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Dáil Éireann debate -
Friday, 9 Jul 1943

Vol. 91 No. 5

Emergency Powers (Continuance) Bill, 1943—Committee and Final Stages.

Section 1 agreed to.
SECTION 2

Mr. Cosgrave

I move the following amendment:—

In line 25, to delete the words "2nd day of September, 1944", and substitute the words "1st day of April, 1944."

The purpose of the amendment is to afford an opportunity to the Government during the period from now until the 1st April next to take measures to deal, primarily, with the cost of living. Meantime, it will have the opportunity to review the extensive use of this Act. As I have said before, on many occasions, the Act was given vary generously, and its exercise should be attended with meticulous care. What is given generously ought to be accepted in that spirit. The various criticisms that we have had to make on this measure have been ventilated in the House on many occasions. They have ranged over the very extensive use made of it, and of the manner in which it was administered. Generally, where decisions are taken, one might almost say star-chamber decisions, that interrupt the normal life of the people, these decisions should not be taken without due consideration being given to the interest concerned. In our view very much greater co-operation could be got in the circumstances of the emergency if the Government were to approach the persons concerned whose interests were affected. Where the commercial life of the community was being interfered with, or where industry was being regulated, it is likely that a more satisfactory method would have been adopted if there had been previous consultation with the interests concerned.

Similarly, with regard to the use of the censorship. In our view that matter would be more satisfactory if the people engaged in journalism in this country were taken into consultation in connection with the use of the censorship. There is no necessity for going into matters in detail, except to say that there is widespread dissatisfaction as regards the abuses that have taken place in the exercise of authority in connection with this measure. I, accordingly, move to give the Government an opportunity of dealing with the matters that I have referred to, and, generally, of taking stock as regards the use of this measure. When that is done, there will be no hesitancy whatever, as far as I know, on the part of those who have supported the principle of this measure in extending it for 12 months or the period set out, that is, from the 1st April, 1944, to the 1st April, 1945, or whatever period of time may be necessary. I think I am interpreting the views of the House generally when I say that the House is satisfied that the Government must have exceptional powers during the emergency. I think, therefore, that we are entitled to ask that this power will be exercised in a way that will give due consideration to all the interests involved after legislation has been decreed as being passed by the Government.

I think that the request embodied in the amendment is a reasonable one, namely, to shorten the life of the Act so as to enable the Government to review representations made by very many people in this country who consider themselves aggrieved by the operation of the various emergency measures. It will also give the Government an opportunity of getting into consultation with the various sections of the community —agricultural, commercial, and other sections—which feel that they can give useful advice to it in regard to the administration of this Act.

The House is being asked to take all stages of this Bill in one day. That is a rather unusual procedure, especially for a Bill of the importance that we are now discussing. It is fair to say, I think, that the House has not had a very full opportunity of discussing the Bill, or the manner in which the Government have exercised the powers conferred on them by the parent Act. I think it is only reasonable, therefore, that the Government should provide an opportunity, earlier than the normal opportunity, which will not arise until September, 1944, for reviewing the actions of the Government in the use of their powers under the parent Act. I put it to the Taoiseach that he should consent to limit the operations of the present Act to the 1st April, 1944, so that we may have an earlier opportunity than would otherwise be available to us of reviewing the activities of the Government as regards the administration of the parent Act. In the meantime, the Government will have all their powers, and ought not to object to a review of their activities at any time. There will be no handicap imposed on the Government in the interval. I think, having regard to the rather restricted character of the discussion on the main measure, that it is, a very reasonable request, and I hope that the Taoiseach will see his way to accede to it.

Naturally, I would like very much to meet any request coming from different sections of the House, such as the one that has been made, if it were possible to do so in reason. There is hardly any doubt, I think, that the emergency is not going to be over in the sense in which we want it to be over, in which it is likely that either the Government would bring a resolution declaring it to be at an end, or that the two Houses would pass such a resolution within the time that is mentioned. Now, it is not as if the House had no opportunity for reviewing the position except when a Bill like this comes before it. Deputies must know, if they consult the debates, that there is probably no subject which has occupied the attention of the House during the emergency period as much as the exercise of these special powers. The House, at any time, can bring in an annulling Order to have a discussion on any particular part of this measure. I believe that it is very much better for the House to have a confined motion of that sort, because much closer attention is given to it than if you had a discussion on an omnibus motion which the House can always have on a Bill like this. There is also the opportunity for discussion on the Estimates, on the Estimate for my own Department, and on a number of other Estimates. These will come up for discussion when the Dáil reassembles. I think it is unreasonable to cut down the period from a year to six or seven months. If you do that there is no reason why it should not be cut down to three months. I think there is no need for this amendment. It is not, as I said before, as if no opportunity was being provided for the Dáil for discussion. I do not like to appear to be resisting a request from different parts of the House. I believe however, that it is not right that we should have to bring in those omnibus resolutions at particular times. I am afraid that I will have to resist the motion.

