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Dáil Éireann debate -
Tuesday, 22 May 1934

Vol. 52 No. 11

In Committee on Finance. - Vote No. 32—Office of the Minister for Justice (Resumed).

Question again proposed: "That the Estimate be referred back for reconsideration."—(Risteárd Ua Maolchatha.)

I pointed out, on Wednesday last, that as far as the disturbances in Limerick were concerned the necessity that subsequently arose to baton the people, and clear some of the streets, need not have arisen had the police earlier in the night not allowed crowds to congregate in the neighbourhood of the dance, where they gathered before the dance. As in the Murray case in Cork, completely irresponsible action was shown. The Minister told us that matter is being inquired into. He left it to be inferred that what was being inquired into was the charge against the police officer who was trying to shoot the person he was supposed to be minding. What the House wants to know is: how is it possible that police business can be carried on in Cork if a Guard like the one protecting Murray can be charged with such an offence?

The Minister disclosed a very extraordinary state of things in reference to the complaint by Deputy Cosgrave and myself with regard to the action taken up by the police authorities. There used to be a practice amongst the old R.I.C. in the country, when they wanted to inconvenience a person who was obnoxious to them, even to the extent of driving him out of his employment, they ostensibly placed a police guard to watch such a person. I suggest that the Minister is descending to that particular type of tactic. When one sees the kind of explanation given, in reply to the complaint made, one is driven to no other conclusion with regard to the Minister's action. The Minister declared that, to anybody not acquainted with the facts, it might appear as if we had some grievance. He said: "For any of us here to suggest what is the best method of protection is rather a difficult thing." And subsequently he said: "On the other hand, however, everything has been done to try to embarrass the police themselves by the way those people have accepted their protection." And he says that it is an abuse of the privileges of this House to come in and make some of the complaints that we have heard made in these particular matters. The House is asked to take it for granted that the police and the authorities have difficult and delicate duties to perform; that they are doing them with the greatest conscientiousness that they can possibly bring to bear upon them; that they are being deliberately obstructed by Deputies who are being given that protection, and then an attempt is made to suggest that we are suffering no grievance. The Minister has made certain statements in reply to complaints made here, but it would appear that he has not gone to the trouble to investigate these complaints in any single detail.

I would ask the Minister to throw his mind back to June of last year. Up to the 1st June of last year there was the military protection party for Deputy Cosgrave and myself that we have already spoken about. On the 1st June, the officer who supervised these parties came and told Deputy Cosgrave and myself that the military guard was being changed and that a police guard was being put on. A police guard was actually put on, and from the 1st June, when they were put on, until 3rd June when they were taken off, so far as I was concerned I gave them every single convenience and piece of co-operation that had been previously given to the military guard. I wrote to the President, whom I considered responsible in the matter, and pointed out that considering the type of precautions they had been taking up to then: considering that I had got no explanation as to any change in the situation and considering that the guards who had been introduced to me by an officer told me, in reply to questions, that they had no particular instructions, I suggested, and very definitely thought so, that the Minister and whatever colleague of his was in consultation with him in the matter were doing a thing that was very inadequate for the purpose they seemed to have in mind. I put certain simple questions: questions as to what exactly the protection was being afforded for, and as to what particular type of instructions either the detectives or the police driver had. The result was that, without dealing with these queries at all, the police guard was removed and the military guard was restored on 3rd June.

I challenge the Minister to say that the police who were put on in June last did not get the same accommodation in my grounds: that they did not get every possible facility and every possible assistance while they were with me as the military guard had got. At the time that the change was taking place I made the representations that I thought were necessary with regard to it. The next change was when the person was put on my military guard about whom subsequently the Abbey Theatre complaint had to be made. I learned at that time from Press circles that a change was being made in my protection party for the purpose of carrying out espionage and I protested. As I said before, I did not pay very much attention to it, but I protested against the change being made in the personnel of the guard at that particular time without anyone having the courtesy, or whatever else might be involved in it, to acquaint me. I was told in reply that the guard who had been changed was an ex-officer. He was an Irish speaker in poor family circumstances. It was a charity to put him on because he had a little allowance for it. After that I had no further complaint to make. When another was put on I simply asked: had he been an irregular. I was told that was a matter for the military authorities. I was too preoccupied with other matters at the moment to pursue it.

