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Dáil Éireann debate -
Friday, 14 Mar 1930

Vol. 33 No. 15

Old Age Pensions Bill, 1929—Second Stage (Resumed).

Question again proposed: "That the Bill be read a Second Time."

In speaking in support of the Bill last night I referred to the section relating to old people who had gone into the County Hospital for more than three months and who as a result lost their old age pensions. I come now to the amendment which proposes that any charity given to old people shall not be considered as part of their income. To indicate to the House how this law operates at present, I will mention a case that came under my own notice. An old woman lived in a cabin in a village in the West of Ireland with absolutely no income, no land and no property, and was supplied free with milk by her neighbours. A value of 1/6 per week was put on that milk by the Pension Officer. It is to prevent such things as that occuring that this amendment in Deputy Dr. Ward's Bill is proposed. We want to see that nothing given to an old person in the nature of charity shall be considered as portion of his income, except he be left real property, money or real estate.

The Minister referred to the large amount of money paid out in pensions in County Mayo and he compared it with the amount spent by way of outdoor relief in that county. I can recollect the time when the Old Age Pensions Act first became the law of the land and, if my memory serves me right, the spirit, the intention, of the men who introduced the Act in the British Parliament was to relieve the deserving poor and to remove the stigma of pauperism from unfortunate people. Are we to take it now that the Minister would prefer to shove over the whole expense of relieving the deserving poor on the ratepayers and give assistance in the form of outdoor relief? If so, the Government had better be honest about it and should say straight out that the Old Age Pensions Act should be wiped off the Statute Book and that we should revert to a general scheme of out-door relief contributed from the rates. The Minister's point apparently is that nobody is entitled to an old age pension unless he or she can be classed as a pauper, for really that is the implication in the Minister's statement; it is the logical conclusion to be drawn from his statement. We are to go back to a sysstem of legalised pauperism and abandon the principle established by the Old Age Pensions Acts. We are to throw those Acts on the dust-heap and assert that the only people who will get relief in the State are those who can be classed as paupers.

Does the Minister consider it a special form of original sin that there is an undue proportion of old people in the County Mayo or that there is in that county an undue proportion of people who, even under the present drastic regulations applying to pensions, are receiving pensions? Are we to take it from the Minister that County Mayo people should be specially punished because they are living to an advanced age or because they are guilty of the crime of not being millionaires? The Minister well knows the reason why the people in Mayo are living under difficult conditions. He is not so ignorant of Irish history as that he has not heard of the cry "To hell or Connaught." An Act was recently passed through this House entitled the Gaeltacht Housing Act. Under that a huge number of areas in Mayo are scheduled. Even though the number is large, in our opinion—that is, the opinion of Deputies from County Mayo on these benches—we do not think there are as many areas scheduled as should be scheduled. In that Act it was laid down that special consideration would be given to people with only twenty-one shillings poor law valuation. The fact that the schedule for County Mayo is so large is an indication that the Land Commission and the Minister for Lands and Fisheries realise that there are large numbers of people with very small poor law valuations in the county. They realise that special conditions exist there that do not exist elsewhere in the Free State.

I pointed out last night the unjust way in which the old age pensions law operates, particularly in regard to assignments of land and property. I wish to draw the Minister's attention to the way in which old age pensioners are victimised when they have to give legal proof of their ages. He knows how drastic are the regulations against the old age pensioners. I would like the Minister to indicate if there is any truth in what I heard recently, that it is about to become the established practice of the Department, when asking for proof of age, to insist that where there is no birth certificate or other documentary proof, proof must be had of a clear indication that two years elapsed between the birth of the claimant and his elder brother or sister as the case may be. I was recently informed by a person who is a member of a Pensions Committee that this is about to become the practice of the Department. If that is so, I think it will be most unjust and it will victimise hundreds and thousands of people, especially in County Mayo. In very few instances are there parish registers from which the old people could obtain documentary proof of their ages.

