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Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 14 Jun 1944

Vol. 94 No. 4

Committee on Finance. - Vote No. 55—Industry and Commerce (Resumed).

I was dealing with the position of agriculture when progress was reported. If the present emergency had come upon us in 1932 instead of in 1939, I was making a comparison of the position in which agriculture has been placed by our industrial progress since then. If the emergency arose in 1932 we would find ourselves without factories for making shovels, spades, forks, ploughs, harrows, mowing machines, and practically everything that was required on the land, yet these are the things that Deputy Dillon stated were like the Old Man of the Sea tied around the necks of the agricultural industry.

I give only one example of an industry which happens to be in my constituency. I refer to Irish Steel. I wonder what would be the position of the agricultural community to-day if Irish Steel were not there, and we had no means of manufacturing iron for horse-shoes. I referred to Irish Steel last year, and I am glad to see that we have got more billets. I cannot agree, however, that the previous directors of that company, during the period 1939 to 1941, did their duty. I do not know of any reason why the furnaces for that industry could not have been finished between 1939 and 1941. If they had been, the industry would be in a position to use up all the scrap that we have in the country, and supply all the needs of agriculture and industry. In my opinion there was negligence in the Department of Industry and Commerce since these directors were not put in jail. We have now, however, come to the point when we will be able to get shoeing iron. That is something that we can place to the credit of the Minister who had the courage to tackle the job and do it, and to tackle it against the advice of the Deputy Dillons. I am not saying that the Minister does not make mistakes. The man who will not make mistakes will never make anything.

I come now to the question of shipping. In that connection, I would direct the attention of the Minister to the present financial position of Cork Harbour. There is no use in having shipping if there is nowhere to bring it, and if something is not done to deal with the financial position of Cork Harbour that, I fear, is going to be the position, so far as shipping is concerned, for some months. That is a matter that particularly concerns the Department of Industry and Commerce and should receive the Minister's attention.

I must congratulate Deputy Cogan and his Party on the definite policy that they have laid down as regards agriculture. The views that he expressed represent a departure, and to my mind a very good departure, from the sneers that we used to have here from Farmers' Parties which, thank God, have disappeared from this House, and I would say have disappeared for good. We used to have sneers from them about the rotten Irish shovel, the rotten spades and their bad handles, and the rotten machinery that they said we could not work. That is what we used to hear from the members of Farmers' Parties that we had here at one time, but, as I have said, they have disappeared. I am glad to see that we now have a Farmers' Party in the House, the members of which take the view, the correct view, that industry and agriculture must go hand in hand. To-day the farming community are in the position that they are able to sell 95 per cent. of their agricultural produce on the home market. We have to thank the policy that makes that possible. If we had not the policy that went out to prevent the import of agricultural produce to this country to compete against what the Irish farmer produced—a system that went on here for a considerable number of years—we would not be in the happy position that we are in to-day in which we are able to supply our own people. There is one thing that I would ask the Minister to tackle, and it is this: that in the fixing of prices for agricultural produce he would use the same basis that he uses when fixing the prices of industrial commodities. If he were to do that, I am satisfied that the agricultural community would be not only far better off, but better satisfied. There seems to be a cheeseparing in the fixing of prices for agricultural produce that does not exist where industry is concerned.

I would like to deal in a brief way with the question of unemployment assistance. I am concerned about some 3,000 families who are living in my constituency and who are not getting the benefits laid down in the Constitution of equal rights for all citizens. When we have social legislation brought in here for the benefit of the general community, and when we have a large section of the population in a city removed by housing needs outside the boundaries of that city, creating an anomalous position of this kind: that a man with his wife and three or four children living in house No. 9 is entitled to 35/- a week unemployment assistance, while the man with his wife and four children, living in house No. 10, is not entitled to draw a penny unemployment assistance, we have there a position which, to my mind, is absolutely contrary to what is laid down in the Constitution. The Minister for Industry and Commerce should give his attention to this and have it rectified. There is no use in saying that it will be rectified next year or the year after, when some of those people will have died of starvation. The position there is daily becoming more serious. Take any one of the measures dealing with social legislation that have been passed by this House. Take the case of men who happen to be in employment and went before a Wages Tribunal and got a bonus of 5/ or 6/- a week. The bonus they received was immediately set upon, and 1/- a week extracted out of it for increased rent. Take the Children's Allowances Act. The payments under that Act will come into force on the 1st August next. The unfortunate people in the district that I speak of are to be treated under the Children's Allowances Act in the same manner as they have been in regard to the bonuses which they received from the Wages Tribunal.

