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Dáil Éireann debate -
Tuesday, 29 May 1934

Vol. 52 No. 15

In Committee on Finance. - Fisheries (Tidal Waters) Bill, 1934—Committee Stage.

Section 1 agreed to.
SECTION 2.
Question proposed: "That Section 2 stand part of the Bill."

Mr. Lynch

It is obvious from sub-section 1 (a) of Section 2 that the decision in the Erne fishery case is being referred to and that provision is also being made for possible, further, judicial decisions operating in like manner. On that question of possible future judicial decisions and also on the question raised in sub-section 1 (b), dealing with the abandonment of several fisheries by proprietors who, presumably, are not in a position to finance a very costly action to maintain their title, the Minister ought to let us know what his policy is. I should like to know, for instance, whether or not the Minister encourages attacks on these rights, whether the Minister and the Government are behind the attacks on this particular type of property. I must say that it looks rather like it, especially having regard to the company the Minister keeps. The Minister went up to Dundalk on Sunday, accompanied by the Minister for Defence. The Minister for Defence there gave expression to some views on spoliation of land and appropriation of land. He talked of depriving of their land farmers who, to use his own words, did not care for Fianna Fáil and who were bullock-worshippers. He said that those who disagreed with Fianna Fáil and those who farmed their lands in a certain way, rather than the way Fianna Fáil thought they should, might find their land taken from them. I wonder if this proposal is on a par with that point of view. Is it on a par with the proposal to deprive persons of property to which they have a title and for which they probably paid good, solid money? If the Minister is behind the attacks on these private rights or, at least, rights that have been asserted for a number of years, he should say so openly. Apropos of this, the thing which has chiefly made me believe and fear that the Minister is a party to these attacks is the personnel of a Commission he has set up to inquire into the question of inland fisheries as a whole. One would imagine that, in the setting up of such a Commission, the persons to constitute it would be very carefully selected by the Minister in order to secure that they would have an unbiassed mind in dealing with the matter before them. One member of that Commission has, since he became a member, in his private capacity challenged one of those rights appertaining to tidal waters. The principal proprietor of that right and his immediate ancestors have exercised it for nearly 150 years. It can be easily proved that it was exercised since about 1750. When the Minister appoints a person of the type I refer to to a commission dealing with a matter of such importance to the public and to individual owners, I am afraid he gives the impression that he is a party even to the particular act of this particular member of the Commission. Of course, if the Minister wants a certain decision from that Commission he is probably correct in selecting that type of person. If his aim is that the Commission should bring in some recommendations by way of confiscation of all these fishery rights, well then, of course, he has obviously appointed the right type of persons. I think, however, as I have said already, that he should say so openly and that he should let the public know. In fact, I think that he might go a bit further than that, because, mind you, I feel that we ought to be ashamed of clause (b) there. I think that we ought to be ashamed that proprietors of property are brought into the position that they have got to abandon their rights because of lack of money to prove their title in the courts. That is the position in my opinion.

Clause (b) really refers to the poor owners of fisheries as distinct from the rich owners. The rich owners may be able to finance a big and costly legal action, but the poor owners cannot hope to do so unless, at any rate, they have some guarantee that their own costs will be met. Usually, the persons who infringe the rights are men of straw or persons of little or no property who could not possibly pay the costs of the proprietors if the costs were given against them. I think that the Minister, if he is behind these attacks on this particular type of property, should make some provision by which persons, who contest those rights and succeed in the courts, should be paid their costs. In my opinion, there should be some provision by the State for this. I do not make any suggestion as to how that might be done. It might be a matter for a special Vote. I do not know that it necessarily could be effected by having the Attorney-General as defendant in all these cases. But, at any rate, I think it is something that, in fairness and as a demonstration of support of private property as a whole, the Government should contemplate doing. I say so because it is very easy to drift—other countries have drifted—from attacks on private property to attacks of another kind, and there is no other way in which one can contemplate that that drift will occur more easily or more rapidly. The "have nots," very naturally, always are rather envious of the "haves," and it would have a really good stabilising effect if the Government would say, in the case of any of these fishery rights which are challenged through the ordinary public going in and trespassing on them or preventing the proprietors from exercising the rights they have exercised for a great number of years, that if these proprietors succeeded in an action in the courts the Government would be prepared to meet the costs of the action.

