Skip to main content
Normal View

Dáil Éireann debate -
Tuesday, 4 Apr 1933

Vol. 46 No. 15

In Committee on Finance. - Vote No. 45—Office of the Minister for Education (Resumed).

Debate resumed on the following motion:—
Go ndeontar suim ná raghaidh thar £109,608 chun slánuithe na suime is gá chun íoctha an Mhuirir a thiocfaidh chun bheith iníoctha i rith na bliana dar críoch an 31adh lá de Mhárta, 1934, chun Costaisí Oifig an Aire Oideachais, maraon le Costas Riaracháin, Cigireachta, etc.
That a sum not exceeding £109,608 be granted to complete the sum necessary to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1934, for the Expenses of the Office of the Minister for Education, including the cost of Administration, Inspection, etc.—(Minister for Finance).

When we were last discussing this Estimate I moved to report progress. I was then asking the Minister to consider the desirability of setting up a small independent committee to examine the position of the Irish language in connection with primary education in the country. One gets accustomed in public life to misrepresentation and the extent to which misrepresentation can go is sometimes rather alarming. I recently had a cordial chat with a young priest. We found that we agreed on many things, and when we parted he told me his name and I told him my name. He then said to me: "Oh, are you the man who attacks Irish?" I said, "I am not aware of that," and he replied: "I thought you were the man who attacked Irish in the Dáil."

I will say again what I said when I discussed this Estimate on the last occasion it was before the House in 1932. In my opinion the record of the Minister for Education will stand or fall by the degree of success his efforts to preserve the Irish language meet with. He, above all other Ministers, is charged with preserving the language and promoting it. Any criticism I have made, or may now make, on the position of the Irish language in relation to primary education is purely for the purpose of helping the Minister to pursue an effective policy of revival of the language in this country.

I pointed out already to the Minister that in my opinion the practice of teaching even one subject through the medium of Irish in a school where all the children cannot speak the language fluently is to be deprecated, because teaching children a subject through the medium of a language they do not fully understand is likely to injure their health and, further, is likely to result in their not securing a full mastery of the subject they are being taught. The result of that is that parents develop a disproportionate prejudice against the language, very often a misinformed prejudice, and I am aware that the fight to preserve and promote the language is hard enough without creating new prejudices that have to be overcome.

I put it also to the Minister that it is his duty to see that in those schools where Irish may be profitably employed as a medium for education, real Irish is employed and not what is commonly described in the country as book Irish. So long as he is not in a position to say that every school in the Gaeltacht is manned by Irish-speaking teachers, he ought to be very reluctant to press Irish on schools where the children do not speak the language at all. I urge on him that the way really to promote Irish in this country, and re-establish it in the position it ought to occupy is, first, to secure that the disappearance of Irish in the Fior Gaeltacht will be arrested. It can only be arrested by securing that no child who is a native speaker of Irish is taught any subject, with the exception of English, through the medium of the English language. Every word of instruction in a Fior Gaeltacht school should be imparted by a native speaker of Irish or somebody who has reached so high a degree of proficiency in the language that he can scarcely be distinguished from the native speaker.

Outside that the Minister's objective should be—it cannot be realised immediately, but it can be pretty rapidly—to see that Irish is taught in no primary school except by a native speaker. In the Breac Gaeltacht that is particularly necessary, because if the children are taught Irish in the Breac Gaeltacht by somebody who does not impart to them the real language, when the children go home to their grand-parents they are held up to ridicule; their grand-parents laugh and tell them they are not speaking Irish at all. If you get the children taught real Irish in the Breac Gaeltacht they will then go home and take a childish pleasure in talking to their grand-parents over their parents' heads in a language their parents had not been using. You rapidly find that that use of the language in the home, skipping one generation, will bring these middle-aged people who are now on the verge of losing the language back into the everyday use of it. Once you can do that you will turn a strip of the Breac Gaeltacht into the Fior Gaeltacht and once you turn the tide there it is a tide that will move across the whole country, and the language revived in that way will be revived in a form in which it will live.

I live in a district on the borders of Mayo and Roscommon. It was the Breac Gaeltacht up to ten years ago. To-day, subject to the limitations of my knowledge of the language, if I start a conversation in my place of business in Irish with the old people, very frequently middle-aged people, whom I do not think have the language, will join. Those people who so join in the conversation might not speak the language again during a whole twelve months. These people say that they cannot understand the class of Irish that children are learning in the schools.