The Minister suggests that the members of my old military protection party were transferred, and that these were the people who were guarding me in the new circumstances. Yes, two, these two. As I say the transfer was made in these astounding circumstances. No notification was given to me, good, bad or indifferent, until ten days afterwards, and then the notification was conveyed by a police officer who told me at first that he did not know whether the protection party was going to be armed, and who later reluctantly, suggested that they would be, while information as to any other kind of instructions given was withheld. It was in these circumstances that I was expected to co-operate in the fullest possible way in a delicate matter of this kind. I wonder does the Minister really suggest that he is honest or serious when he says that we have not given the police in this particular matter the co-operation the police are entitled to have. I suggest to the Minister that either he or whoever is responsible—some police officer or some other Minister—stepped in to create as intolerable a situation as he could for Deputy Cosgrave and myself, and that in doing so he has utterly disregarded the consequences to the police themselves. There is no co-operation, good, bad or indifferent on my part at any rate with the Minister or with the police in this matter, and there is not going to be in the circumstances which I have detailed here.

The Minister for Defence was able in June of last year to send an officer to explain what was being done, just as the Commissioner of the Guards was good enough to acknowledge the communication, to say that he regretted the inconvenience caused in June, and that the old order of things was being restored. People can be courteous and can be reasonable. They asked for co-operation in June last year, but that is all gone now. It began to go in the autumn of last year, but it is very deliberately gone now. As I say, in doing that the Minister utterly ignored the reactions of this matter on the police themselves. In the first place there is a definite reaction on the unfortunate men who have to work in such very difficult and unnecessarily laborious circumstances. To give the Minister only two examples: on the 15th April I had occasion on a Sunday morning to leave at 9.30 for Charleville. A car load of detectives was waiting outside the door. They started off. They did not know where they were going. They found themselves in Limerick about midday, and in Charleville sometime in the afternoon. I returned to Limerick late that night, arriving at a friend's house about 2 o'clock. All of them had been on guard until 2 o'clock in the morning, but one unfortunate man, a member of the party who, remember, had left Dublin at 9.30 on Sunday morning, arrived back in Limerick somewhere about 2 o'clock on Monday morning, had to remain on guard outside that private house in Limerick until I started on the return journey for Dublin later that day, so that he did not perhaps get a wink of sleep from early on Sunday morning until whatever hour he got to bed on Monday night.

On the 5th May I had occasion again to go to Limerick. I left on a Saturday about midday and without the protection party, as, I think, I said before. They turned up at about 12 noon on the following day. They saw me for about half an hour and followed my car in the Killaloe direction. They could not see quickly enough around a corner and lost me again for five or six hours. On the return journey they saw me again for about ten minutes beyond Killaloe on the road to Nenagh, where they again lost me. They could only imagine where I was going, just as they did in connection with my journey to Bray. They lost me again on the Limerick road and did not see me again until Monday morning. I think it is intolerable that the Minister should create such a state of affairs by the action, or the want of action, that is taken in approaching this matter— action that would subject any member of the Guards to the humiliating position that these men are being subjected to, and the effect that all that must have on the minds of the Guards.