Reading the Minister's speech and knowing the Department's practice in assessing means of claimants, I think a very interesting question arises in Mayo as to what may be the effects of the Gaeltacht Housing Act. Deputy Ward, introducing the Bill, mentioned about people being victimised because they have improved their houses. In the landlord days it used to be said that when a man improved his house or land it meant an increase in the rent. That is now changed to depriving a man of his old age pension because he improves his house or land. It will be interesting to watch the cases of pensioners who may get grants under the Gaeltacht Housing Act in order to improve their houses. It will be interesting to see whether when the house is improved the pensions officer will come along, credit the old man with a larger income, and thereby deprive him of his pension.

The Minister realises the economic and historical factors that brought about the existing conditions in Mayo. He knows there is no county in Ireland, probably, that has suffered so much and is suffering so much from the terrible evil of emigration. I know cases where small farmers with very low valuations had to send the members of their families to America or some other country. After some years those young people come back. They made a little money and they returned to the old home and started doing something for their parents. They set about improving the holding and they endeavoured to give their old parents comfort in their advanced age. The immediate result of their efforts is that the old people are deprived of their pensions or else their pensions are reduced considerably. The proper way to look at this matter of old age pensions is to ask ourselves—is this relief to the deserving poor or is it out-door relief to paupers? If it is out-door relief to paupers let us be honest about it. Let us abandon the whole scheme of old age pensions and let us, instead, widen the powers of the local bodies for giving additional relief. Let us honestly say that nobody is entitled to a pension unless he or she is a pauper and that anybody who gets a pension will be classed as a pauper.

On the debate on the Military Service Pensions Bill a lot was said about the unity of Ireland and about abolishing partition. While we have speeches like the Minister's on the old age pensions there will be little inducement to the people across the Border to encourage them to come into the Saorstát. In fact everything is operating in the opposite way. If, on the other hand, we face up to our responsibilities now and accept this Bill, while we will not be doing all that would be desired or all that should be done, we will at least make one step forward. We will be making an effort to undo the wrong and the injustice that has been done by the Act of 1924. We are not asking the House to do anything revolutionary or to make any startling change in the law. We are only asking the House to restore some of the conditions that existed previous to the passing of the Act of 1924. It will be at least an undertaking that some of the injustice that has been done on the old age pensioners will be at an end. It will be a step in the right direction. I cannot see why any just or fairminded Deputy in this House could vote against this Bill. I make a special appeal to all Deputies, especially the Deputies from the Western constituencies, to come forward and support this Bill regardless of Party and thus to help in some way to relieve the old people in the West who have suffered grievously as a result of the 1924 Act and to make at least some reparation for the injustice that has been done to them since the passing of that Act.

I welcome this Bill even though it does not go far enough. I hope we will see to it in this House now that the old age pensioners' position in the country will be bettered and advanced to the position that the old age pensioners are in England and Northern Ireland. The position of the old age pensioners in the Saorstát at the moment is very unsatisfactory. I will endeavour to show to the House that the manner in which the pensions officers assess income and means is not alone unfair but unjust. I will just cite a few cases. In the first case that I give I find an old age pensioner is living in a cottage with her brother and his family. This woman has no means of existence except what her brother gives her. He gives her the shelter of his house, and because he does so her pension is reduced by 2/- a week. That means that she is paid the miserable pittance of 8/- a week to exist on. The next case is that of an old man whose only means of existence were the few pence he got from the charitably disposed people around him. He had no home, and consequently had to resort to a lodging-house. Now the pension officer assessed the few pence that he got from the charitably disposed people and which he paid for these lodgings as an income. That principle of assessment was stretched to such an extent that this poor person is not now in receipt of any pension. That is a regrettable state of affairs. There are numbers of other cases which I could quote, but it is hardly necessary to say very much on the matter, because Deputy Ward and the people who have already spoken have left scarcely anything unsaid. As a consequence of the Labour Party's motion in the Dáil some time ago, together with the support that we got from Deputies with a humanitarian outlook, we were instrumental in securing the restoration of the shilling which had been taken off pensioners by the Act of 1924. There is a considerable number of people in this country who have yet never received the benefit of that shilling addition to their pensions. Not alone that, but there are a number of people into whose cases the pensions officer made inquiries and considerably reduced the amount that they received as pension. This Bill directly affects most of the farmers of the country. As a matter of fact the farmers have been very unfairly dealt with in the matter of old age pensions. I know of cases of farmers with a few acres of land which they try to till in order to produce the few necessaries of life, and under the provisions of the Act of 1924 these farmers when they come to claim a pension are refused a pension, or at least refused as much as they should get.

