Skip to main content
Normal View

Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 19 Feb 1930

Vol. 33 No. 4

In Committee on Finance. - Vote No. 66—External Affairs.

I move:

Go ndeontar suim bhreise ná raghaidh thar £5,055 chun íoctha an Mhuirir a thiocfidh chun bheith iníoctha i rith na bliana dar críoch an 31adh lá de Mhárta, 1930, chun Tuarastail agus Costaisí Oifig an Aire Gnóthai Coigríche agus Seirbhisi áirithe atá fé riara na hOifige sin.

That a supplementary sum not exceeding £5,055 be granted to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1930, for the Salaries and Expenses of the Office of the Minister for External Affairs, and of certain Services administered by that Office.

The total sum previously voted for External Affairs was £58,000. That did not include provision for the establishment of the Legation at the Holy See. A Supplementary Estimate for those expenses was presented some time after the original Estimate, bringing it up to some pounds over £61,000. The original Estimate and the first supplementary, were both prepared on a basis of furnished premises of which a lease could be secured to accommodate the Legations proposed to be set up at Paris, Berlin and Rome. Provision, accordingly, was not made for capital expenditure on furniture. We found in the case of Berlin and Paris that it was almost impossible to secure suitable furnished premises and it was decided, with the approval of the Minister for Finance, that the best procedure would be to take unfurnished premises at Berlin and furnish the offices with furniture manufactured in the Saorstát. That decision involved extra expenditure. This expenditure has caused the excess on the original two sums which amounted to £61,000. Unfurnished premises have been secured at Berlin; they have been furnished as far as possible with home manufactured goods at a cost of about £1,500. The Roman situation is different. There it has been found possible to secure furnished premises on good leasing terms.

In so far as there is any increase on the other items they are small and are mainly explained by the fact that the original provision was based upon the Legations being established at certain times of the year, and the preliminary expenses were incurred a little earlier than was originally intended.

I do not propose to go over the ground that was covered when the original Estimate was brought in last year. I only want to say that the Supplementary Estimate, taken with the sum originally asked for, is a considerable sum, and I suppose, in the natural order of things, we may take it that it is not likely to decrease, but rather to increase. In that connection, one might ask what value are we getting from the large sum of money that is being expended on these services. Without going over the ground covered by myself when speaking on this Estimate last year, I would say that there is not any ground of satisfaction over the results of the services so far, either from the purely political point of view or from the economic point of view. Nobody that I know of has claimed that there has been a large increase of export trade as a result of the establishment of the various offices. Nobody, I think, has even claimed that there has been an increase in trade proportionate to the increased cost of these offices in recent years. I think it would be still more difficult to get anybody to say that Ireland, or even that part of it known as the Irish Free State, derives such political advantage or prestige as one might expect from the establishment of these offices. It would not be our purpose to object to money being spent on such a service as representing Ireland abroad if it were possible to do that properly. We are not satisfied that it is advisable to go on increasing the amount of money expended on these services, with our experience of the recent past or what we can see we are likely to gain in political or economic prestige or industrial or commercial advantage here in the future.

Considerable sums are down under different heads—travelling expenses, entertainment, and matters of that kind. I suppose as long as we send representatives abroad travelling expenses are necessary, and entertainment is a necessary part of our diplomatic representatives' work, but we certainly have yet to find out, in any tangible fashion, anything that would show us that we are getting any value out of the services under this Estimate.

I presume it will be in order to discuss upon this Estimate the activities of the Department during recent months, with particular reference to the report circulated last week concerning the work of the Imperial Conference Committee in London in October last.

I understand that the Minister is to move a motion in respect of that, and if that is so perhaps it would be better if the Deputy would leave the question of the Dominion Conference over until then.

That is so.

The Minister proposes to introduce it?

The question could be more appropriately discussed then.

I have no desire to force a discussion on it now if the Dáil is to be given an opportunity to discuss it at a future date. I take it that we will also be given an opportunity to discuss the report which was circulated this morning concerning the activities of the Free State delegates at the League of Nations last year. I wonder whether that matter would arise on this Estimate or on the next one.