I am rather surprised that Deputy Lynch did not make the speech he has just made on the Second Reading, because it is rather straining the point a bit to bring in, under this particular clause, a speech on the confiscation of private property. If the Deputy disagrees with the Bill, that is a very big principle and I think it should have been raised on the Second Reading. I do not see that there is any doubt about the policy we mean to pursue under this Bill. The Deputy says that paragraph (b) of sub-section (1) is a disgraceful paragraph to bring into any Bill. We were the owners in certain cases. The Minister for Lands and Fisheries was the owner of the Ownea River, for instance. It was considered advisable to surrender any claim to that river as a result of the decision in-the case of the River Erne. If this clause were not there the Minister for Lands and Fisheries would have to have the case brought to court in order to have it decided by the court before the owners of the River Ownea could be brought under this Bill. Surely we do not want to go through all that cumbersome proceeding if the owner thinks that a decision already given in the case of one river covers his case and if he is willing to surrender his claim and not make any further claim to it. The Deputy has made his position quite clear. In effect, he said: "They are the private owners of property to which, undoubtedly, they have a title,” in spite of the Supreme Court. According to that, the alleged owners of the River Erne, no matter what the Supreme Court or Magna Charta may say, undoubtedly have a title. That, undoubtedly, is the Deputy's position. If that is so, why did the Deputy remain on in the Cumann na nGaedheal Benches for three or four years after the Attorney-General of that Government had gone in and taken part against the alleged owners of the River Erne? I think it was a very queer thing for the Deputy to do and that it showed that he had not very much faith in his own convictions. Judging from his speech now, and if he had any regard for the convictions he expressed in that speech, he should not have remained with the Cumann na Gaedheal Government when they allowed their Attorney-General to go in and take the part of the people who were fighting that case against the people who, as he himself says, undoubtedly had a title in the case of the River Erne.

The Deputy attacks the Commission because a certain person who was put on the Commission, he says, challenged the right of a person who has enjoyed, through himself or his ancestors, certain property for the last 150 years. We have no intention of tying the members of our Commission to silence on the subject while they are sitting on that Commission. I take it that if the Deputy had had the appointment of this Commission during his term of office he would not put people of that type on it, but people of the type of the owner, and there would be absolutely no complaint from the Deputy, or from those who think like him, if we had appointed on the Commission that owner whose right was challenged. If we had packed the Commission with owners and people of that type there would be no complaint whatsoever.

Another point raised by the Deputy was that clause (b) will hit the poor owner rather than the rich owner. I do not see that point. There may be something in what the Deputy says, but I cannot see it. If a person thinks that he has a right in a certain fishery and that that right is valuable, I am quite sure that he will fight for it. It is quite possible that, as a result of the Erne decision, a number of people will not fight, because they may come to a conclusion that they have no case to fight as the Erne decision covers their case. However, the suggestion that these people should get their costs is rather a novel one. Again, I am under the impression—although I may be wrong here, and the Deputy can correct me—that the Cumann na nGaedheal Government, in one of their Bills about 1923 or 1924, were responsible for removing that provision. The Deputy, being a member of the legal profession, knows about such matters better than I do, but I am informed that up to that period one party in a legal action was entitled to ask the other party to lodge costs before proceeding. That provision was removed by Cumann na nGaedheal when they were in office—I suppose for some very good reason. I think it was the right thing to do, because so long as that provision remained it was possible for the rich man to make it impossible for the poor man to defend his claim in court, the poor man finding himself unable to lodge costs before proceedings. We had the general taunt from the Deputy about confiscation of private property. It, of course, only goes to show that the Deputy is imbued with this sort of propaganda, which is being carried on by the Fine Gael Party.

The Minister chose to misinterpret practically every word I said. First of all, I did not say that clause (b) is a disgraceful paragraph to bring into any Bill. I said that we should be ashamed of what underlies clause (b), in that certain persons, who have exercised a title which has not been disputed over a number of years, should be deprived of their rights because of a lack of money to defend them in a costly legal proceeding. That is what I said and it is quite a different matter from saying that it is a disgraceful paragraph to bring into any Bill. You must bring in some such paragraph, of course, to deal with cases which obviously come under the Erne fishery decision, like a case in Donegal or an area like that, to which the provisions of Magna Charta could not possibly have applied or which could not have been put in defence, as it was called, before Magna Charta. The Minister took me up on the question of undoubted title. I was referring to the case of future judicial decisions, such as the case of a man who defends his title in court and it has been found by the court that he has undoubtedly a title. Then, I say, in fairness to that man, where he has exercised that title for a number of years without interference and where it is interfered with now and especially if the Minister is behind it, there ought to be some provision whereby that man could get his costs.