The pensions of these people have been reduced, in some cases to two shillings, and in others to a shilling a week. The bits of mountain, rocky land that many of these people have are of very little value. I do not think that any reasonable or justly-minded person would assess them for income purposes at more than £5 or £6 a year. It is very hard that the people who own these poor bits of land should because of that be deprived of the pension. In the debates on the Military Service Pensions Bill and on the Defence Forces (Temporary Provisions) Bill we heard a great rattling of sabres and a lot of talk about the unity of Ireland. I contend that if we want to coax the people in the North of Ireland to come in with us in this State, the best way to do that is to give the old people here as good pensions as they have in Northern Ireland. In addition to the old age pensions there they have what we have not and badly need—pensions for widows and orphans. Whatever Government be in power in this State in the future I hope it will see that all the old people, whom it is intended to benefit under this Bill, will be paid the old age pension at 65 years.

It is very noticeable that when a Bill like this, which affects all country Deputies, and particularly Deputies representing constituencies in the West of Ireland, is under discussion, there is not a single member from these latter constituencies on the Government benches. There is only one Minister and one member of the Government Party in the House at present. When the Military Service Pensions Bill was under discussion a short time ago we had not alone a full House for the debate on it, but for the division when the bell rang. The only conclusion that I can come to is that many members of this House take no interest in pensions for those who work. It seems to be possible to provide pensions for everybody except for those who work. The people who have worked during their life-times and who are really deserving of pensions receive very scant support from the Government Benches.

What interests me principally in this Bill is the question of valuation. Deputies are aware that the Gaeltacht Housing Act was passed some time ago, but has not yet come into force. From the point of view of people looking for the old age pension the operations of the Gaeltacht Housing Act will not be as good as was hoped, because if a man improves his house or his land under that Act his valuation is increased. and, as Deputies know, the valuation of a person's holding is taken into account by the pension officer when estimating the means of an applicant for an old age pension. If a man has a very bad house, if he has not improved his land, his valuation is low, and he becomes entitled to the full pension of 10/-. If he has drained his land, worked hard, taken advantage of this new housing scheme and built a decent house for himself or a pigsty or hen-house, it means that his valuation will be high, and, consequently, he may be deprived of the old age pension. That is one point that I am glad Deputy Ward deals with in his Bill.

In the case of two old age pensioners living together and in receipt, say, of nine shillings a week each, if one dies the means of the survivor are reviewed, with the result that his or her pension is reduced. I think that is a great hardship. When the two old pensioners were living together they had 18/- a week coming into the house. When one dies the survivor is left alone and desolate. I think it is a great hardship to reduce the pension in the case of the survivor, as is being done. I know that down in my district in the case of two old people receiving 18/- a week, that when one died there was a review of the means, with the result that the survivor had to live on six shillings a week. On the question of the estimation of means, when old people hand over their little pieces of land and houses to their sons, it is a terrible thing, in my opinion, to contend that because they are kept in the house and given a certain amount of food that their pensions should be reduced to two, three, four or five shillings a week. I know it will be said by the Minister that the officials deal very lightly with these cases, and that the Act is interpreted in as broad and charitable a manner as possible. I have had experience of a number of cases where applicants for the old age pension were either turned down altogether or given only a few shillings a week on the ground that they had a few hens or ducks, or that they were allowed board and lodgings, or board only, by a neighbour. I think that in the case of these people who work hard during their lives, doing their best to improve their land and to provide themselves with decent little houses that the Minister should give them the privileges that he has given to all other classes of pensioners in the country.

We have had at different times in this House discussions on this question of old age pensions. In the early days the ideal that people tried to attain to was that the time might come when every person at the age of sixty-five or seventy should have a pension from the State. Owing to the financial position in this country, we are very far from that ideal being realised. When we try to determine the circumstances in which pensions should be granted a difficulty arises.