The Deputy will, in a comparatively short time, have the full Estimate.

The only particular matter which I would care to raise now, if it be in order, is the decision of the Executive Council to be represented at the Tariff Truce Conference at present sitting in Geneva.

The Deputy would be in order in discussing that matter.

The history of that Conference has been set out briefly in the report which was circulated this morning, although I imagine that the majority of Deputies have not had an opportunity of examining it in great detail. At a meeting of the League Assembly in last August or September the British Minister for Trade, Mr. Graham, made a proposal to the League Assembly that a Conference should be called to consider the question of the feasibility and advisability of what has been described as a tariff truce in order to provide an interval during which it would be possible to consider the steps to be taken to secure a general reduction in tariffs throughout Europe. The Free State delegates at the League meeting did not, apparently, at that time consider this proposal favourably, although they did not definitely state that the Free State would not be represented at the Conference. The decision of the Government to be represented there by delegates came, I am sure, as a surprise to the majority of people in this country, including the supporters of the Cumann na nGaedheal Party. It is noticeable that other British Dominions decided not to be represented, notably Australia, South Africa, India and New Zealand. The Free State Government, if it were merely anxious to keep itself informed of the trend of discussions at the Conference, could have decided to be represented by an observer. In my opinion, the decision to send, not an observer but delegates, implies a willingness to accept the proposal that there should be a tariff truce as the first step in a general movement towards the reduction of tariffs.

As I remarked earlier this evening, the Minister for Education, speaking at one of the Committees of the League, seemed to consider it a source of pride that the Free State tariff system is as low as it is. Apparently, the trend of policy in the Executive Council is becoming more and more fixed in the direction, if not of free trade, of what Mr. Baldwin calls freer trade. That has been made evident not merely by the speeches of the Minister for Education and the Minister for External Affairs at Geneva, but by the speeches here of the Minister for Agriculture, and the fact that the Government decided to be represented at this particular Conference. A number of statements have, of course, been issued by the Department of External Affairs in this connection and, while dealing with that matter, I would like to voice a criticism of the actions of that Department in not giving more general information concerning its work to the public than it has done. Apparently it is only possible to find out what that Department is doing when questions are asked in the Dáil or when its policy is criticised by somebody throughout the country. They then issue explanatory statements, but do not consider it necessary to issue them on their own initiative.

The first statement concerning the attitude of the Government towards the Tariff Truee Conference was published in the Press at the beginning of the year. It appeared in the "Irish Independent" on 4th January, and stated that the Free State Government had not yet decided whether it would participate actively in the Conference. Later, another statement, and one of greater significance, appeared in the "Irish Independent" on 13th January in the form of an interview with the Minister for Industry and Commerce, who is also the Minister for External Affairs. He stated: "A blunt proposal to mark time on tariffs is not acceptable to us. While I would not describe our representatives at the Conference as observers, their main duty will be to watch the proceedings for my Department. The question of a tariff truce is only one of many recommendations to be discussed at the Conference. The matter which interests us most and of which we approve is the proposal for an economic rapprochement with particular reference to the question of assisting countries which are mainly agricultural and which, for various causes, are undeveloped industrially." A further statement was issued on 28th January again affirming that the Government would not accept a tariff truce. It is impossible to understand from these statements what the exact attitude of the Government towards the Conference is. The Minister for External Affairs made reference in one of his statements to our export trade in Ford tractors, woollens and biscuits, and seemed to indicate that because of the fact that we possessed an export trade in these matters we were particularly concerned with any movement regarding tariffs on the Continent of Europe. It seems to me that if it is desirable that our export trade in these commodities should not be interfered with, the proposal to reduce tariffs generally in Europe is one to which we should not object. One gathers, however, from the various statements issued that the attitude of the Free State representatives at the Conference is to oppose the particular proposal for the consideration of which the Conference has been summoned.

Where do you get that?

In the statement issued by the Minister on the 13th January—"A blunt proposal to mark time on tariffs is not acceptable to us."

Hear, hear, "to mark time on tariffs."