The Minister tried to get across some of the cheap political stuff he can never get away from. If I had the appointment of the Commission, he said, I would probably have the owner of the particular fishery I was referring to on it. I challenge anybody to say whether, with respect to the personnel of any commission I appointed during my time, that I chose persons who were biassed in any one direction in respect of the matter into which they had to inquire or whether, on the contrary, I chose persons of independent mind who had no particular axe to grind with regard to the result of the inquiry. The country is not divided into mere fishery owners and those who are challenging the rights of those owners. There are thousands and thousands of persons in the country of independent mind who do not care a straw so far as they themselves are concerned and who have nothing to gain from the result of an inquiry or from what recommendations are made by the Commission. The Minister had all those to choose from and why then choose persons who have a particular axe to grind in the matter?

I must say that my memory does not serve me too well on this question of the lodgment of costs but, even if it were so, what I am coming at is really very much to the same point. In that one case, if the legislation was ours, it was perfectly right that a man should not be deprived of his rights of litigation because of the defence putting down a motion that he should lodge costs. It was perfectly right that that should not be so—that the rich man could put the poor man always out of court. Is this not very much the same thing? We are putting certain poor farmers here out of court. Unless the Minister is taking on his shoulders the responsibility for these attacks—I am not saying the Minister is doing it —but is the fact that the persons who are challenging the rights of these poor owners—perhaps rather small private fisheries but still, maybe, the only asset these men have—not putting them in the position in which they are unable to defend their legal rights because of lack of funds? Is it not the very same thing the other way round?

I was glad to hear the Minister state that probably the decision in the Erne Fishery case, and the legislation in connection with it, will mean that title to ownership will change hands and that the people concerned in the fishery industry will benefit. As to Deputy Lynch's point with regard to the small owners, I should like to know the people to whom he refers. They are probably the people concerned with the Laune Fisheries and others in that category, who, I submit, could not be classed as small owners. They are people who obtained the same title rights as are being challenged now in the Erne Fishery case. With regard to the Deputy's challenging to show that he did not approve of certain appointments during his period as Minister for Fisheries, I should like to ask him how it is he allowed an inspector named Alfred Dodd, of Killorglin, County Kerry, to retain his position as inspector of fisheries in that district, while at the same time he was part owner of the fishery? The Deputy was very well aware of that, and yet he allowed Mr. Dodd to carry on.

I do not know how that arises on this.

Mr. Flynn

I am putting it forward in reply to his challenge to the Minister.

We cannot go back on Deputy Lynch's administration.

Mr. Flynn

I am not going back on it.

It strikes me that the Deputy is.

Mr. Flynn

I would like to know from the Minister, in regard to the question of licences, if there could be a grading system whereby the fishermen on the coastal fisheries could get a reduction in the price of a licence. I am not conversant with the full meaning of this Bill so far as the grading of licences is concerned, and I should like to know if that could possibly be arranged.

Would that not arise on Sections 5 and 6 better than on this section?

For the Deputy's enlightenment, first of all, I was not referring to the Laune Fisheries and, secondly, if he had been listening to me, he would have realised that my challenge was with regard to Commissions I had appointed. The gentleman to whom the Deputy referred is an official of the Board of Conservators whom I found there, and who has at least 25 or 30 years' service with that Board, and whom I saw no reason to remove.

Question put and agreed to.
Question proposed: "That Section 3 stand part of the Bill."

Mr. Lynch

I am not clear what the Minister is aiming at in Section 3. I looked up the Fisheries Act, 1848, and Section 8 simply says that persons using fishing engines, nets and so on, must be licensed and rated in a manner subsequently prescribed, and must pay an annual duty. Section 2 of the 1848 Act imposes a penalty for using engines without a licence. Section 29 provides that persons using or having engines, etc., must produce a licence when required, under penalty. The side note is more illuminating; it says: "Partial repeal of Sections 8, 22 and 29 of the Fisheries (Ireland) Act, 1848," but the section does not make it clear what part of the sections is repealed, and what part remains unrepealed.

Dr. Ryan

The three sections are repealed. I do not understand that marginal note. The reason why these three sections are repealed is because licences are being issued under Sections 6 and 7—similar licences under the local licences system. If they were not repealed the person would be entitled to ask for a licence under both Acts. The intention is to avoid overlapping.

Question put and agreed to.
Question proposed: "That Section 4 stand part of the Bill."