What I want, if it can be achieved, is to ensure that each child coming out of a national school will be a propagandist for the language, and will be a centre from which the language will spread out in his own particular district. If the children are taught real Irish by competent teachers, each child can become such a propagandist; but if you attempt to teach a child who does not know the language such subjects as mathematics, geography and other matters of general knowledge through the medium of Irish, you will make that child hate the language, you will make its parents hate the language and you will do the whole language cause irreparable harm. If the children are taught Irish by a competent teacher who will impart to them the real language, you can make every child in every national school a centre from which the language will spread out in his or her own particular district.

I want to draw the attention of the Minister to a certain confirmation of my view contained in his own statement. Under the heading of Secondary Education, beginning on page six and continuing on page seven, he is discussing the question of the Irish language in secondary schools. He says he recognised serious difficulties existed and that he circulated questionnaires. "Valuable information has been furnished," he says, "and the endeavour made by so many managers to be of practical assistance is much appreciated. From the answers received it would appear that there is a considerable body of teachers competent to teach subjects through Irish. The difficulties mentioned vary, naturally, according to the type, location, etc., of the schools, but the obstacle most frequently mentioned is the inability of the pupils to benefit fully from such instruction." That is what the Minister said. When I said that here twelve months ago the Minister for Education remarked that after the violent attack made by Deputy Dillon on the Irish language, such and such a thing would happen. These are the very words I used two years ago. The Minister makes his inquiries and finds what I said confirmed by persons to whom he pays tribute for their co-operation in helping to restore the language to its proper position.

I know this information applies to secondary schools; but, after all, children are very much the same whether in secondary or primary schools. In the light of that, all I ask the Minister to do is to set up a small independent committee of competent people, such as Teachta Breathnach or some Deputy on this side, or an independent person. Let it not be a departmental committee. Let it be composed of independent persons whom the teachers will have no reason to fear and before whom they can give full and free evidence. Let it be confidential, if needs be, and let the committee report to the Minister privately, if needs be, if that course is acceptable to the Minister. Anyway, let the committee report fully and frankly what the situation is.

The Minister, when introducing this Estimate, spoke of the condition of school buildings and mentioned that he foresaw that considerable sums of money must be laid out in the renovation of school buildings for a variety of reasons into which I need not go. I should like to invite the Minister to consider this proposition when he addresses himself to the task of replacing dilapidated schools. In certain countries it has been decided that where there is a scattered population, instead of putting up small national or primary schools here and there through the district, it is better to lay out money in building one good school in a central spot, running bus services out and picking up the children in the outlying districts, thus bringing them into one good school. The economy effected makes it possible to build very much better schools, and it has this added advantage—that the State can provide accommodation for gymnasia or games for the children.

Having a large number of teachers in the larger school the Minister can create something in the nature of an academic atmosphere in the establishment which greatly benefits the teachers and the children. That is an atmosphere quite different from the ordinary wayside school to which the teacher has to reach from a considerable distance at 9 o'clock in the morning. There is the advantage that the teachers are there. They can spend their evenings together in social discussion and intercourse. They have fine premises with modern amenities and facilities for giving the children all sorts of instruction and advantages that they could not be expected to give them in the small, isolated school in outlying districts. It would have this added advantage that in those small outlying districts it is difficult to provide proper sanitary accommodation for the schools. If the schools were in certain areas in the towns, and the children brought into the towns by bus service, there would be no difficulty. There is electricity now, and there is the benefit of the electric light everywhere in the bigger towns in the winter evenings. There is ample sanitary accommodation, and conveniences can be provided where the children come in with wet clothes and wet boots to have the clothes and the boots dried. Very often a child walks across the bog, his clothes and his boots are wet and very often the teacher is perplexed to know what to do. In these large schools, too, it would be possible to arrange for giving the children some kind of a meal in the middle of the day and keep them on for study in the afternoon. It would be possible to do that in these large schools rather than as at present in small schools dotted through the country. I ask the Minister to consider that suggestion at his leisure. The question, perhaps, is a complicated one, but he can consider it when making up his mind as to what programme he is to pursue.