Mr. Cosgrave

I do not understand what is meant by saying omnibus resolutions.

This is an omnibus Bill because there are so many things in it.

Mr. Cosgrave

We are being asked to consider the power that we have of moving an annulling Order under this measure. What does that mean? It means that something that has been the law for a fortnight, three weeks or perhaps a month, comes up here for consideration. That is a very different situation from bringing in a measure and passing it into law. Up to 1932 it was customary, except in special circumstances which were envisaged by the Act passed in 1931, when tariffs were to be imposed, to have resolutions brought before the House by the Minister for Finance. A very different situation arose in 1932. We got this new method of decree, by the Government. When the decree was passed it became law, and the Government could wait for six months before bringing in the necessary legislation to make it the law. The decree, however, having been in operation for six months, was the statute law of the country during that period. The same thing applies here. We are to be presented with a fait accompli, and then asked to be satisfied with negativing that. I cannot accept that explanation. It is merely an excuse—saying that we have the opportunity of doing that.

The case that I put is this: (1) the cost of living has risen in this country out of all proportion to what ought to have taken place if there had been the necessary attention paid to it; and (2) the powers which were conferred on the Government were for the emergency and to deal with emergency problems to deal with a situation in which ample opportunity would not be afforded to the Government for introducing legislation. One can quite conceive that during the period of an adjournment, if that adjournment were for two or three months, it might be necessary to bring in decrees which would otherwise be brought before the House, but from the very commencement of the operation of these measures, we were presented with a pile of legislation the like of which would not be introduced if it were not for this power being there. I consider that the power has been abused. It has been exercised far more extensively than it ought to have been. There would have been a greater respect for the legislation had it been introduced in the House and dealt with in the House.

In all the circumstances, having regard to the generous disposition on the part of the House in respect of giving this measure, there ought to be at least evidence on the part of the Government that there will be no abuse of these powers, that they will be used only when it is necessary to use them and that the ordinary practice of introducing measures into the House will be adhered to. It would be in the interests of the legislation itself. Let me take one particular instance which occurred here about 12 months ago. On a given day, we were presented with a situation in which restrictions were imposed on the sale of drapery goods. That decree was probably 24 or 48 hours in existence, when it was amended. There was a demonstration in the City of Dublin against the proposal. These things are most objectionable to people who think that, in a time of crisis like this, it should not be necessary to stage a public demonstration of disapproval in connection with a matter of that sort.

What happened in England when they had to face a similar position? They called in wholesalers, retailers, and industrialists, and said to them: "There is the problem. We want you to settle it. If you cannot do it, we will have to do it." They told them what they wanted. There was no necessity for the precipitate action which characterised our treatment of the problem. The matter was settled in a satisfactory manner in England, and, in my view, proposals for regulating and regimenting a trade of that sort ought to have been introduced in the House and dealt with in the House. There would not have been that disturbance, that interruption of business, and that uneasiness of mind which affected so many men who had committed themselves to huge borrowings in order to stock their shops, by reason of a decree being put in force of which they had had no notice. I do not think this is an unreasonable request. We are taking four months off the period, and asking for greater co-operation on the part of the Government in connection with the regulation of business and the introduction of legislation.

I do not know if I am to gather from Deputy Cosgrave's remarks that he is seriously proposing that the rationing of drapery goods should have been the subject of ordinary legislation. That is what he said, and I ask Deputies to try to imagine what would have happened if we announced our intention to pass legislation, which would become operative a month or two months hence, for the rationing of drapery goods or any other non-perishable product. Do they think it would have been possible to prevent the complete exhaustion of stocks, to prevent a rush upon the shops during that period which would have completely disorganised sales for months and years to come? That would have happened.