Mr. Lynch

On the section I should like to ask—although I think I can almost calculate it from the penalty clause later on; at least I can calculate a minimum—how much, in addition to the ordinary draft net licence, will be charged to make up the special local licence. The draft net licence, I think, is £4 10/-, under the 1925 Act. In the case of the Erne I think it is nearly all draft nets that are used. In some of the estuaries I think drift nets are used, and some of those estuaries may come within the scope of this Bill. A drift net licence under the 1925 Act is only £3, and that is an anomaly, undoubtedly, in the 1925 Fisheries Act which was not, if I may say so, the fault of the persons who drafted the Bill. The proposal to increase the drift net licence was defeated, I think it was in the Seanad, and the amendment was maintained here in this House subsequently. Perhaps for all these nets there will be one fixed sum. If that were so it would meet the case, because I believe that the drift net men have got away with it since the 1925 Act as against the ordinary draft net men. They have certainly benefited by the fact that a certain amendment was carried here which left the licence duties in the Schedule to the 1925 Act rather lopsided.

Sub-section (5) of Section 4 provides that "Any order under this section may provide that where a special local licence to fish for salmon with a single rod and line is granted for any year to a person to whom an ordinary licence of a similar kind has been granted for such year, the licence duty payable in respect of such special local licence shall be reduced by 30/-." I am wondering how the figure of 30/- was arrived at. The salmon rod licence is £2. If that salmon rod licence is taken out in the same locality as the local licence, where the local licence would now be issued, one would imagine that the man would get the benefit of the full £2 he had already paid. I could see the point if it were that he went to another fishing district, because there was a provision in the 1925 Act that if a man has taken out a £2 salmon rod licence in one area, and he goes into another area, he can fish there by having his licence endorsed on payment of a sum of 10/-. I could understand the reduction of 30/- if the provision were that when he went into another district, outside the district in which he has taken out his ordinary salmon rod licence, the reduction would be 30/-, but if the special local licence is issued in the same district in which he has a salmon rod licence I suggest that the reduction should be the ordinary £2 which he has paid.

Dr. Ryan

I think the Deputy has not understood that sub-section. That refers to a person who has taken out an ordinary licence in another district. In the ordinary way he would pay 10/- going in there. The special local licence is reduced by 30/-, which comes to the same thing.

Mr. Lynch

Then, perhaps, I misunderstood the section completely. I was considering a person who has already taken out a salmon-rod licence——

Dr. Ryan

In that area?

Mr. Lynch

In the particular area.

Dr. Ryan

It refers to a person who goes into another area.

Mr. Flynn

I quite agree with what Deputies have said in regard to the question of draft-net licences. A special case could be made on behalf of the coastal fishery people, because of the fact that the inclemency of the weather and the open nature of the fishing ground makes it practically impossible for them to avail of the full fishing season. Some special concession should be made on that account. I have in mind the fishermen on the Cromane-Killorglin coast, and other parts of the coast, which are really extensions of the Laune fishery. Those people are in a different position from the fishermen working inland. I should like to make a special plea to the Minister in so far as those people are concerned.

Question put and agreed to.
Section 5 put and agreed to.
SECTION 6.
Question proposed: "That Section 6 stand part of the Bill."

Mr. Lynch

May I take it that this just maintains the status quo as it were? The present position is that if a person hands up his £4 10s. he must get the licence?

Dr. Ryan

Yes.

Question put and agreed to.
SECTION 7.
Question proposed: "That Section 7 stand part of the Bill."

Mr. Lynch

Sub-section (2) of this section provides for penalties. I presume that the Minister does not mean to have a smaller penalty inflicted where he has authorised the issue of a local licence? May I take that for granted? May I take it that the Minister does not mean by this section that a smaller maximum penalty——

Dr. Ryan

Larger.

Mr. Lynch

The Minister means that it shall be larger. That is what I wanted to know, because I have been making calculations on that basis and I think I have arrived at least at a minimum figure for a special local licence as a result of that. Three times the special local licence duty is provided for, where the Minister has made on order, and £50 in other cases. Presumably, I can calculate, therefore, that the special local licence will not be less at any rate than £17?

Dr. Ryan

I do not know if you can.

Mr. Lynch

At any rate I am not finding any fault with that at all, because, as a matter of fact, the persons who will be holding those licences will be having a privilege as against the general public, and the Minister can, to a certain extent, by having a pretty steep local licence fee, salve his conscience with regard to Article 11 of the Constitution. At any rate, some provision must be made by a pretty high special local licence fee if the rivers are not to be ruined by over-netting and if funds are to be provided for the board of conservators.

I move to report progress.

Progress reported; Committee to sit again.
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