On page 13 of his speech, the Minister spoke of the erection of technical schools for primary technical education in the Gaeltacht. I urged that on the Minister on many occasions, and I urged it in connection with the scheme which I suggested to him for getting a sufficient supply of competent Irish teachers. I asked him before to take every boy and girl in the Fior-Ghaeltacht who is willing to go in for an educational course, to try them out, and see if they could be made competent teachers. Should he find that they are temperamentally unsuited to the teaching profession, I asked him to give them a technical education as carpenter or dressmaker, and then they could go out equipped with that knowledge. I pointed out to him, that in the Gaeltacht, one of the great difficulties is the economic one, where the children must send home money to their parents, if the parents are to keep things going. We want to keep these children from going to America. I want the Minister to provide good jobs for them at home as teachers. In that way he can get some of the most competent teachers of the Irish language. I suggest that he should take every girl and boy who are native Irish speakers and who are willing to go on for the teaching profession, try to train them for the teaching profession and, if temperamentally unsuited, train them in some trade whereby they can make a living.

I see the Minister here is taking steps to build technical schools in the Gaeltacht. That school I see is in Galway City. I do not complain of that. The Irish University is there, and I suppose it is only a fair thing to set up a technical school there. But I do say that he should consider the desirability of building a technical school in the Gaeltacht in Donegal. There is the finest division of the Irish Gaeltacht in Donegal. There is already a great training college there, and I think it would be a reasonable and proper thing to put up a technical school there where the children of the Gaeltacht might be educated in crafts which would fit them to earn their living and make it possible for them to remain at home and live and use the valuable gift of the education they have got. I can understand that Deputies who come from Cork, Kerry and Clare would make similar claims, but I would ask the Minister to give special facilities to the Donegal Gaeltacht in consideration of its standing.

The Minister spoke of the establishment of housewifery in Killarney. I think that more important even than a school of housewifery would be the equipping of a school to train the girls to become competent nurses for children. There is no more fruitful way of spreading Irish in the home than by providing Irish speaking nurses for the children. The pity is that not many Irish speaking girls coming from the Gaeltacht are qualified to take up the position of children's nurses which requires considerable sagacity. Most of these girls coming from the Gaeltacht are young girls. None of them are married women, and therefore, people are reluctant to commit their children to their care. Here is an opportunity of doing something in that matter and the result would be that in a short time there would be a supply of children's nurses who knew Irish. Again I say there is no more effective way of spreading the language than by spreading it in the circles where it would be most helpful.

Under the head of Reformatory and Industrial Schools I ask the Minister how many children are detained under his jurisdiction under the School Attendance Act? I consider the detention of young children in a reformatory or industrial school under the School Attendance Act as an unChristian and scandalous procedure. To withdraw a child from the family circle because it has mitched from school is, to my mind, absolutely indefensible. It is an absolutely indefensible interference by the State in family life. I can quite understand that if the State can prove that the parent is continually conniving at breaches of the law in withholding the children from school, it is the parents who should be made amenable to the law and punished. But why punish the child by withdrawing it from the family influence, because it does what any child would do—to mitch from school? That, to my mind, is a very bad thing to do.

Mr. Kelly

What about the wild boy?

There are ample means of dealing with the wild boy whose parents are unable to control him.

Mr. Kelly

How will it be done?

There are ample means under the existing law. If a child is caught playing games in the street or doing anything that is fundamentally wrong, or if his parents have completely lost control of him, an information could be sworn and the child placed under the kind of control provided by the law. Similarly, if a child is found begging on the streets action could be taken. It is a very extreme and a very grave thing to remove a child from the family and to place it in a reformatory or an industrial school. I do not for a moment desire to reflect on the industrial schools or the reformatories. I am quite satisfied they are as good as such institutions go, but the whole trend of Christian teaching and of social science is against the removal of children from the family influence. There is no substitute for the family.

Mr. Kelly

We all agree with that.

The Minister should, in my opinion, do his best to prevent children being sent to industrial schools, to reformatories or other institutions under his charge. He should make it manifest that the Department does not approve of such a course but regards it as a most undesirable expedient—one to be resorted to in the very last stage. I go so far as to say that the Minister should decline to receive such children and should have them sent home. If the Department of Justice wishes to make anyone liable in cases of that kind the parents should be held liable; not the children. Unless a child was committed under the Vagrancy Acts or charged with a misdemeanour, I strongly disapprove of the procedure adopted.