It was rather interesting to find that my friend Deputy Dr. Ward has a tender heart, as shown by his bringing forward this Bill and by his touching appeal on behalf of the old age pensioners. There is one clause in the Bill which I can support whole-heartedly. That deals with the type of person who becomes destitute and goes to live with a relative or former employer and is as a consequence deprived of the pension. I do not think that is fair or just. Those of us who live in the country have time and again come up against that. It is really a hardship the State should refuse to shoulder its burden in such a case. I agree whole-heartedy with the proposal in the Bill in that respect, and I support it accordingly.

There are at least two sections which I do not think will bear very close inspection. There is the section where two people attain the age of seventy and are in receipt of a pension, and when one dies the other continues to hold his or her pension without any review. I think there is a very grave inconsistency in that. For instance, two persons attaining the age of seventy would be entitled to the full pension if they had £675 invested in the National Loan or War Bonds. They would be receiving five per cent. on their investment, and if one died, according to this Bill, the other one would receive his or her amount without any revision. That is one side of the question. I am sure they would find ample opportunities to spend the whole of what they get, and they would not be living in the lap of luxury.

On a point of explanation, these two persons who had £675 invested in the War Loan would under the law as at present be credited with £30 each.

I accept the Deputy's explanation. I made a mistake in not grouping the two. Supposing in the case of two old people living together one died before attaining the age of seventy, the other person's claim for a pension is examined and he receives his pension on the basis of being the sole owner of the money. I think that would not operate in a consistent and satisfactory manner. I think there is very great room for improvement in that part of the Bill which has reference to a friend or a former employer. It is rather interesting to find that Northern Ireland and Great Britain have found a new ally. I did not think anyone in this House would attempt to draw such a rosy picture as Deputy Ward did when introducing this Bill of Northern Ireland and the many benefits which the people enjoy across the Border. I am sure that Lord Craigavon will be very gratified when he finds such compliments paid to him in this House, especially from the representative of a constituency so near the Border as Deputy Ward's.

He might take us in.

A Deputy

He took more than us in.

If the boundary question was on now Deputy Ward and I would probably agree regarding it.

Would you give evidence again?

I am in entire sympathy with the old age pensioners. I disagree with the policy of the Government in the past towards them. The cut in the old age pensions, which has given rise to the introduction of this Bill, was the direct consequence of the insane folly of the years of 1922 and 1923. It followed as the result of the debt created by the blowing up of bridges, the destruction of property and the robbing of banks which took place that year. While that may be so, I think the Government made a mistake when the cutting down of expenditure became necessary it made these old age pensions one of the first objects in the cutting down process. Old age pensioners get State sympathy on the principle that the State is bound to support an individual who is unable to support or help himself or herself. On that principle the State provides special legislation for the very old and the very young, the sick and the infirm, and those who are mentally incapable of looking after their own affairs. Why then was it that the State when cutting down expenditure, which I agree became necessary because of the insane acts to which I have referred, selected almost as their first victims the old age pensioners? I imagine that the last persons who should have been selected were the old age pensioners, men or women, who had gone through an impoverished life, avoiding the workhouse on the one side and starvation and outdoor relief on the other, and who succeeded in reaching the allotted span when they would become entitled to the assistance which the State, not as a matter of generosity but as a matter of common justice, provided for them. I think it was a very serious matter to interfere with that, and I think interference with it was against the moral conscience of the majority of the people. For that reason I am against the Government policy so far as it relates to old age pensions. This Bill emanates from the Fianna Fáil Benches, and it may be properly suggested that they brought it forward as an act of repentance. I am sure that they, or a very considerable number of them, are repentant for what occurred in 1922 and 1923, and I was waiting and hoping that from some of the numerous Fianna Fáil Deputies who spoke I would have heard some expression of regret, some expression of apology, even if there were no rational explanation, for the acts of 1922 and 1923, which resulted in the Fianna Fáil Party driving the old age pensioners into the unfortunate position in which we find them to-day.

Are we discussing 1922 and 1923?

On a point of order. Are we discussing 1922, or are we allowed to go back to it?

I am submitting that I am entitled to discuss the causes which led up to the cutting down of the old age pensions. I do not put it beyond that. That is a point of order that the Deputy raised.