That is a matter for the Cork Corporation and not for the Government.

It is a matter directly for the Minister responsible for the Bill.

What Bill?

The Minister who has the distribution of the cash: whether he is going to allow the moneys passed by the Dáil—2/6 a week for each child—to be seized by anybody and to be diverted from the purpose for which this Dáil meant them. That money was directly passed by this Dáil to be given for the children at the rate of 2/6 per week for each child. Is the Cork City Manager to be allowed to add the 2/6 and take 9d. off for extra rent? If he is, this so-called civilised State has gone a step further than the old walled cities.

Is the Minister for Industry and Commerce responsible for fixing the boundaries of Cork City? If he has no responsibility the Deputy is out of order.

It is the rent collection system that is responsible.

The Cork Deputies do not mind whether it is inside or outside the boundaries of Cork City that this particular evil exists. I am speaking for my people outside the boundaries and Deputy Furlong and Deputy Daly can speak for those inside.

The Minister has no function in regard to collection or fixing of rents.

I hold that this Dáil passed legislation for the benefit of a definite section.

The Deputy seems to be advocating a change in the law.

No, I am stating here——

The matters to which the Deputy is now referring are matters of administration affecting Cork Corporation.

I am maintaining here——

The Minister has no jurisdiction. The Department of Local Government may, the local bodies have, but the action of local bodies does not arise on Estimates.

I am not dealing with the action of local bodies. I am stating here——

The matter is not in order.

If the Ceann Comhairle will allow me to explain, I will prove that the Minister has responsibility.

The Deputy tried an explanation on this problem last year.

A Deputy

Who is responsible?

The Cork Corporation. The Department of Local Government might be concerned, but the Minister for Industry and Commerce is not.

If the Ceann Comhairle maintains——

The Ceann Comhairle rules the matter out of order on this Vote and will hear no more about it. It was raised on the Vote for the Department of Local Government last year, if not annually.

It will have to be raised on the adjournment as a question of urgency, unless we get some clarification. As far as I am concerned, I have been sent here to rectify this and I am going to do so.

The Deputy may, at the appropriate time. This is not the time.

I do not wish to take up the time of the House further, as what I have to say has been ruled out of order.

This is one of the most important Votes which the House has to pass in the year. On this occasion, it is particularly important, in view of the fact that unemployment is still on the increase and that this time the Minister has not given any indication of plans to meet the unemployment problem. Coming up to-day from the country, I met at least eight young fellows coming to the City of Dublin, looking for work with farmers. They were farmers' sons and, because of the stress of circumstances in the Midlands, the farmers cannot pay the wages demanded, so there is no employment that they could engage in. They complained bitterly about the difficulty of getting to Great Britain, they complained of the Government, of the Dáil, of everyone concerned, of the lack of compensation or wages for their work. I am aware of the circumstances in which many small farmers' sons and labourers' sons and daughters are existing in the country. The standard rate of wages is totally inadequate to meet the cost of living and to put them on a par with their brothers and sisters who have got away to England.

I was listening to Deputy Morrissey saying that the farmers of Tipperary were comparatively better off than they have ever been. I think that is correct: they are a good bit better off to-day than they were in 1932, 1933 or 1935; but that does not at all mean that they are in any way well off or that they have achieved a well-regulated income from their efforts. It is true that the farming community, as such, has money on deposit in the banks, but everybody knows that the farmers who have money on deposit receipt are those with fairly large families, whose families are working for them at no wage but the packet of cigarettes and, perhaps, in some cases the price of the dance or concert or picture at the week-end, if they had a bicycle to take them to it. This money on deposit receipt represents practically the slave wages of the farming community.