I suggest that all that is reflected by some of the reports that the Minister read out in connection with my visit to Bray. In one of these reports the Minister says that I and my wife went on foot to Harcourt Street Station and concealed ourselves there from the Guards, but that when we arrived at Bray the escort was there before us; that the Chief Superintendent's report states: "General Mulcahy appeared none too pleased at seeing the escort in front of him, but made no comment and neither did the escort." I do not know what comment the Chief Superintendent expected that I should have made. Was it that I should have shouted "Up Dev." or something like that? Apparently the effect of all this on the minds of the police authorities in the city is this: that a Deputy and his wife cannot walk to a railway station in Dublin and sit down in a railway carriage for the purpose of going a journey but it is noted down, a report being sent to the Minister stating "they concealed themselves in a carriage." The Chief Superintendent's report says:

"Having got on to the station platform, the General and Mrs. Mulcahy apparently concealed themselves, as when the member on foot arrived there he was unable to find them and a search of the station premises was made by the escort party but without result."

Do you want this escort taken off?

Why do you not say that?

It has been said as plainly as the Minister can bear it, and as plainly as any Deputy on this side can say it.

I would certainly take them off if I were the Minister.

I wish, then, that the Deputy would intervene with the Minister.

The Deputy is only wasting public time on it.

And the Minister is only wasting public money, and the Deputy is going to hear about it as long as it takes place and as long as I can raise it here in an orderly manner. The Deputy suggests that it is a waste of public money. The Minister has deliberately gone out of his way at this hour of the day to attach a protection party which is much more costly than the protection party he took off. If the Minister is not going to deign to explain this matter to the House, I should like that Deputy Donnelly would explain it.

As far as I am concerned, I would take them off immediately.

And I should be very glad if Deputy Donnelly would call round to the Minister or to the President and use his influence to get them to deal with this matter in a reasonable way. I suggest to the Deputy that it is much more important that he should act in that way, when the Minister takes up the attitude which he has adopted in dealing with this matter in the House here. The present position cannot continue. Apart altogether from the inconvenience and the indignity occasioned to members of the Oireachtas, which I hope no person in this House will stand for, it cannot continue without unnecessary expense as Deputy Donnelly says. Not only that, but it is costing additional expense as compared with the expense involved hitherto. It is also causing very grave inconvenience to a certain number of Guards who are put on this duty. I say that it is a degrading experience for the police and tends towards a development in the minds of the police authorities of the outlook on Deputies and their actions, which the Chief Superintendent's report discloses. As I say, a Deputy and his wife cannot go into a railway carriage without a detective coming to look around the station platform and without having the whole escort brought to search the platform afterwards.

Very interesting.

Very interesting.

"General Mulcahy appeared none too pleased at seeing the escort in front of him, but made no comment, and neither did the escort."

I did not see a single sign of the escort in Bray, so much so that when the car did follow us home, I would not have believed it was the escort car were it not that I had a look at the number. I point to these remarks in the Chief Superintendent's report as indicating the kind of mentality towards Deputies, who are placed in this position, that is likely to arise in the police mind if this kind of thing is allowed to continue.

We had all this before.

I want to tell the Deputy and the Minister that so long as I can raise this matter in an orderly manner here, and so long as there is a necessity for doing it, I shall continue to raise it. It was not possible for me to attend the funeral of a friend to-day without having a carload of detectives thrusting itself after my car, and following the funeral cortege from Aughrim Street to Glasnevin.

Ask the Minister to take the escort off.

I put a very definite statement of the position to the President because I consider the President is the only person who can now intervene in this matter as between the Minister and myself. I did not receive the courtesy of a reply until the Abbey incident. Then I was told that it had been referred to the Minister, and we know how the Minister dealt with the matter here. I tell the Minister here now that he can take off his escort. If the attitude to these matters of the present Government is that a carload of detectives is put outside my gate from 6.30 in the morning, that it is allowed to stay there all day, if I have no occasion to go out, as happened on yesterday, that it is going to follow me into a funeral procession, as occurred to-day, then I say I have a different conception of what police duty is to that which the Government appears to hold. At least my conception of public decency, public order and public dignity is such that this House is going to hear very frequently of these matters so long as I can raise them in an orderly manner here.