I do not wish to interrupt the Deputy but I think that if he wishes to seek an amendment of the existing law he should avail of another opportunity of doing so. He must also be aware that the School Attendance Act has been passed into law and that I cannot interfere with its administration. If the Deputy is not satisfied with the administration of the Act he should seek another opportunity to deal with it.

I have not advocated any amendment of the law, or of existing legislation, but I would point out that the Minister is responsible for the care of these 58 children.

The Deputy is quite wrong in saying that I am responsible. The District Justice commits the children at the instance of the police.

Once these children are committed by a District Justice to an industrial school or to a reformatory the Minister for Education is responsible for them.

I am not responsible for their commitment. As the Deputy knows the District Justice is responsible there. It is true that I am responsible for the administration of the schools and that I have power to release the children afterwards.

Exactly. That is what I am suggesting the Minister should do.

I do not do so at present without consulting the District Justice and the police authorities.

The Minister has missed the method that I advocated I know that he has power to release them without reference to the Minister for Justice or anybody else. Normally, I know, he would consult the District Justice or the Minister for Justice. In this case what I am suggesting to him is that he ought to exercise his discretion, release those children, and restore them to their families, on the ground that as Minister for Education and knowing how those places are administered—and must be administered no matter how well they are run—he is of opinion that they are no substitute for family influence. I am suggesting that in order to mark his knowledge of that matter he should exercise his power of release in a very unusual way. He is responsible for the education and welfare of children of school age in this country. They are under his charge. If there were no industrial schools they would still be in primary schools, under his charge. What I am advocating is—I know I am advocating something extreme—that as often as he gets an opportunity he should send those children back to the primary schools and say: "I, as Minister for Education, am of opinion that this is no remedy. If you want to victimise people under this Act victimise the parents. They are the responsible people." If the only fault of those children is that they have not a proper attendance at school the place for them is in the family.

Surely the Deputy knows it would be a most extraordinary procedure for me to negative an order of the court without examination, because that it what it would amount to. As the Deputy probably knows, in individual cases where I am satisfied that the children can be released he is released, but this is not done against the advice of the District Justice or the local police authorities. If the suggestion of the Deputy is that the child should be released in spite of the advice of the police, and also in spite of the definite committal order of the District Justice, I do not know where it is going to lead. I think it would be much more straightforward—if the House were to accept the Deputy's suggestion—for us to repeal the Act.

Hear, hear! I could not suggest that.

To do what the Deputy suggests would I think, be tantamount to interfering with the jurisdiction of the Justices of the Courts.

But you see the Minister, who is a very important person, can steal marches on the Leas-Cheann Comhairle. I cannot do so.

He has not stolen a march. He said it would be necessary to suggest repeal.

But I cannot suggest repeal.

Neither has the Minister. He said it would be necessary to do it in order to carry out what the Deputy suggests.

I cannot suggest repeal. What I am suggesting is that children committed under the Compulsory Education Act should be released.

Without any examination?

Yes. My thesis is that to commit a child for a misdemeanour under that Act is altogether wrong. I am not free to say that we should repeal the Act, but what I am free to say is that the Act should never have been passed. I am putting it to the Minister that it is fundamentally wrong to victimise a child in this case, and that nothing is achieved by removing a child from family influence and putting him in the best industrial school.

Does not the Act provide that?

The Act provides that.

Then are we not discussing legislation——

No, because the Act provides that it may be done, and in 58 cases it has been done. What I am asking the Minister to do—as Minister for Education, responsible for children, and with expert information at his disposal as to how children get on in industrial schools—is to mark his disapprobation of the exercise of that power under the Act by releasing those children, as he has a right to do. Without any amendment to the existing law the Minister could release any child committed to the care of an industrial school or reformatory, if he desires to do so. I am submitting that in these cases under the School Attendance Act—and only in those cases—he ought to do so, on the grounds that in his opinion, as Minister for Education responsible for the welfare of the children of this State, it is not a suitable procedure, and to mark his disapprobation of the legislation which made it possible.