A statement was issued through the instrumentality of the political correspondent of the "Irish Independent" on 28th January that so far as the Saorstát was concerned they would not accept a tariff truce. A statement contained in this morning's issue of the "Irish Independent" gave what presumably are the terms of the communication in which the Free State Government conveyed their intention to be represented and in which they stated that their representatives were appointed with a view to considering whether, having regard to the special conditions of countries industrially undeveloped, a truce may be arranged in which the Free State could find it possible to participate. I certainly consider that these statements are in conflict, if not directly contradictory. On one occasion the Minister appears to contemplate the Free State representatives opposing the proposal to have a tariff truce on the ground that if they took any other action they would be expected to comply with the conditions of the truce, while a later statement implies that the Government intends to accept the proposal of a truce without necessarily complying with its conditions. Apparently the policy of the Free State representatives will be to convince the other delegates at the Conference that a tariff truce is good for everyone except ourselves. I do not know if that is the policy. I am sure that the Minister for External Affairs, bad and all as he has proved to be in that capacity, would not be quite as bad as that. I think that he would realise the futility of any such course.

The outstanding fact, in relation to continental tariffs which the Minister in deciding to be represented at this Conference overlooked, in my opinion is that the bulk of our export trade consists of agricultural produce to Great Britain. That fact has been repeatedly referred to, both in the House and outside it, before by persons who are anxious, as the Minister apparently is, to cement the bonds of sympathy which bind the two islands together. It is, however, something to bear in mind in relation to this particular decision, that within the past month the leader of each of the political parties in Great Britain—Mr. Baldwin, Mr. Ramsay MacDonald and Mr. Lloyd George— has publicly and definitely declared that under no circumstances whatever would he tolerate or agree to the imposition of any tax on these imports. It is, therefore, I think, to be assumed that the Free State need not fear that its principal export trade will be interfered with in any way in consequence of any change in the existing import duties in operation in Europe. I would like also if that particular fact was borne in mind by Ministers who are constantly attempting to terrorise the agricultural community of this country by talking about the possibility of a pound per head tax on cattle if Fianna Fáil does this, that or the other. The Minister for Finance is particularly prone to that form of argument. Of course, it is possible he may know more about the intentions of the British Government than the British Premier but I think it is most unlikely.

We have an export trade in woollens, in motor tractors, in biscuits and, to a comparatively small extent, in horses, with Europe and it would not be desirable that that export trade should be interfered with by any increase in the existing duties. If we were to purchase any concessions designed to help our export trade in any of these commodities at the cost of agreeing to a modification of our general tariff policy, I think that these concessions would be bought at too high a price. I must say that if I could feel confident that the Executive Council were not committed to an extent greater than we wish to a policy of low tariffs, the decision to be represented at this Conference would not appear as serious as it is. There is, however, serious reason to believe that the Executive Council had decided to embark upon a policy designed to keep this country mainly agricultural and to concentrate all activities upon the production of live-stock and live-stock products for the British markets. Whether or not that is the particular policy to which the Minister for External Affairs would give his personal allegiance, it is quite obvious it is the policy of the Minister for Agriculture as revealed in his public statements.

The action of the Government in deciding to send representatives to this Conference was in my opinion unwise. It is liable to give a false impression as to the general trend of public opinion in this country. I think the vast majority of the electors of the Free State area, whether they vote Cumann na nGaedheal or Fianna Fáil at election times, would prefer to see a vigorous protective policy in operation designed to increase the industrial capacity of the area and thus provide a much larger volume of employment than is now available and also diminish the drain of emigration. There has been a tendency in the Department of External Affairs to seek, unduly, opportunities of being represented at international conferences of all kinds with some of which we have no direct concern or should have no such concern. The Naval Conference is a case in point. It may be that the Department think that they are enhancing the prestige of this part of the country by that policy. That is of course a matter of opinion. When we read in the Press or see a diagram published in the "Sunday Observer" showing that the Minister for External Affairs has been awarded the honour of a place at the Conference Table fifth down from His Majesty the King, it may be a matter of congratulation to certain elements amongst the Government supporters. With the majority of the people of the country, however, it is nothing of the kind. We regard activities of that kind as being definitely prejudicial to the national interest.