Deputy Fitzgerald-Kenney, speaking earlier in this debate, referred to the increase in the number of Guards. He said there had been an increase of 400 in the strength of the Guards within the past few years. That is not exactly correct, because 200 of that increase to which the Deputy refers took place in 1931. The net increase this year in the number, as compared with 1931, is 200. Deputy Good raised some questions with regard to the Circuit Court. When that Estimate comes up for consideration I shall deal with these questions, and with the position in regard to the arrears in these courts and the progress that has been made towards wiping out these arrears. He also referred to juvenile traders. That is a problem that confronted my predecessors also. It is not a question that has cropped up in the last year or so. It is a very difficult matter to find any proper solution for it. After all, I do not think that Deputies would care to face the prospect of putting these people into jail, and that is the only solution that the police authorities can see for it. However, it is a matter upon which I have been asking the police authorities to make certain recommendations, to see if we can discover any way of dealing with the matter. Deputy Good also referred to the question of mechanical signs. That is, of course, a matter than can only be decided when the Local Government Department puts certain sections of the Transport Act into operation. When these sections are put into operation it will be a matter for the corporations and other public authorities to consider whether or not, in all the circumstances, it would be to the advantage of the public to have these mechanical signs. So far as I am concerned, I have nothing to do with it.

When speaking on this Estimate earlier, at a time when I thought I was concluding the debate, I dealt with various points that had been raised by Deputies. There was one point, however, which I overlooked and which had been raised by Deputy Fitzgerald, concerning a Guard who, he alleged, was punished or reduced in Muinebeag. My information about that particular Guard is this. A man was arrested who was not a very strong man. Two Guards and this detective were with him. The detective may have lost his temper for some reason or another; I do not know, but he batoned this unfortunate man who was under arrest. He has not been reduced. What has happened is this. Guards such as he are put on what are called plain clothes duty. While they are on that plain clothes duty they are entitled to certain allowances which other Guards do not receive, but a condition of their being put on plain clothes duty is that they may be reverted back to uniform rank at any time. That is not a reduction and it is no breach of contract or anything like that if they are at any time reverted to ordinary police duties. That is what happened in the case of this individual. He was not punished in any other way, but it was considered by his superiors that because he acted in that way he was not exactly fitted for that particular duty, while he might be fit for other duties. We have again all the talk about protection, with which I dealt on the last day. I do not know what Deputy Mulcahy or Deputy Cosgrave want, except they want to have not Guards but retainers.

Retainers.

You can take them away.

I did not interrupt Deputy Mulcahy. I suggested that this was all raised in order to make political capital out of it. I have never got reports about Deputy Mulcahy's movements. I never asked for reports and, to my knowledge, no member of the Government ever asked for them except when a definite complaint was made by Deputy Mulcahy and by Deputy Cosgrave. It has been suggested, I think most unfairly, that when I read—what was referred to as a report—the police version of a certain incident, after Deputy Mulcahy had given his version, I am getting reports about the movements of Deputy Mulcahy and Deputy Cosgrave. The question was raised by Deputy Mulcahy himself, and I asked for a report to answer that. Some of the men who were guarding him before are guarding him now, I think.

That is not so, except in so far as two people are concerned. I do not like interrupting the Minister. I am not going to interrupt him again, if the Minister would deal with the question I would like to ask: why it is that the only people that were transferred in these circumstances were two people who were put there in the special circumstances I spoke of— one of whom showed himself to be the type he was in the autumn of last year, and none of the others.