I think the Minister made a note to say a few words when he is winding up on the present position of junior assistant mistresses, and their position as to pension rights. I hope he will have time to examine that aspect of the situation. I can assure him that anything I can do to help him in promoting the Irish language as the spoken language of this country I will be glad to do. I trust that he will take steps to secure for himself impartial and outside information as to what is the true situation of the Irish language in the schools. If and when he does that, I am satisfied that there will be very little between us as to the best method of restoring Irish as the spoken language of this country.

A Leas-Chinn Comhairle, on previous occasions in this House I have offered some criticism on the Education Vote, and I propose possibly to repeat some of the things I said on previous occasions. I criticised this Vote when Cumann na nGaedheal were the Government, and I criticised it subsequently when Fianna Fáil came into office. I pointed out on previous occasions in this House the difficulty that parents and guardians have in getting to know how their children are progressing in the national schools of the country. Of course I realise that that word "progressing" is capable of two interpretations. I give the interpretation of it in its widest and most liberal sense; numbers of others, who are educationists, give it the interpretation that progress means the advancement of the particular pupil in the Irish language. I have suggested that the publication of the elementary text-books in one language, and that the language which is not generally spoken, namely, the Irish language, has been a big handicap and a very serious drawback to the children attending national schools in this country. We have evidence all around, if we care to see it, that the programme which national teachers are called upon to put into practice is one almost incapable of successful achievement. No blame whatsoever can rest on the national teachers of the country, because they are endeavouring to carry into practice an overloaded and almost impossible programme, while subjected every now and again to inspections and inspectors who may or may not have a bias or a flare for the language. There is a very big volume of opinion in the country that the Department of Education is not going the best way about reviving the Irish language as the spoken language of this country. The worst feature of Irish public life at the moment is that if one has the temerity to criticise a policy,—the policy of the present Government, for instance—but particularly to criticise, even in a friendly way, the manner in which it is sought to advance the language of the country——

Might I ask the Deputy whether he is in favour of or against the language?

Absolutely 100 per cent. in favour of it.

His talk does not show that and never showed it.

It is a question of method. The method of the Deputy who has interrupted is to ram it down with a revolver; mine is to get the children to study the language. That is the proper way, and not the way in which the last Deputy who has spoken would like to ram it down the throats of the people.

That is an insinuation that the people are against the restoration of the language.

It is not. If the Deputy cannot understand English, I can. I spoke about the co-operation of the parent with the teacher. It cannot be denied that under the old regime the co-operation of the parent or guardian was a very valuable asset to the teacher. The parent or guardian, who, perhaps, got only a national school education himself, was able to correct the home exercises of the child. What do we find to-day? Many thousands of people—in fact, the vast majority of the people of this country who passed through the national schools during the last twenty or thirty years—are unable, because of their ignorance of the Irish language, to correct the home exercises of the children or advise them as to the spelling of a word. I want to ask, would it not be far better for a child, at the beginning, at any rate, to get most of his education in the English language, and be brought along by easy stages until such time as he is able to understand what is being taught to him in the schools. I am not going to go into the question of teaching a lot of extra subjects through the medium of Irish. I think that carries with it its own condemnation in the fact that you have a very limited number of teachers in this country who can teach through the medium of Irish.

That is very uncomplimentary to the teachers.

It shows how profoundly ignorant the Deputy is. The best methods of reviving the Irish language——

What does Deputy Anthony know about it anyway?

I know something about the best methods.

What are they?

If this Deputy would stand up and make a speech of his own it would be much better. His vulgarity is so great——

I am not going to listen to any anti-National tripe of that kind.

Deputy Anthony should be allowed to make his speech. Deputy O'Brien will have his opportunity later.

Nach bhfuil cead agam an Ghaoluinn do chosaint?

Ní h-é sin an cheist.

I was endeavouring to show, when interrupted, that the co-operation of the parent in the home has been looked upon as a very great asset, indeed, to the teacher in the school. I do not want to labour the point, because I think it will be admitted by everyone that it is so. The parents who are Irish speakers do not form one-tenth of the population in our cities and towns. Therefore, the great majority of parents are considerably disadvantaged by the fact that they cannot supervise and, perhaps, correct some of the home lessons of the children. I think that is admitted. When we have regard to the fact that most, if not all, of the pupils attending the national schools of the country leave school at the age of 13 or 14 years to earn a livelihood they should not be handicapped, as I submit they are, by an overloaded programme, seeing that an inordinate proportion of the school week is devoted to the teaching of Irish.