I think that the Minister for External Affairs would be much better advised to keep clear of all these international conferences unless it can be shown that the Free State has a very direct and vital interest in them. We will have an opportunity of discussing the report of the Imperial Conference later, as we have been informed. The incompetence shown by the Free State delegation at that Conference is good reason why we should hesitate to give our assent to similar delegations being sent to other Conferences. There is every reason to believe that our delegates to this Tariff Truce Conference at Geneva may induce the Government to commit itself to a line of action which would not serve the industrial interests of this country. I hope that we will get from the Ministers present a serious and considered statement as to the reasons which induced them to take this step. The Minister for External Affairs has in the past generally succeeded in concealing his incompetence behind the insolence with which his reports have been submitted to the House. That will not serve always. I think the House is entitled to be treated with much more consideration than it has been treated in the past by that particular Minister. I think we are entitled to demand that a full and frank statement on this and other matters should be given, and I hope the Minister will do so on this occasion.

I would not rise to speak were it not for the fact that I was struck by one sentence that Deputy Lemass made use of in his statement. He suggested that this country should not be represented at future international affairs of this character, unless we had a direct and vital interest in the proceedings. I want to suggest that as an integral part of what is known as the British Commonwealth of Nations we have a direct and vital interest in anything that takes place at the League of Nations, or any other international assembly. I also believe that at this juncture it is worth considering, in view of recent experiences in regard to the whole question of tariffs, whether it would be in the best interests of this State to review its relations in connection with the whole subject. I do not want to suggest for one moment that I do not favour tariffs in certain cases, but we know that at this conference, where it was suggested that a tariff truce should operate for a period, the various countries were represented by the best economic thought in the respective areas from which they were drawn. We also know that we would not have had many of the recent wars, whether big or little, were it not for the operation of these tariff barriers between one country and another.

It was therefore most essential that our country should be represented at that particular Conference. I am not going to cavil at anything that was done at that Conference, because I believe that we had the elected representatives of the people of the Irish Free State at that Conference. We may not all agree with everything that has been said or done at that Conference, but this much, at any rate, we should be prepared to admit, that we were represented by the best people that could possibly be got in our Executive Government. I have my quarrel with the Executive. I am here as an opponent of the Executive, and as an opponent of the Government, but, at the same time, in international affairs I do not want to cavil at certain things done. I have yet to learn that the spokesmen of any Government represented there have been taken to task on their return to their respective countries or Parliaments because of their activities. I have said that it would be well, perhaps, in view of recent happenings with regard to tariffs in this country that we should either prohibit certain imports or recast the whole system of tariffs.

The Deputy should not get into the question of tariffs.

They have been raised, and apparently you had no objection until I mentioned them.

I want to make the matter clear. The question that has been raised is the advisability of this country being represented at the Conference.

One of the things that took place at the Conference, I suggest, was the suggestion of a tariff truce, and Deputy Lemass was allowed to proceed and say what he thought about that. I thought I might be allowed to say something quite different from what Deputy Lemass said.

As long as the Deputy does not talk about tariffs in Ireland he will be in order.

A tariff truce was asked for at that Conference, and the representatives of this country were charged with acquiescing in it, or saying nothing against it. That is the position as I see it, and I have sufficient confidence in the representatives we had at that Conference to say that I think, under the circumstances, our delegates could not have done better.

This little amusement of ours which is at present estimated at £58,000, is now going to cost £5,000 more, and I am rather anxious to know what the sudden increase is about. For instance, under "Travelling Expenses" the amount of the original Estimate was £350. It is now £1,375. Who got a commission with £1,000 to go rambling over the world? Surely when the Minister was preparing his Estimate he knew that travelling expenses would cost a certain amount. Did he suddenly come to the conclusion that they were going to cost £1,000 more? What new circumstances arose to cause the increase? Then we have "official entertainment." The cost of entertaining distinguished foreigners was estimated at £1,250. I think that would furnish quite a few sprees. Apparently it is now going to cost £1,800. I wonder if it is a fact, that the extra £550 went in fines at the local police court the following morning—the morning after the night before.