I got certain Guards over from the Army. They were taken over for protection and for transport duties, as it was considered it was really police duty to deal with escorts and protection. I do not know anything about the Guards that were handed over to the police. I am sure the Army authorities did not either; but when they transferred these men, they thought them the most suitable as mechanics and as transport men. I do not know anything at all about the men who were taken over, except that in the ordinary way they were taken into the police from the Army. We heard no complaints since they went there, and they are doing their job quite satisfactorily. If Deputy Mulcahy would get away from the idea of trying to suggest that these men are put into the police for purposes of espionage, things work easily and quietly. The question of protection is a police job purely and simply. I do not see what advantage men in the Army have over men in the police—none whatever. There were plain clothes men in Dublin during the administration with which Deputy Mulcahy was connected. A number of places had to be protected and a number of individuals had to be protected. Who protected them? It is suggested that certain individuals' lives were threatened, and that members of the Army were utilised. They were not. They were never utilised. It was plain clothes police were utilised invariably for the purpose of protecting both property and persons.

Deputy Mulcahy and Deputy Cosgrave raised some point about protection duty not being suitable for police. I have not noticed that point developed. In any case I cannot see anything in it. That was not Deputy Mulcahy's and Deputy Cosgrave's view when they were members of the Government, and that was not the way they acted. As was pointed out by Deputy Mulcahy, in his letter, and by Deputy Cosgrave, the responsibility of knowing whether protection should be continued or not is with the Government. If we are satisfied that such protection is not necessary, then that protection will not be continued. But, unless and until the Government can arrive at that conclusion, I am afraid we shall have to carry on as best we can. Deputy Mulcahy could make things much easier for the Guards. As to Guards being out all night, that should not happen, and, as a rule does not happen. The local Guards take over protection when Deputy Mulcahy arrives at a certain place. I shall have the matter inquired into to see if there is anything in that, and if Guards were out at night protecting him for a long period. That is not the practice.

I know perfectly well that Deputy Cosgrave and Deputy Mulcahy have set themselves out to prove that the new form of protection is ineffective, by this thing of running from one place to another, a hide and seek sort of business. We had Deputy Cosgrave boasting that he had evaded the Guards. That is bound to arise. Any of us who set out to try to evade Guards could do it. We could get out by back doors or adopt some other tactics. There is no use of Deputy Cosgrave boasting in Cork of being able to evade the Guards, and speaking of that protection being ineffective. Any protection, provided there is not co-operation between the person protected and the protection unit, cannot be effective if it is hampered. The Guards who have this duty to do are being hampered by the methods adopted by the people who are being protected, and these methods are used to prove that that protection is ineffective. If there was a little co-operation, effective protection would be given.

What did the Minister do to get it?

To get information?

To get co-operation.

I read reports to show that Deputy Mulcahy was absolutely wrong about attempts to get information from his children. It was usually the other way. The Guards were trying to give protection, without giving any trouble or encroaching on his premises or privacy.

While it was possible to have explained a change in the situation in June last, that change came around in a completely different way, and a uniformed Guard was sent to bring me back from Portmarnock, and I only heard from the police after ten days. What did the Minister do to get co-operation, if he thought it necessary that protection warranted it?

I have not felt that the Deputy has any ground for thinking that any change made was not going to be as good and as suitable as the protection that obtained before. There was another reason, to my mind, why the co-operation that previously existed between the protection unit and Deputy Mulcahy should not be continued, even if there was a change of personnel. It was not a question of getting co-operation; it was a question of continuance of co-operation.

Another matter raised, with which I dealt before, was the bomb or mine explosion that took place in Dundalk. So many attempts have been made in this House to try to create the belief that what might have happened in Dublin, if anything did happen, on the Saturday before was related to what happened in Dundalk the following day. I felt that the only way to deal with that, and the only way effectively to answer it, after what was repeatedly stated here, was that I was informed by the police authorities that they were perfectly satisfied there was no relation between anything that happened in Dublin on Saturday and what happened in Dundalk the following day. I offered on the last day to place in the hands of the Leader of the Opposition the report on which I based that conclusion. Deputy Fitzgerald-Kenney came back after that, and while he was satisfied with the report he was not satisfied with what I was prepared to submit to the Leader of the Opposition, and wanted to have the whole file. If that were to be admitted the Government has no business being here, because in respect of everything to be dealt with, they must bring into their offices the Leaders of the Opposition and show them documents which are absolutely private and confidential. I have no objection to showing to Deputy Cosgrave the report on which my conclusions were based in order to establish beyond yea or nay that there is no relation between these two things. We are satisfied, and the police are satisfied, of that. There is a certain amount of propaganda being made through the country—an attempt to fix some sort of relationship between these two matters, to show that somebody has blundered and that the Government has also blundered. I leave it at that.