Surely, Deputy Cosgrave appreciates that when it becomes necessary to ration or control the distribution of some non-perishable product, it must be done without notice, that a control has to be brought into operation which may be modified subsequently. All our controls were modified subsequently-following consultation with the interested parties, but it is inconceivable that we should go to the people directly interested and say: "We are giving you warning that in a week's or a month's time we are going to impose these controls, and you have all that period in which to forestall the results which the Government wants to secure." That would not be a serious way of doing the nation's business. I am quite certain that if the Government had attempted to introduce the rationing of drapery goods in that manner, members of the Fine Gael Party and other Parties in the House would have denounced them, and rightly denounced them, for having approached the problems in an incompetent manner and made a mess of it.

We got the control into operation. I announced on the wireless the coming into operation of a rationing system the next day. I announced that any parties, whether representatives of manufacturers, distributors or any other class affected by the Order, who wished to make representations concerning its provisions were welcome to make such representations. There was no difficulty about having these consultations after the control had been brought into effect. We recognised that modifications would become inevitable following consultation, and modifications were made following consultation when they appeared necessary and desirable. I think it is entirely incorrect to say that in any other country they gave notice in advance of intention to ration drapery goods or non-perishable goods of that kind. In Australia, I read in the Press, they actually closed the shops by order for several days, so that there could be none of the forestalling which did to some extent occur here.

Orders had to be printed and instructions had to be given to a large number of officials, and inevitably rumours leaked out that rationing was coming. Everybody knows what happened. There were queues outside every shop. People were rushing to buy, and those who had long purses were able to forestall the introduction of the scheme to some extent; but what occurred was insignificant in relation to what would have occurred if we came here with proposals for legislation to be discussed on Second Reading, on Committee Stage, on Report Stage, and then to be sent to the Seanad and enacted after all that process had been completed, with everybody knowing it was coming. I do not think it can be seriously suggested that that would have been the right way to do the thing.

The suggestion is frequently made here that there is an absence of consultation between the Department of Supplies and Industry and Commerce and business interests, whether manufacturing or distributing. That is entirely incorrect. The standard complaint made to me by the heads of business concerns is that they have to spend far too much of their time attending conferences in the Department either as members of committees advising on particular matters, or at conferences called to discuss particular problems. These conferences are held regularly. There may be, and frequently is, complaint by individuals that the advice given by particular interests is not acted on, but that is an entirely different matter. These manufacturers, industrialists and distributors naturally give the advice in closest accordance with their own interests, but we have to consider a wider interest than theirs, and it is frequently impossible to take their advice; but there is no serious complaint voiced by any section of the community that there is not full and ample opportunity given to them for consultation. If the Deputy will make inquiries, either amongst the distributive and manufacturing trades, or amongst the representatives of the workers, he will find that in relation to all these Orders brought into force from time to time, there is full and frequently protracted consultation whenever it is possible and before the Orders are made.

The only other point I want to refer to is in connection with Deputy Cosgrave's reference to prices. Prices have risen. It is a preposterous suggestion that there is any action which we could have taken which would have prevented a rise in prices. There is published periodically in official statistics published and made available to the Deputy an index of import prices. That index shows that the average cost of imported goods has risen since 1939 by 150 per cent.

To the knowledge of every Deputy here, the prices of agricultural produce have also risen by about 80 per cent. These increases in the cost of imported goods and in the cost of all home-produced foodstuffs have inevitably resulted in a rise in the cost of living, a rise in the price of goods sold in shops. We have to try to check that rise as best we can. It was impossible to do so in the early months of the war. There has been no appreciable increase in the cost-of-living index for the past nine months, which would suggest that the forces which operated in the initial period to force prices upwards have spent themselves or have been checked. I do not say there never will be another rise in the cost-of-living index, but for the time being these forces have been arrested, and the cost-of-living index has, in fact, been stationary for the past nine months. But it would have been completely out of the question for us to hope to prevent any increase in the cost of living during the war. Prices have risen in every war in every country. The rise in the cost of living has been off-set in some countries by heavy subsidisation of food prices. We have been able to do that only on a limited scale, but we are doing it to the extent of several millions a year. It is true that to that extent there has been a rise—a rise, however, which is attributable mainly to causes outside our control. In so far as it was due to causes within our control, it has been checked and, in fact, arrested for some considerable time.

Mr. Cosgrave

In the case of the introduction of the coupon system for drapery goods, there was no consultation prior to it—none.

That is quite right.

Mr. Cosgrave

That is my complaint.

