I had not an opportunity of listening to the Minister's statement last evening, and I must rely on the rather meagre reports of the discussion which appeared in the daily papers. I notice that the Minister started off with the remark that the excess expenditure which he asks for in this Vote is, in the main, due to the greater activity of the Land Commission. That, certainly, is an interesting statement, and I can imagine the grim smile that must have come on the faces of even some of the Deputies behind the Minister, because the complaints about the slowness in dividing land are not confined to the Opposition Party here. They, in fact, are interested in the question only to a very slight extent. The complaints come mainly from the Minister's supporters. If the Minister read—and I am sure he has done so— the reports of meetings of the Fianna Fáil Executives which appeared in his own paper, the Irish Press, within the last few months, he will realise there is general discontent in the ranks of his own supporters at the delay in dividing land.
It is quite easy to understand why there should be so much discontent in view of the promises which were made by the party, of which the Minister is a member, before they were returned as the Government. We were told at one time that land distribution would proceed four times faster than under the previous Government. Notwithstanding that promise, we find now that land distribution is proceeding at a slower pace than at any other period since the 1923 Land Act was passed. It is very hard to get reliable figures on this subject. Figures have been given to the Dáil during the past few months and, when we compare them with the figures published in the Official Report, it is difficult to reconcile them. I have gone to the trouble of comparing the figures in the two last reports issued by the Land Commission, the reports for 1932-33 and for 1933-34, and I find on an average there were approximately 15,000 acres of land less distributed by the present Government than was distributed by the late Government during the last four or five years of their administration.
I think the Minister will recognise that the first year of his administration was a much better year than the present year is likely to be, because, so far as I can understand, until the last month or so there has been practically no activity whatsoever in the country in regard to the distribution of the land.
Practically all this money is required for the purpose of improving estates distributed by the Land Commission and the first thing that strikes me about this estimate is the abnormal increase that has taken place in the money usually granted for the purpose of improving estates. Normally, the figure up to last year was somewhere about £200,000. This year, including this supplementary estimate, the figure will be £330,000. At the outset, I should like to ask the Minister what all this money is required for and where and how is it to be spent? In view of the fact that land distribution is proceeding at a much slower rate than during the administration of the last Government, I cannot understand, and no member of this Party can understand, why the money asked for expenditure on improvement of estates should have increased from £200,000 to £330,000.
Normally this money is devoted towards the fencing, draining, making of roads, reconstruction of houses, and building of houses on estates actually divided, and, in addition, I assume, portion of the money is for the purpose of improving these holdings which have already been provisionally vested and which I hope will shortly be vested finally. So far as I can understand from Land Commission figures and reports, I cannot see that any substantial amount of money has been devoted to the improvement of holdings which are between the stage of provisional vesting and final vesting, so that it is only legitimate to assume that all this money at present is being devoted exclusively towards the improvement of estates which have been divided, or are being divided by the Land Commission. Certainly, an increase of £130,000, in view of the fact that the Land Commission presently is dividing at least 15,000 acres of land less than was divided during the administration of the late Government, requires some explanation.
The Minister's predecessor in charge of the Land Commission started his career by rushing his inspectors all round the country for the purpose of reporting on the suitability of holdings, whether large or small, for the purpose of acquisition. The inspectors were sent to these holdings regardless of the existing circumstances or conditions and, in some cases, holdings as low as £20 valuation, and even less, were reported on, with the result that a feeling of insecurity and uncertainty was created. As a matter of fact, in almost every case in which an inspector was sent to report on such a holding, the owner feels in the same degree of uncertainty and insecurity to-day. All the farms on the lists supplied by the Fianna Fáil clubs were reported on by the inspectors, I think, during that period and, if one is to judge by the things which are happening in the Land Commission to-day, the Fianna Fáil clubs to a very large extent dictate the policy of the Land Commission.
Land Commission inspectors are paid by the State to do a certain very important and very responsible work, but those inspectors have been sent round the country for the purpose of investigating the foolish, mean, and, in the majority of cases, the highly-prejudiced reports sent in by the secretaries and members of Fianna Fáil clubs. As I said, these men are paid by the State to do very important work, and it is a scandal that they should be made to do the political work of any Minister for the purpose of enquiring into complaints inspired purely and simply by Party motives. It is no wonder that land distribution is proceeding at such a slow rate when the time of the inspectors is devoted very largely to investigating complaints sent in by the secretaries and members of the Fianna Fáil clubs.