And rightly so.

Would the Deputy cease yapping or go to the Zoological Gardens? If he makes a speech we will listen to him.

The Deputy will not understand him if he does.

There is a grill up above, and it is behind that the Deputy should be: I wonder if we could get the Deputy to hold his tongue for five minutes, or if he has anything coherent to say we will listen to him. I am trying to make my speech under very great difficulties. In connection with this matter to which I was referring when interrupted, the hardship as regards parents who can afford to send their children to secondary schools or to the Universities is not so great as in the case of parents whose children attend the National Schools. In this matter the Department of Education refuses to budge an inch. As long as this grave handicap and hardship is allowed to continue——

According to British interests.

Would somebody put a bun in this little calf's mouth. There is another matter that I want to refer to. It is the condition of some school buildings in the country, especially the part of it I know best. There are school buildings in certain parts of the County Cork that are a disgrace to civilisation. They are dilapidated and falling into ruin. Only in very few cases in the rural areas is the necessary sanitary accommodation provided for the pupils.

Did the Deputy bring that to the notice of the late Government?

Mr. Kelly

What did they do?

If the Deputy had been listening to my speech he would know that I prefaced it by saying that I had brought this matter to the notice of the Cumann na nGaedheal Government, and that I was now bringing it to the notice of the Fianna Fáil Government for the second time.

Mr. Kelly

That is all right.

I hope everybody is happy now. I did not think my speech would provoke such an amount of interruption. It now appears to me that the points I am making must be fairly good and fairly effective.

Mr. Kelly

So they are. They are interesting.

I am glad to hear that I am able to interest Deputy Kelly. I think that I am one of the very few who can claim that wonderful record. I was speaking of the insanitary condition of school buildings. I suggest to the Minister and his Department that it is a very serious matter and demands immediate consideration.

May I point out in justification of myself that I asked Deputies on the last occasion on which this Estimate was under consideration, to let me know of cases in which they were dissatisfied with the condition of the schools. Practically no Deputy has written to me on the matter—not Deputy Anthony in any case.

I regret not having heard the Minister's observations on that occasion, but the reason must be obvious to the Minister. The Minister introduced his Estimate with a speech in Irish of which there was no translation furnished.

I did not say that in Irish.

Well then it must have been that I got so disgusted with the Minister's attitude to the whole business that I was not in the House when the Minister was replying, but if the Minister wants particulars of individual cases I am prepared to give them to him. I am a sportsman, and if the Minister is satisfied—I do not want to make a bet with him—I am prepared to forfeit £5 to any charity in Dublin or Cork City if I cannot supply him with the particulars of at least three very bad cases within my own area of Cork Borough. As the Minister does not seem inclined to take that up, I had better proceed. I would also ask the Minister to give extra consideration to the poorer children attending national schools in the way of supplying them with books and utensils. I would be slow to suggest that the Government should undertake all the duties of parenthood and act as kind of Guardian Angels to everybody, but we all know, national teachers best of all, that the parents of many poor children attending the national schools cannot afford to buy all the necessary books and utensils they require. In dozens and dozens of cases the national teachers themselves supply these to the children out of their own pocket. I could quote many examples of the kind for the Minister.

On a previous occasion I asked the Minister to indicate the policy of his Department in regard to married lady teachers. I want to ask him the same question now. I did not suggest then, nor do I suggest now, that if and when legislation is introduced which will compel a lady teacher to retire on marriage it should have any regard to existing circumstances or to teachers now in the profession. I would like to have an indication from the Minister as to his policy with regard to future appointments so that if the Civil Service rule is made applicable to lady teachers, then lady teachers will go into the profession with their eyes open, knowing that on marriage they will be compelled to retire. That may appear a very unpopular thing to say. It may not be a vote-catching proposition, and I have antagonised a section, not a very large section perhaps, but an important section of these people in the country, so much so that a number of those national teachers were actively opposed to me during the last election, canvassing from door to door for no other reason than that I had made that suggestion here in this House. As I have just said, therefore, it may be considered an unpopular thing, amongst a certain section at least, to advocate that policy in this country, but I have advocated it and will continue to advocate it, and I am satisfied, after one or two years' advocacy of this proposal, from the reports that have come to me from various classes of the community, rich and poor, that the proposal that I made then and that I make again now, that these lady teachers should be compelled to retire on marriage, has a bigger backing than I thought at that time and than I thought up to and including the last general election. So that, with all the forces— I was nearly saying "all the King's horses and all the King's men"—of that wonderful organisation, the Irish National Teachers' Organisation, against me, because of my attitude— notwithstanding all that, I actually increased my poll by another thousand.