There could not he consultation.

Mr. Cosgrave

The Minister, with the advice of his officials, laid down regulations under that system without consultation. These disturbances I object to. Nothing could have been easier than, having made these arrangements, to bring in a Bill. It could be agreed by us in a night, passed in the Seanad the same day— no objection or no interference of any sort or kind. Why was not there consultation prior to it? That is the only thing I am looking for. In connection with these matters which affect business, employment and people's livelihood there ought to be prior consultation. I know very well there is plenty of consultation afterwards, perhaps too much.

Oh, no. In the majority of cases consultation is prior to action.

Mr. Cosgrave

I know the Civil Service very well. I know all their capabilities and I know their limitations with regard to business. They have no knowledge of it whatever. Whatever they have learned, it was in the last couple of years.

I did not intend to take part in this discussion, but I think it is a surprise to everybody listening to the Minister to hear there has been no increase in the price of commodities or of clothes during the last nine months.

I said the cost-of-living index has not risen appreciably for nine months.

The index, like other figures, can remain the same, but the people who have to go to drapery shops in the city—and the Minister ought to know more about that than anybody else—know perfectly well that the cost of clothes has gone up considerably during the last nine months. whether or not that is related to the index figure the Minister is talking about, that never changes.

I do not know. I am surprised also to hear what the Minister says about consultation. I can understand the case that the Minister made about declining to have consultation before he made the Order, but it is a fact that after the Clothes Rationing Order was made the Minister repeatedly refused tu see the heads of the drapery firms in the city. That is the reason why there was a public demonstration in this city, if my memory is quite correct.

It is not quite correct, I think, either.

I support Deputy Cosgrave's amendment. I do so because of a statement issued within the last ten days, apparently emanating from the Department, with regard to the withdrawal of tea and sugar licences. Tea and sugar licences that were withdrawn are to be restored, up to the 1st July, and in connection with any offences thereafter, the law will be enforced for the duration. I was rather amazed this morning to hear what the Minister said with regard to the withdrawal of tea and sugar licences. He mentioned how humane he was when one considered the penalties inflicted in other countries, such as sentence of death. I would like the Minister to tell the House the difference between sentencing a man to death and taking away his means of livelihood, that had, perhaps, been built up by his family over three or four generations, and throwing himself, his wife and family and his employees on the roadside, with no opportunity of earning a livelihood.

I quite agree, and it has been admitted from this side of the House, that there is a necessity for this Bill. I fully appreciate the great difficulty there must be in equitably enforcing it. I appreciate all the obstacles and difficulties, but there are things that seem to me completely inequitable and unjustifiable. Take for example the case of a shopkeeper who is prosecuted for selling one tin of milk at ½d. over the fixed price and who then gets notice of the withdrawal of his tea and sugar licence. That has no relation at all to the offence.

It never happened.

Does the Minister deny that?

Yes. It never happened.

I do not indulge in unparliamentary language. That has happened. All that the Minister has to do is to look up the records. I know people to whom it happened. That is the reason why I want to emphasise the importance of getting an undertaking from the Minister that, if he is going to enforce this measure for 12 months, in the meantime an opportunity will be given, if a crisis arises with regard to the withdrawal of these licences. I approve of the withdrawal in appropriate cases, but I strongly object to withdrawal in inappropriate cases. I think this thing should be dealt with in the Department by officials of some considerable experience and I think, in that connection, it would be wise to have a committee in the Department with a business man at its head to advise the officers who are unacquainted with the difficulties of business. Surely such men can be got. There are plenty of honest men in this country, thousands of them. I think it would be a wise thing to have some business man, or two or three if the Minister thought necessary, to advise the officers on the facts of a given case.

The Minister also emphasised to-day the necessity of keeping the right to withdraw tea and sugar licences because the district justice would not be acquainted with all the relevant facts with regard to the distribution of goods in a given area. Are not these cases heard locally? Are not the witnesses local? Could not the officer of the Department who is giving evidence instruct the solicitor appearing for the Department to indicate to the district justice the position with regard to the distribution of goods and whether any local hardship would be imposed in a given case? I think it would be better for the administration of the Department—I put forward this advice only to be helpful to the Minister—that politics and Deputies should be kept out of it. When such cases occur. Deputies are inundated with letters to make representations to the Minister to get the matter settled. Would it not be much better that there should be an independent tribunal, that the district justice should impose the appropriate penalty?