Reference was made to the incidents that took place at Limerick. Deputy Bennett said that there were 3,000 or 4,000 people there. That the Guards had a difficult job to carry out their duties on that occasion nobody will deny. The Guards had to deal with this big crowd. Deputy Bennett and other Deputies were disposed to action on the lines of batoning those people off the street. I have the police report about what happened. They kept the crowd back a distance and the strange thing is that, in spite of the supposed 3,000 or 4,000 of an unruly mob, about 60 or 70 motor cars, bringing Fine Gael supporters to the dance, came through the crowd. Nobody, save one girl, was assaulted or hurt. That was all that happened so far as the police know. Deputy Bennett mentioned the case of a Mr. Harty or Captain Harty. I have no knowledge of that case. If such a person was injured or if a stone was thrown at his car, he did not report the matter to the police. The only thing that happened, arising out of the action of that unruly mob, supposed to number 3,000 or 4,000, was that one girl was interfered with and an attempt made to tear off her blue blouse, but she was rescued by the police in time. Her finger was cut, but notwithstanding all the talk we have had here that was all that happened, so far as my information and the information of the police goes. Every little incident is exaggerated.

We have Deputies, like Deputy Mulcahy, bringing up here, day after day, incidents that are taking place in the country. I do not know what the object of that is unless it is to try to create the impression that there is wholesale disorder in the country and that we are not able to deal with it. I do not know what other purpose it could have. When we had the Uniforms Bill before us, members of the Opposition told us that we were banning the Blueshirts because they had established freedom of speech. During this debate, I have been listening to nothing but complaints about the number of meetings broken up and the ineffective protection given to those meetings. Deputies opposite cannot have it both ways. The Blueshirts are in existence still. If, a month ago or two months ago, the Blueshirts were quite effective in protecting meetings, they are in existence still and I am sure are able to protect them now as well as they were then. At any rate, General O'Duffy, in a circular regarding the county council election sent to each county director of the League of Youth, on the 9th April, 1934, said: "The Blueshirts have now effectively secured freedom of speech for all sections of public opinion from one end of the country to the other." What is the use of quarrelling with us for not ensuring freedom of speech when General O'Duffy says that the Blueshirts have secured it effectively from one end of the country to the other? Deputies opposite need not be complaining. According to themselves, they do not want the assistance of the police; they have themselves secured freedom of speech.

Complaints were also made about Naas. Deputy Minch was continually hinting during the debate that the Superintendent there, on the occasion to which he referred, lost his head. I suggest that the Superintendent was far from losing his head. He dealt with a very difficult and provocative situation in the only effective way he could. Deputies may accept this—that when a police officer has to deal with people who are definitely in a conspiracy to prevent the payment of rates and annuities, we are prepared to stand behind him in any action he has to take against these people in enforcing the law. We shall take good care to do that.

References were made to other incidents. I have been dealing with all these incidents from time to time by way of question and answer. It was mentioned that there was no authoritative announcement by the Government that we were out to secure freedom of speech. Deputies opposite say they have secured freedom of speech but, if you had not secured it, I should admit that it is the duty of the Government to see that freedom of speech is secured to everybody in the country. We are going to do that but I suggest that it would be more helpful if Deputies opposite would co-operate with the Guards rather than be threatening them that they will do this, that or the other with them when they get into power. In "United Ireland" of May 12, people are told about the keeping of a little list. An article in that paper says:

"Because of my confidence that we shall have a new line of Government policy in this respect, I should advise every Blueshirt officer to keep a little list of those who have been misbehaving in his area. He should note down the names, for example, of school teachers who have been inculcating, or attempting to inculcate, I.R.A. or other semi-Communist doctrines into the children under their charge. He should note down the names of Gardá or Excise Officers or other public officials who have shown themselves insolent or grossly partisan in the discharge of their duties...."