We would like to have it decided whether or not we are to discuss on this Bill the question of the origin of the civil war. That is the question that is raised by Deputy Wolfe. If we are going to have that discussion we had better get to it.

The Deputy does not propose to discuss the origin of the civil war, or the civil war itself, I take it?

He has placed it on the proper shoulders, or at least he thinks so.

Could he not leave it there?

For a while just.

I will leave it there with this observation, that I am not surprised that Deputy Walsh thought it necessary to apologise in his diatribe to the House, and I suppose he was in order in referring to 1922 and 1923 when he spoke both of crime and of original sin, because I think that crime and original sin were the necessity for this Bill.

The difficulty is that original sin is less contentious than the civil war.

Deputy Cassidy and Deputy Doyle, I think, both claimed without a blush that the Labour Party were responsible for the relief that has already been attained by the old age pensioners. If they keep on repeating that there is a danger that eventually they may come to believe it, and for that reason only I draw attention to what the Labour Party did—and I do not complain of it—when they brought in a motion which was defeated by seven votes. I voted with the minority, and I would vote for the same motion if it were brought in again. They brought in a motion which I suggest was the proper way, and it was defeated. I think the motion was Deputy Morrissey's. The old age pensioners should not be made a political stalking horse. There is a danger that that may happen. That danger was there immediately after that motion was lost, and the old age pensioners are still removed from the goal which was taken from them, not in 1922 or 1923, I will not mention those years, but in 1924. When the pensioners were still without relief the Labour Party brought in another motion which in ordinary circumstances I would be pleased to support—namely, a widows and orphans motion. But to bring in a widows and orphans motion when the old age pensioners were still out in the cold was only, in my opinion, a red herring across the track of the old age pensioners. I voted against that motion, and until the old age pensioner comes back into his own I am prepared to vote against any motion that will interfere with him in his fight for justice.

This Bill has produced a great deal of lip sympathy. We even had it from the Government Benches.

We have torrential eloquence at times in favour of the old age pensioner, followed by a torrential rush into the Division Lobby to vote against him. That is not what the old age pensioner wants. The old age pensioner wants no eye-wash, and we must be very careful that we are not giving him a dose of eye-wash.

I think you are not being a bit careful about that now.

We must be careful that we are not giving the old age pensioner a dose of eye-wash. A Bill has been introduced which, if it is anything, is a Money Bill. A great many members of the chief Opposition Party have spoken on that Bill, but nobody has explained to the old age pensioner that whatever may be the result of the Second Reading motion, whether it is carried or rejected, he is as far away from the goal as ever.

Because the Bill cannot proceed further without the assistance of the Government, being a Money Bill. I suggest that the attitude taken up by the Labour Party on the motion that was put down in 1928 or 1929 was the only and the proper remedy, and that it is unfair, even though we may have to support it—because we cannot very well vote against it—to give the old age pensioner what is after all only a dose of eye-wash, unless we can get at the soft side of the Minister for Finance.

Is it not a fact that if the majority vote for the Second Reading, that same majority would vote for the Minister or some other Minister to bring in a Money Resolution?

It has been suggested here that appeals from the decisions of sub-committees by the pensions officers have not been sympathetically heard. I am no party to making any such suggestion. I have seen a great many appeals and I know that as far as the Department of Local Government and Public Health and their officials are concerned, these appeals get a very fair, a very sympathetic and a very generous hearing. But there are a number of points still in connection with this question which I think the Minister for Finance might seriously consider. If he could only see his way to give some further concessions to the old age pensioners, I would appeal to Deputy Ward to withdraw the Bill in view of the fact that it could not go through even if it passed the Second Reading. There were various points touched on. Deputy Tubridy raised some of them. There is one that I will trouble the Minister with. I think it is grossly unfair that charity should be considered in computing the means of an applicant for the old age pension. I have seen cases in which it became absolutely impossible to extend charity to an absolutely destitute person owing to the fact that if charity were extended the applicant would lose the right to claim the old age pension.

I move the adjournment of the debate.

The Dáil adjourned at 2 p.m. until March 19.

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