveyance of passengers: the numbers, how seats are to be arranged, also, I am sure, the matter of insurance. When that report is on hands it may be examined and probably there will have to be legislation to deal with it.

The second aspect is the question of finance. I say that settles itself and it is at the expense of the vehicle that does most damage to the roads. There may again have to be an adjustment there. It is quite possible, although motor taxation brings in what is considered to be a fair amount to the upkeep of the roads, that the incidence of the amount derived from motor taxation as between motor bicycles, business lorries, motor cars, and buses is not finally or equitably adjusted; there may have to be a change. The third matter is the question of the co-ordination of transport services. That involves the allocation of routes by some authority. I want to get that discussed on the basis of a general business ruling. I am going to take competition. When it gets to the position where it can be described as wasteful it is going to be stopped in everything. We are going to deal with shops, cinema houses, and with everything on the basis that once some authority decides that they are no longer useful, that they have become wasteful, then you step in and say there are too many shops, too many picture palaces and everything else, and we stop anyone else coming in. If we get a decision of that kind about business generally we can deal with it and apply it to transport. That principle is not yet adopted. But if it were adopted we are far from having the details necessary to allocate routes and decide what are the proper minimum and maximum fares to be charged for particular types of conveyances. There has been a certain amount of argument used here about co-ordination of another type, that is having only one Ministry to deal with transport. But people were very coy about coming to a decision as to what Ministry should deal with transport. Deputy Davin said there were at least three Ministries involved—Industry and Commerce, Local Government and Justice. Justice comes in because there are traffic regulations, and the police see, or ought to see, that these are carried out. Local Government comes in because they deal with roads, mainly because they deal with local authorities and those who subscribe to the rates. Industry and Commerce have to deal with railways and with certain other matters. Where is it proposed to allocate the new department? Does it mean that the police are to be taken from the Ministry of Justice and handed over to this new department, or are we to have a special type of transport police? Does it mean that the Ministry of Local Government should take over the railways and the police, or that the Department of Justice should take over the railways and the question of roads, which will involve always dealings with the County Councils and other local authorities? That may lead more speedily than some people desire to the entire disappearance of local authorities. Before people decide on a division or re-allocation of duties along these lines, let them consider that no matter of policy affecting transport can ever be decided upon unless the Executive Council considers it. In that way there is a co-ordinating policy throughout. As a matter of fact, I would venture to say that for nine-tenths of transport matters my own Department is the co-ordinating authority, and I do not know what stories Deputy Davin is relying on. There has been one occasion upon which some closer liaison might have prevented a particular thing occurring, but that occurred between two sets of officials in the same Department. There has been no conflict in regard to transport policy. There have been no warring interests as between one Department and another.

Then what was the necessity for setting up a departmental committee on traffic, and why are they taking so long to come to a decision?

If Deputy Davin means it is because officials were fighting, I can assure him it is not so. That committee was set up to discuss traffic regulations. Take one regulation as to the legal speed for motor vehicles. That is out of date and there ought to be some adjustment, or some change.

It should be done away with altogether.

That may be the Deputy's point of view, but, at any rate, a change has to be made.

It is the police point of view.

But a change ought to be made. Surely it does not mean that because a departmental committee has been set up three departments are fighting and that they have to be reconciled by somebody. There is a co-ordinating authority in the matter of transport, and that is the general authority in the Executive Council. I have in my mind, one case, a very minor one, in which there has been some conflict, but there has been no case in which there has been any lack of harmony as between Departments. If people decide, nevertheless, that it is a bad thing to have the various activities of the various services of transport under different Ministries. I would like to have suggestions as to what this new department is to be and how there is to be co-ordination of the various interests concerned.

I move to report progress until to-morrow.

The Dáil went out of Committee.
Progress reported: the Committee to sit again to-morrow.
Top
Share