Oh! I think that

I protest——

Order. Let Deputy Corry proceed.

I am going to deal with what I consider to be the facts of the case.

Not one of them repudiated you.

I notice that in Berlin rent and rates, fuel and light were to cost £1,000, but are to cost £5,850 now. That is a big increase. I wonder what is our volume of trade with Germany. Our Ambassador there, or whatever you call him, is costing £2,900. It was suddenly decided to supply him with furnished apartments at £4,850. What kind of a mansion is it intended to provide for this gentleman which costs £4,850? How many farmers' houses or how many labourers' cottages could be built in Ireland for that amount? The whole thing seems to me to be: "We do not know how to spend enough." I think the gentleman in Berlin has been already sufficiently provided for. I notice in the Estimate that the Ministers in Paris and Berlin occupy rent free quarters, including fuel and light. They have rent free quarters already, but they are allowed £125 yearly for rent. Now the Berlin representative is going to get £4,800 to fix him up in a mansion, apparently.

Has the Minister any idea of the present position of affairs in this country? I am sure that if he approached the Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Lands and Fisheries he would enlighten him somewhat. We find budgets like this brought up here for increased expenditure night after night and, at the same time, we hear solemn declarations from other Ministers that they cannot find funds for other purposes. In those circumstances, we should like to know exactly where we stand. Some Deputies seem to think that this is a laughing matter. I think it is rather pitiable that what I can honestly describe as a travelling show, which is making an exhibition of this unfortunate little piece of an island all over the habitable globe, is going to cost us £5,000 in addition to the £58,000 already voted. That is what this "pretending to be free" is costing us. I wonder what number of Free State citizens pass through Germany every year to justify this expenditure. Or how many of the Free State citizens who go to Germany ignore our extraordinary Minister there and go to the British Minister. I should like to see the figures. I think the Minister lived so much abroad during his holidays that he does not know what the position of affairs is in this country. It would be most advisable, before he enters upon further expenditure of this sort, if he would consult the Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Lands and Fisheries and find out how the farmers who have to foot the bill stand—how many houses costing £4,800 they have.

I am in some difficulty, because I do not know exactly the scope of this debate. Perhaps you, A Leas-Chinn Comhairle, or the Minister, would tell the House exactly how far we can go. As far as I can make out we shall have, within the next few weeks, at least four motions allied to the motion before the House. The next Estimate is for the League of Nations and, presumably, on that Estimate we can discuss the report which has been circulated to Deputies from the Irish Delegation to the League. Then, to-day we have received from the Ministry a copy of the declaration with regard to the optional clause. The Minister said that he will make that the subject of a separate motion in the House. Again, I presume we shall have a separate motion to approve of the report of the Conference on Dominion Legislation and Merchant Shipping Legislation. Deputy Lemass entered upon a general debate, so far as I can see, on the question of tariffs and a tariff truce. That is a very wide economic question. I should like to ask the Minister whether, in the Estimate before the House, there is any money being voted for this Tariff Truce Conference. If there is no money being voted for that purpose, I do not see how we can discuss the matter on this Estimate. Perhaps the Minister would inform us.

I can inform the Deputy that Deputy Lemass was quite in order.

You have declared him in order, sir, but you ruled that Deputy Anthony was not in order in proceeding on the same lines.

No. Deputy Esmonde himself is not in order. If the Deputy considered that Deputy Lemass was not in order when making his speech, he should have called my attention to it then.

"Physician heal thyself!"