Notwithstanding the increased value of the produce of the farm, I assert that the increased cost of living and increased cost of everything the farmer has to buy, means that there is less compensation for the agricultural community than there has been. As soon as the farmer's sons or daughters see a chance of getting away from the farm, off they go, as otherwise they would be expected to work at home under those slave conditions. I deliberately say "slave conditions", notwithstanding that my colleague, Deputy Morrissey, thinks otherwise.

There are none of the amenties of life in the country. No doubt, there has been a slight improvement in the housing of the farmers, but it is not nearly sufficient. The Minister should have outlined, and must outline, a plan for the employment of the people at home at a living wage, as, if he or some other Minister does not do so, we will still have that hankering to get away, and our youth will join the British Army or go somewhere else. Everybody knows there is any amount of work at home for them, if there were any compensation for it. We have a Drainage Bill, but it is for a post-war plan that is not to start until years after the emergency is over, and, at best, it is a 28-year plan. A great many of us will be pushing up daisies by the time that plan is completed. It is no solution.

I assert that the finances of the State can be organised in such a way that our young people and our unemployed can be gainfully engaged in the creation of assets that will benefit the country. If war were to break out in this country to-morrow, it is an astonishing fact that, if we could put up factories to manufacture tanks, aeroplanes or artillery, the money would be immediately available to do that. We would boast that we were able to manufacture tanks, aeroplanes, artillery and ammunition, and we would not hesitate for one moment to spend hundreds of millions, if we had the factories and the machinery, in the production of instruments of destruction. The remarkable thing is that we cannot produce a ha'penny for the development of agriculture, to spend on the things that would give our people employment at home. I assert that we will become a broken-down State if our people are not employed at home, and if they are not given ample compensation for the work they do. They are entitled to receive the same wages as they get in Britain. Even if we came in any way near to that standard, it would be some advantage, and our people would stay at home.

Efforts will have to be made to make credit available, and it is the duty of the Department of Industry and Commerce to plan it. If they are not able to do so, then someone else who will do it must be found. It is heart-breaking to see our young fellows crossing the Border every day to join the British Army, and to see our girls going to Northern Ireland to engage in domestic and other work when their services are so urgently required at home. We see the very life-blood of the nation pouring out in that manner every day and we cannot stop it. Fianna Fáil came into office in 1932, and they had a plan to end unemployment. I thought they had, but for some reason or other they did not carry out that plan. As I said at one time, the only reason I could not support Fianna Fáil then was that I could not believe them. If you believe them you are bound to support them.

To-day unemployment is worse than ever, even with large numbers of our people going away. As Deputy Morrissey pointed out to-day, what will the situation be like when large numbers of our people return and demobilisation from our Army takes place? That is not the time to start planning. The plan should be then in operation, the spearhead of that plan should be working, and we should be ready to receive these people and put them into gainful employment.

I heard Deputy McCarthy talking about the opposition to wheat-growing and beet-growing. Only a Deputy who is new to the House would make that statement. It is a well-known fact that the Carlow beet factory was established long before Fianna Fáil came into office, and it is also well known that that beet factory and the Shannon scheme were described by a responsible Minister as white elephants. That was the type of opposition to every plan put forward by the Government of the day. The members of that Government were belittled. I admit that the members of this Government realise that in attacking the efforts of that administration they made a mistake. It is just like a lot of things in this world—they are sorry when it is late.