There can be no question of hardship in asking these lady teachers to retire on marriage if and when it becomes the rule of the Minister's Department because, as I have just said, they go into the service in the same manner as any lady in the Civil Service who usually has to retire on marriage. I will be told, of course, that there is no analogy between the case of the civil servants and that of the lady teachers. I will be told, of course, that as they go along the teacher becomes more efficient—the inference being that the civil servant does not grow more efficient. I was told that, in answer to a question I asked in relation to the whole question of substitutes for lady teachers. The lady teacher retires for a certain number of weeks and an assistant is appointed, and this wonderful trades union of the National Teachers' Organisation permits the exploitation of one of its own members in asking that teacher, as an assistant, to act as a substitute for the married lady teacher, something at about half or three-quarters of the salary. I consider that that is an injustice.

The pay of the substitutes is fixed by regulation.

Well, who makes the regulation? Is it the Department?

Well, I hope the Minister will answer that and verify it.

If the Department cannot make the regulations you have no right to discuss it at all.

At any rate, these teachers who take the place of the married lady teachers on leave are usually paid something about half or three-quarters of the salary of the person who is on leave. If that is not exploiting the teacher who is unfortunate enough not to have been married, I do not know what it is at all.

The Deputy's suggestion is absurd, because sometimes the married lady has many years' experience and the other teacher has perhaps only one year's experience.

Admitting all that, it is contended of course, and with some degree of logic if you like, that the teacher with twenty years' experience is more competent and more efficient than the teacher with only one or two years' experience. On the face of that it is a good proposition, but it is not trades unionism as we would expect to find it in the I.N.T.O., because, as the Deputy well knows, if a man serves an apprenticeship at a good trade he is entitled to the full journeyman's wage when he finishes his apprenticeship of seven years. The idea underlying the practice of appointing a lady teacher to take the place of a married lady teacher on leave is to appoint a teacher at a lesser wage. But who gets the benefit of the difference? Does the difference in the wage go back to the Department or to the married lady teacher on leave? It is unanswerable. That is what is occurring.

Reference has been made here to the Gaeltacht and to the cases of children who have had to be put into industrial schools. In so far as establishing technical schools in the Gaeltacht is concerned, I agree with Deputy Dillon that it is one of the best ways of spreading knowledge of the Irish language. There, you will be preserving the people who have kept the language alive, the people who will be able to teach some of the professors of Irish now how to pronounce words in the Irish language. My experience, as one with a fairly well-trained ear, is that having heard the native Irish speaker and having also heard the newer specimen of Irish speaker, there is as great a difference between them as there is between chalk and cheese.

So that I welcome this move on the part of the Minister to establish a technical school in the Gaeltacht where the people in the Gaeltacht will be taught to do something better than picking periwinkles and carrigeen moss.

I ask the Minister also to make full inquiry into cases where parents— particularly parents in the towns and cities—are penalised because of noncompliance with the School Attendance Acts. Many cases have been brought to my notice where parents made every endeavour humanly possible to get their children to attend school but the children were able to evade the vigilance of the attendance officer, to evade the teacher and to evade the parents, but in the long run the parent was prosecuted and had to pay a penalty. I feel that where the parents can establish a case like that, it is very unfair to penalise them. The alternative, of course, is for that child to be put into one or other of the industrial schools. I agree with Deputy Dillon largely that that should be the last step to be taken if possible, especially for the wayward boy or girl who has merely been guilty of what is termed miching from school. I think that such a boy should not be brought into contact with boys who, perhaps, have been put into those places because of other delinquencies, to use a very high term. I hope that the Minister will be able to give some attention to the points I have raised and that he will introduce legislation at an early date giving effect to the abolition of what I can only call the continued scandal of the retention of the married lady teacher.