To the prejudiced, it might seem that the Guards, in carrying out their duties in a certain way, were not carrying them out fairly. It all depends on the way certain people view the steps that may have to be adopted by the Guards in carrying out their duties. Some people may be so prejudiced that they cannot understand the difficulties with which the Guards have to contend. Is that article intended for any other purpose than to threaten that if, by any chance, the Guards prosecute Fine Gael supporters, they will be regarded as partisans and their names go down on this little list? The object of statements and notes like that is quite plain. It is an attempt to undermine the loyalty of a force that has to carry out, and is carrying out, under difficult circumstances, very trying duties. A number of other questions were raised, but I have already dealt with a great many of them. I do not want to go over them again. I do not see any purpose in dealing with all the little incidents raised here in this debate since I have already dealt with most of them by way of answer to Parliamentary question.

Question—"That the Estimate be referred back for reconsideration"— put.
The Committee divided: Tá, 22; Níl, 47.

  • Beckett, James Walter.
  • Belton, Patrick.
  • Bennett, George Cecil.
  • Broderick, William Joseph.
  • Coburn, James.
  • Cosgrave, William T.
  • Costello, John Aloysius.
  • Davis, Michael.
  • Dockrell, Henry Morgan.
  • Doyle, Peadar S.
  • Esmonde, Osmond Grattan.
  • Fitzgerald-Kenney, James.
  • Lynch, Finian.
  • MacDermot, Frank.
  • MacEoin, Seán.
  • McGovern, Patrick.
  • McMenamin, Daniel.
  • Morrisroe, James.
  • Mulcahy, Richard.
  • O'Sullivan, John Marcus.
  • Redmond, Bridget Mary.
  • Rice, Vincent.

Níl

  • Aiken, Frank.
  • Bartley, Gerald.
  • Beegan, Patrick.
  • Boland, Gerald.
  • Brady, Seán.
  • Breathnach, Cormac.
  • Davin, William.
  • De Valera, Eamon.
  • Doherty, Hugh.
  • O'Doherty, Joseph.
  • Donnelly, Eamon.
  • Flynn, John.
  • Flynn, Stephen.
  • Fogarty, Andrew.
  • Goulding, John.
  • Harris, Thomas.
  • Hogan, Patrick (Clare).
  • Keely, Séamus P.
  • Kelly, Thomas.
  • Kissane, Eamonn.
  • Little, Patrick John.
  • Lynch, James B.
  • MacEntee, Seán.
  • Maguire, Ben.
  • Briscoe, Robert.
  • Browne, William Frazer.
  • Concannon, Helena.
  • Corry, Martin John.
  • Crowley, Timothy.
  • Daly, Denis.
  • Maguire, Conor Alexander.
  • Murphy, Patrick Stephen.
  • Murphy, Timothy Joseph.
  • Norton, William.
  • O'Briain, Donnchadh.
  • O'Grady, Seán.
  • O Ceallaigh, Seán T.
  • O'Reilly, Matthew.
  • Pearse, Margaret Mary.
  • Rice, Edward.
  • Ruttledge, Patrick Joseph.
  • Ryan, James.
  • Ryan, Martin.
  • Ryan, Robert.
  • Smith, Patrick.
  • Traynor, Oscar.
  • Ward, Francis C.
Tellers:—Tá: Deputies Doyle and Bennett; Níl: Deputies Little and Traynor.
Question declared lost.
Vote 32 put and agreed to.
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