The officer of the Department who gives evidence could instruct the solicitor to say whether or not in the circumstances, if the licence were withdrawn, there were alternative means of distributing the goods. I would like that this thing should be lifted entirely out of the arena of politics, that Deputies should not be brought into it. The Minister referred to the keeping of forms. That is essential, but surely there are very many trivial cases coming before the Department concerning some illiterate man or woman keeping a little shop, without assistance, and who have a limited number of registered customers. The complaint was that, if they had not this power, people would not get their tea ration. The people who have registered for tea have a very simple remedy. They can write to the Department if they are not getting their tea ration.

On a point of order, I think there was an understanding in the House to-day that the business would be concluded by 2 o'clock. It is true that I moved a formal motion to allow a few minutes, if required, for an amendment which was to be put in. If we are to go on like this, it will be found that many Deputies were left under a misapprehension with regard to the work here to-day. Staffs and so on have been given their orders on the basis that the business was to conclude at 2 o'clock. I do not know whether we are now to have a continued full dress debate all day.

I will not occupy the time of the House any longer.

This is a simple matter. It is a question whether we should have this automatically brought up for reconsideration again on the 1st April. I do not think a case really has been made for that, because every single question can be raised here individually in the House. I think if we go over the debates here we will find that no subject has occupied the attention of the House so much as this question of Orders made under this measure. It is a question whether the Government are, in principle, to get this power or not, I take it that that is the position. If it is, the question is whether next April we are to have a discussion of the whole thing all over again. The Minister for Industry and Commerce has reminded me that motions for the annulment of these Orders get priority in the Dáil. Therefore, I do not think that any case has been made for this amendment.

Does that mean that the Taoiseach will not accept the amendment?

Then we must press the amendment to a division.

Question put: "That the words proposed to be deleted stand part."
The Committee divided: Tá, 62; Níl, 36.

  • Aiken, Frank.
  • Allen, Denis.
  • Bartley, Gerald.
  • Beegan, Patrick.
  • Brady, Brian.
  • Brady, Seán.
  • Breathnach, Cormac.
  • Breen, Daniel.
  • Brennan, Martin.
  • Breslin, Cormac.
  • Briscoe, Robert.
  • Buckley, Seán.
  • Butler, Bernard.
  • Byrne, Christopher M.
  • Carter, Thomas.
  • Corbett, Eamon.
  • Corry, Martin J.
  • Crowley, Tadhg.
  • Daly, Francis J.
  • Derrig, Thomas.
  • De Valera, Eamon.
  • Fitzgerald, Séamus.
  • Flynn, Stephen.
  • Fogarty, Andrew.
  • Fogarty, Patrick J.
  • Friel, John.
  • Gorry, Patrick J.
  • Harris, Thomas.
  • Healy, John B.
  • Hilliard, Michael.
  • Kennedy, Michael J.
  • Blaney, Neal.
  • Boland, Gerald.
  • Boland, Patrick.
  • Bourke, Dan.
  • Killilea, Mark.
  • Kilroy, Séamus.
  • Kissane, Eamon.
  • Lemass, Seán F.
  • Little, Patrick J.
  • Lynch, James B.
  • McCann, John.
  • McEllistrim, Thomas.
  • MacEntee, Seán.
  • Moran, Michael.
  • Morrissey, Michael.
  • Moylan, Seán.
  • O Briain, Donnchadh.
  • O Ceallaigh, Seán T.
  • O Cléirigh, Mícheál.
  • O'Grady, Seán.
  • O'Reilly, Matthew.
  • O'Sullivan, Ted.
  • Rice, Bridget M.
  • Ruttledge, Patrick J.
  • Ryan, James.
  • Ryan, Robert.
  • Sheridan, Michael.
  • Skinner, Leo B.
  • Smith, Patrick.
  • Traynor, Oscar.
  • Ward, Conn.