Many general matters have been brought into the discussion upon this Estimate. I should like to deal with some of the smaller items first. Questions have been asked as to why certain items in the Estimate have gone up. The travelling expenses item has gone up because a headquarters officer had to pay certain visits to Rome in connection with the establishment of our Legation at Rome and the complementary establishment of the Papal Nunciature here. In addition, the Commonwealth Conference lasted much longer than had been expected. Consequently, the subsistence allowance increased. The Conference lasted more than double the time estimated and as a greater number of persons were brought over for the meetings than was estimated the travelling expenses also went up. Deputy Corry's remarks in this connection were not very charming but I suppose they were the best we could expect from him. His reference to police court fines was extraordinarily inappropriate and it only shows the capacity for blundering that certain members of the Party opposite have. The increased expenditure upon entertainment arose entirely out of the visit of the Papal Nuncio. That is the context in which Deputy Corry's rather foolish remarks are to be read. I leave it to the people outside to form their own impression of the Deputy and the Party to which the Deputy belongs, no member of which even repudiated the statement which he made.

Get off that. That will not work.

The Deputy also talked about the Berlin Office. I stated here the main reason why this item showed an increase. I explained that it was decided, instead of getting furnished premises on a lease, to take unfurnished premises and furnish them. We took unfurnished premises and almost the entire amount of the sum shown there has gone in the furnishing of the Office with articles made here. To that extent, Deputy Corry's reference to a "travelling show" might be somewhat accurate, though the atmosphere in which he introduced it was not quite happy. Probably there is no better judge of what a travelling show is than the Deputy himself. He asked for statistics as to the number of people who ignored what in his best form he described as "this extraordinary Minister of ours" in Berlin and who approached the British Minister instead. I do not know of any. If the Deputy knows of them, I should like if he would give me information about them. As to the suggestion that I live so much abroad that I do not know what happens to people here, I leave that jest where it is. I think the Deputy himself would not be disimproved if he got an odd experience of travel abroad in order to bring himself up to some type of cultural level that would do him credit both here and abroad.

With regard to the questions raised by Deputy Lemass, I wonder how many people, after Deputy Lemass has finished, know exactly what Deputy Lemass thinks ought to have been done about the Tariff Truce Conference. He stated, in his opening remarks, that the motion was introduced by a member of the British Government and that the Irish Free State Delegates, although against the proposal, did not state they would not go to the Conference. He would know more about the Conference at Geneva if he took the trouble to read the very definite statement of our point of view made at Geneva. There was no statement about our staying away from the Conference, which would afford an opportunity of making our case clear and provide an audience before whom we could make it clear.

Then I notice that the Deputy, in a speech down the country, was very interested in this matter, because he said we were bound to blunder being there, for we either had to object, and so possibly ruin our export trade of tractors, woollens and biscuits, or else we would not object, and that denoted a weakening of our whole tariff policy here. Apparently the Deputy's idea is that the best thing would be to stay away, it being then quite clear that we are against it and so apparently, from his point of view, we would help our exports of woollens, tractors and biscuits. For my part, I think it is much better to go there and have a reasoned explanation of the whole position. Such an attitude would be particularly desirable, and the Deputy might be inclined to see that, if he knew the atmosphere and the circumstances.

In this matter one is really dealing with an assembly which already has had before it a report from the World's Economic Conference and in that report special attention is drawn to countries that are necessarily primarily agricultural and also to countries which have not yet quite reached the point of industrial development of which ordinarily they are thought capable. These people who drew up the World's Economic Conference report stressed the fact that arrangements ought to be made with regard to the consideration, amongst representatives of various nations, of certain matters. That is the atmosphere surrounding our decision to send delegates to the Conference, so that we might be able to make known our own particular position. Those are the people before whom we are sending our delegates and those delegates will plead that special attention should be given to a country such as ours. Of course, there were other countries represented at that Conference.

The Deputy wonders that we did not stand in with Australia, Africa, Canada and India and remain away from those meetings. The Deputy apparently has not yet realised that the Tariff Truce Conference is mainly a European Conference, although not under the auspices of the League of Nations. He apparently does not realise that very few nations outside of the European States attended the Conference and that neither Australia, Canada, Africa nor India can well be stated to belong to the group interested in this matter. Movements may take place with regard to the whole tariff system in Europe, and there may be no reaction or repercussion on events in Australia, Canada, Africa or India. But we are in Europe, and any change in the tariff conditions there, particularly if the change is brought about by the League of Nations, will have an immediate reaction upon us. Immediately it has to fly to the Deputy's head that it is because England goes there that the Free State must follow, while the superior Dominions stand apart. Just for the purpose of argument, for the moment the ordinary party outlook has changed and Australia and India are reckoned amongst the good Dominions, and Africa, which has been held up as the exemplar of the Dominions, still holds that position, but is associated with the others. There would not appear to be any appreciation on the Deputy's part that the geographical position of the countries concerned has possibly a bearing upon the matter, and has modified their views as to whether or not attendance at the Conference was a good thing, nor, apparently, has that aspect of it as from the point of view of this State been realised by the Deputy.