Traosluím don Aire mar gheall ar an meastachán a chur os comhair na Dála i dteangain mhilis na Gaoluinne. An lá fé dheireadh, do fuair Teachta locht ar an nGaoluinn a bhí san oráid a thug an tAire uaidh. Ní dóich liom gur ceart do Theachta labhairt mar sin. Má tá na smaointe atá ag duine ceart, is cuma fé na focla. Nach maith an rud nach bhfaghann daoine locht ar an mBéurla a labhartar anso, cé gur minic nach mbíonn sé ar fónamh?

Ní rabhas ag fáil locht ar an nGaoluinn a bhí ag an Aire ach ar an scéim nua so atá ag an Aireacht i dtaobh na "numerals." B'fhéidir gur scéim cheart an scéim seo ach ní maith liom í. B'fhéidir go bhfuilim "conservative" ach is gráin liom an chaint seo—"fiche a h-aon, fiche a dó,""fiche a trí" agus "naocha a h-aon,""naocha a dó" agus a leithéid.

Is iad na figiúirí a bhí i gceist ag an dTeachta, ach ní fuirist an cheist sin do shocrú. D'fhoghluim munintir na Gaeltachta na figiúirí ins na scoileanna náisiúnta agus is i mBéarla atá na figiúirí ag cuid mhaith de na daoine sa nGaeltacht.

Rinne an Teachta Anthony gearán de bharr an meastachán do thabhairt isteach as Gaoluinn. Dubhairt sé nár thuig sé an chaint a bhí ag an Aire agus, mar gheall air sin, ná raibh sé in ánn aon óráid do thabhairt uaidh chun feabhas do chur ar scéim an oideachais sa tír seo. Do réir na cainte a chualamair uaidh anocht, is maith an rud ná fuil an Ghaoluinn aige. A leithéid de ráiméis agus do labhair sé anocht, níor chualas riamh. Bhí sé ag fáil locht ar mhúineadh na Gaoluinne sna scoileanna náisiúnta, á rá nar cheart an iomad spéise a chur inti, ach i ndeireadh na dála dubhairt sé go raibh sé ar thaobh na Gaoluinne— chun é féin do chosaint is dócha. Ní thuigim conus is féidir le duine bheith i gcoinne na Gaoluinne agus ar thaobh na Gaoluinne san am gcéanna.

Do dhéin an Teachta Diolúin tagairt don Ghaoluinn leis. Dubhairt sé go mba cheart múinteóirí éifeachtacha oilte bheith ag múineadh sna scoileanna. Ná fuil na múinteóirí náisiúnta oilte ar an nGaoluinn? Tá eolas agus taithí agam ar na múinteóirí sna bun-scoileanna chó maith le Teachta ar bith sa Dáil agus tá fhios agam go bhfuil a bhfurmhór oilte an Ghaoluinn a mhúineadh. Is dóich liom gur cheart na múinteóirí is fearr a labhrann an teanga a chur ag múineadh staire agus tír-eolais i dtaobh gur mó an chaint a bhíonn in úsáid le linn a múinte ná mar a bhíonn le linn múineadh uimhríochta cuir i gcás. Cé gur abhar táchtach an uimhríocht, níl inti, tar éis an tsaoghail, ach figiúirí agus tá modh áirithe ceistithe agus múinte ag baint léi i dtreo nach gá mórán cainte mar gheall uirthi. Ach féach an meid cainte agus léightheoireachta a caithear a dhéanamh ag múineadh staire agus tír-eolais, agus má's béas leis an múinteóir lag-chaint d'úsáid, gheobha sí greim ar na scóláirí go deó.

Dhéineas tagairt anuiridh do chó lag is a bhí stair na linne seo ins na bun-scoileanna. Níl fhios agam an bhfuil mórán feabhais tagaithe uirthi ó shoin. Tá súil agam go bhfuil mar, im'thuairim-se, níl aon bhrainnse oideachais chó táchtach le stair na tíre chun spioraid náisiúnta do chur ins na daoine óga. Ba cheart do sna múinteóirí léigheachtaí beaga do thabhairt do sna paistí taobh amuigh de cheachta na leabhar. Anois tairigim go dtugtar tuarasgabháil ar ar dineadh.

Progress reported: Committee to sit again to-morrow.
Top
Share