Níl

  • Bennett, George C.
  • Blowick, Joseph.
  • Burke, Patrick.
  • Burke, Thomas T.
  • Byrne, Alfred (Junior).
  • Cafferky, Dominick.
  • Cogan, Patrick.
  • Connolly, Roderick J.
  • Corish, Richard.
  • Cosgrave, Liam.
  • Cosgrave, William T.
  • Davin, William.
  • Doyle, Peadar S.
  • Everett, James.
  • Hogan, Patrick.
  • Hughes, James.
  • Keyes, Michael.
  • Larkin, James.
  • Larkin, James (Junior).
  • Looney, Thomas D.
  • MacEoin, Seán.
  • McFadden, Michael Og.
  • McMenamin, Daniel.
  • Meighan, John J.
  • Norton, William.
  • O'Higgins, Thomas F.
  • O'Leary, John.
  • O'Sullivan, Martin.
  • Pattison, James P.
  • Roddy, Martin.
  • Rogers, Patrick J.
  • Ryan, Jeremiah.
  • Sheldon, William A.W.
  • Spring, Daniel.
  • Stapleton, Richard.
  • Tunney, James.
Tellers:—Tá: Deputies Kissane and Kennedy; Níl: Deputies Doyle and Bennett.
Question declared carried.
Sections 2, 3 and 4, and the Title, agreed to.
Bill reported without amendment.
Question:—"That the Bill be received for final consideration"—put, and agreed to.
Question proposed: "That the Bill do now pass."

This is an Emergency Powers Bill, and its purpose is to give the Government power to protect the nation and its citizens in any situation which may confront them during the currency of the declared emergency period. I should like to direct the Taoiseach's attention to the position of our nationals who are at present employed in Great Britain. As the Taoiscach knows, our citizens there, under British legislation, are liable to be conscripted into the British armed forces, notwithstanding the fact that under our laws they have separate Irish citizenship. Our citizens in that respect are in an entirely different position to the citizens of any other independent country. For instance, if a Dane is domiciled in Britain, he cannot be conscripted under international law. If a Belgian is in Britain, he cannot be conscripted into Britain's armed forces. If a Spaniard or a Swiss is in Britain——

Is the Deputy quite in order in raising this matter now?

Acting-Chairman

I must say I cannot see the relevance of the Deputy's remarks.

This Bill does not apply to Great Britain.

It is a pity our nationality is not recognised in Great Britain and the question would not arise at all. This is an Emergency Powers Bill and its provisions are very wide indeed.

I suggest that the question the Deputy is raising is not relevant.

This measure may be used in order to regulate the price of gas in Letterkenny, or the price of milk in Kilkenny; it may be used to depress wages. Are we to be told now that it is not capable of being used to protect our citizens whose rights as nationals may be affected?

Acting-Chairman

I do not think there is anything in the original Act relating to that particular matter.

I agree that it does not cover it in any specific way, any more than it gives the Minister specific powers, for instance, by orders made under it, to fix the price of gas in Letterkenny, or of milk in Kilkenny. I suggest that the wide terms of this measure entitle the Government to make representations of such a character as would protect our citizens in such circumstances as I have already outlined.

Not by virtue of this Act, surely.

I suggest it is by virtue of this Act the Government are able to get hold of our own citizens and put them in internment camps.

Acting-Chairman

The Deputy is speaking about things external to this country entirely. The Deputy is speaking of our citizens when they leave this country and go to Britain. Surely the Emergency Powers Act has nothing to do with making regulations with regard to them there? I do not want to interfere with the Deputy in making any case he wants to make, but I suggest that his observations are utterly irrelevant to this Bill.

I do not at all want to regulate their conditions when they leave this country, but I think I may submit, if I so desire, that, even though they have left this country, they are still Irish citizens, carrying Irish, nationality; that we are bound to protect them no matter where they go. However, I am not raising that issue; I am saying that under the Act the Taoiseach and the Government have certain responsibilities, one of which is to protect the rights and liberties of our citizens, once they are our citizens, no matter where they may be. I say that they are in Britain and they are being conscripted and not being treated the same as citizens of other independent countries. I want the Taoiseach to take energetic steps to bring to the notice of the British Government that this being an independent State, our citizens, being Irish, are entitled to enjoy the same liberty and immunity from conscription as the citizens of every other free country in the world who happen to be domiciled iu Britain in certain circumstances. That is a simple task and I hope the Taoiseach will agree to carry it out.

The duty which the Deputy is talking about is a duty imposed upon us quite independent of this Bill. This Bill does not give us any particular power to enable us to do it. It is a duty which is being and already has been performed to the best of our ability. This Bill is not the proper measure on which to discuss the matter which the Deputy has introduced and I suggest that his observations are completely out of order.

Question put and declared carried.
The Dáil adjourned at 3 p.m. until 3 p.m. Wednesday, 20th October, 1943.
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