We are told here that the fact that we were actually represented at the Conference and that we did not adopt the attitude of observers implies a willingness to accept the tariff truce. There has been read out a series of newspaper extracts. One was an extract from an article by the political correspondent of the "Independent" on his own; another was the report of an interview with myself, and the third was an authoritative statement from a document sent off to the League of Nations. What did that document say? It did not go into detail, but, roughly, it set out that we were considering how far, conformable with the opinions expressed by the delegation of the Irish Free State at the last Assembly, we could take part in a Conference having for its object, but not as a condition preceding it, the conclusion of a tariff truce.

We felt by being represented at that Conference that we could call attention to the position of undeveloped or under-developed countries, and yet, despite the official announcement heralding the approach of our representatives in a particular way, the Deputy holds that our going there at all implies willingness to accept the tariff truce as the first step. The Deputy thought we were going there to block and obstruct the Conference. He was perturbed as to whether or not we were willing to accept a tariff truce. He thought that we were going to block it and that our going to the Conference would perturb other nations in Europe and so harm our export trade. Again, it is possible to go to Geneva with a special point of view, knowing you are going before a reasoned and reasonable people, that you can make your case before them and that there is no necessity to obstruct our export trade or bring about any breach of policy.

The Deputy said that if he had the feeling that the Executive Council had not changed its tariff policy, then he would not be so anxious about our appearance at the Conference. When the Deputy makes any comment with regard to tariffs in this House it is to the effect that the Government has no tariff policy. Why should he have a suspicion at this stage in this country's development? The Executive Council has already tariffed many articles while the people outside were fighting about shibboleths and bogies. When they were tariffing articles why should there be a suspicion that the policy has changed because two people go to represent a special case before other people who are already attuned by listening to the case and who have expressed themselves as being sympathetic towards it?

[An Ceann Comhairle resumed the Chair.]

The Deputy is afraid that our appearance there is liable to give a wrong impression as to the trend of public opinion in this country. Has he read the speeches delivered at the last League of Nations Assembly by delegates from this country? Has he heard at all, or did he understand from the newspapers at the time that the League of Nations Assembly was sitting, of resolutions proposed by the Irish Free State delegation and not received with such hostility on the part of other nations as to show that the putting forward of our special case was going to bring any odium upon us? Does the Deputy realise that in the end there was a change made on the initiative of the Free State delegation at the Assembly last year with regard to the whole Tariff Conference? Does he realise that originally the proposal was that this Tariff Conference would have handed over to it, if the first resolution had been carried, a settlement of the whole economic policy of the League and that it was at the instance of the Free State delegates that there was a final resolution put in which altered the whole frame-work so that there might be a preliminary Conference such as this? In the end it was decided that there should be a final diplomatic Conference to which members of the League would be called before the economic policy of the League was determined.

That is the safeguard we have— that no matter whether certain nations are agreeable to the letting down of tariffs between themselves, there is going to be no economic policy on the part of the League determined until there is a final conference of all representatives of the League. There, if only there, we can give expression to our status, but we thought it better to give expression to our point of view at the preliminary Conference before certain groups of people. And we are not alone there. There are other nations in an arrested stage of development and they find themselves building up. One does not go to the League expecting to find that it is thought, because you have a proposal running counter to other proposals, that immediately there must necessarily be a breach as between nations. Geneva is a place where different points of view are reconciled. I move that we report progress.

Progress reported, the Committee to sit again to-morrow.
Top
Share