No matter how ridiculous or how foolish the complaint is, the Minister feels that he must send an inspector down the country to investigate that complaint. If a person working under a ganger engaged on a work of improvement is seen to be wearing a cap which bears any resemblance to a beret a report is usually sent in by the secretary or a member of the Fianna Fáil club and an inspector is solemnly sent out to report as to the reason why this man is employed and why he should be wearing such a cap. I have heard of one case where a man was wearing a cap which, probably, outwardly had the appearance of a beret, but which was really an ordinary cap with the peak turned inside. Some member of a Fianna Fáil club sent in a report to the Minister that this man was wearing a beret and, naturally, it was assumed he must be a member of a certain organisation which is not popular with the Minister or his Party. An inspector was sent out to report on what sort of a cap the man was wearing. One can readily and easily understand why land distribution is proceeding at such a slow pace when the Minister thinks it is his duty to investigate the foolish, mean, and contemptible complaints sent in by his supporters throughout the country.
There is another item here which occurs to me as being somewhat abnormal—the loss on untenanted land. I do not know what the actual estimated loss is, but whatever it may be, apparently that loss has been increased according to this Estimate by another £2,000. I realise perfectly well that the Land Commission did get certain additional powers under the Land Act of 1933 for the purpose of taking over possession of untenanted land before they were in a position to distribute it. The Minister, I think, must realise by now that such a policy is not a wise one and that if pursued at the present rate it will mean a huge loss of revenue to the State eventually. When the last Government was in power—and they managed things in a much more businesslike way than the present Government—there was a reasonably substantial loss on the management of untenanted land taken over before the Land Commission was actually in a position to divide it, and it was discovered that there was no advantage whatever to the Land Commission in taking over possession of land before the scheme was actually ready. I wonder if the Minister intends to pursue the policy, which he has been pursuing since he got control of the Land Commission, of taking over possession of untenanted land long before the scheme is ready for the distribution of that land. What happens as a general rule is that the land is let, probably to the man who originally owned it, or probably to some other man in the neighbourhood, but invariably at a loss. Certainly in the present circumstances of the country, I venture to think that in every case in which he has let land, of that kind, he has let it at a loss. If he continues that policy, of taking over land in the manner in which he is taking it over, does it not follow quite naturally that the loss in the management of such lands is bound to increase? After all, would it not be well for the Minister to take a leaf out of the book of his predecessors and withhold taking possession of such lands until such time as the scheme for the distribution of them is ready and thereby save the State a substantial sum of money?
There is one other item, a comparatively small sum of £300, for the purpose of making provision for the migration of certain people from the Gaeltacht to the County Meath. I understand the Minister has a scheme in readiness for the migration en masse of a big number of residents of the Gaeltacht to an estate which he has acquired in County Meath. It was always the policy of his predecessor to relieve congestion in the Gaeltacht but apparently the Minister is not satisfied with the methods pursued by his predecessors and he has embarked on an entirely new method. I wonder if the Minister has taken into consideration all the factors involved in a scheme of migration such as is now proposed? It was the policy of the late Government to pick out the big farmers in the Gaeltacht areas and to migrate them to counties like Meath, Westmeath, Kildare and Dublin. Quite a big number of such farmers were migrated during the last seven or eight years, and on the whole, that scheme worked quite satisfactorily. It was carried out at a minimum of cost. The Minister apparently has abandoned that method and he now proposes to migrate colonies of residents in the Gaeltacht to an estate or estates which he has acquired in the County Meath. I assume other estates will be acquired in neighbouring counties in course of time.
Has the Minister envisaged the possible consequences of such a scheme as that upon which he is now about to embark? It appears to me that such a scheme will involve a three-fold system of migration, that the cost will be enormous and that there is always the risk, a very grave risk, that such a scheme or schemes will fail. The Minister has the experience of the Congested Districts Board to fall back upon. They embarked many years ago on mass migration. They continued it for a certain number of years but eventually—and, mind you, these schemes were carried out under far better conditions than those under which the Minister will be able to carry out his schemes—after a few years they abandoned these schemes of migration because they recognised that they were not, and could not be, a success. Has the Minister considered the conditions under which the people he proposes to migrate are living at the present time and the conditions under which they will have to live after they are migrated, probably to the very best lands, in Meath, Westmeath or Kildare, as the case may be? How can any landless man, say, who is half fisherman and half farmer, and who has been accustomed all his life to work and live on the bad land of Connemara, ever be expected to be a success under entirely new conditions on a completely different class of land in County Meath?