Deputy Corry said that if we had not Seán Lemass we would have no farm implements, no agricultural machinery, no iron for horse shoes. How nicely Deputy Corry can forget that we had Messrs. Pierce of Wexford, the Wexford Engineering Company, O'Gormans and any amount of people capable of manufacturing agricultural implements. They were manufacturing these implements, which were as good as the best. The Deputy talked about the manufacture of steel and iron. I would undertake to manufacture iron at the price at which it is now manufactured. Iron could be purchased at £6 a ton prior to the emergency and to-day the price ranges from £112 to £124 a ton. I agree that whatever lead or iron ore may be in that part of the country to which the Deputy referred, it could be dug out with spades and hammered, and that could be done economically. I do not believe that the price of £112 a ton could last, because there is nothing that you could manufacture that could bear such a high initial cost for the raw materials. It is apparent that the Haulbowline factory cannot produce the metal required, because they must get bricks and other things to complete the furnace.

I think it is a great idea that we should have factories for producing iron and steel. It is absolutely essential that we should have them and I have all along subscribed to the view that we should have such industries. At the same time, I am of the opinion that they should produce at a price that will be well within the scope of the people when they come to buy the finished article. So far as agricultural implements are concerned, the price must not be too high. Let us suppose that a farmer wants a mowing machine. There was a time when he could buy one for £18 or £20, but now he has to pay £40 or £43. That represents over 100 per cent. of an increase. The same applies to other agricultural machinery. Deputy Morrissey properly pointed out that the cost of even a second-hand reaper and binder or a tractor is unusually high. If the farmer wants to comply with the demands of the Minister for Agriculture and is anxious to supply the requirements of the people, he is put to considerable expense.

Many difficulties would be removed if a proper organisation were set up and if credit were made available. I assert that what Britain can do we can do. We have equal rights and we are as independent as they are. If a farmer in Britain wants credit the banks will give it to him without a mortgage on his land. They will merely take a mortgage on the machinery he buys or on the crops he will produce. If a farmer here wishes to borrow money to buy machinery he must give a mortgage on his farm. As a matter of fact, the banker really does not want to see a farmer; he would rather anybody else would come looking for credit. The country should be organised in such a way that all our essential industries can be developed.

It is very difficult for the ordinary worker to exist on present-day wages. It is more difficult to exist on unemployment assistance because the cost of living is so high that the unemployment assistance payable by the Minister's Department is insignificant and totally inadequate. Unemployment insurance is on the same line and is not at all in keeping with the increased cost of living or the responsibilities that the worker may have. I do not know what plans the Minister has for the survey of these problems. I assert that he should have a survey made, that he should take the House into his confidence, that he should ask for reliable information—on oath if necessary—from those in a position to give it, and that there should not be merely wishful thinking about the matter. In that way I think he would get to a position where he could influence the Government to take the necessary steps to make credit available for industries, housing, afforestation, employment of every type for our people, to keep them in this country where, while they may have temptations of some kind, they are not comparable with those they would have abroad, and where they will be working in the interests of their own country, doing the things that every nation should do for itself.

On the question of coal, there is no reason in the world why some of the miners who have been in England and Scotland in the past and who are now available throughout the country could not be organised and put to work on these particular mines. If these people were recruited I think there would be a very great number. Some of them may be old now but I know that in the midlands hundreds of people who are still there went as miners for years to Scotland and elsewhere. There is recruitment for the bog and for other things, and I think if there were a special appeal made to people with mining experience to offer their services now, I think you would get a very substantial number of men. In that way you would increase production of coal which is so essential for the maintenance of industry.

The rest of the ground has been covered fairly well by other Deputies and I do not intend to delay the House but I do appeal to the Minister to take notice of the situation of our unemployed boys and girls. Those who are employed receive compensations for their labour which is totally inadequate.

I wish at the outset to direct attention again to the burning question of coal. I should like to correct an impression I may have created by quoting certain figures on the last occasion. These figures were taken from the survey of the industrial resources of Ireland of 1921, and they are not as fantastic as the Minister would make out. At the same time, I want to emphasise that they relate to the reserves of coal which are estimated to be in the Leinster coalfield, and I do not suggest for a moment that all these reserves are workable as a mining or commercial proposition. In addition to the reserves in the Leinster coal area, there are considerable reserves—some 30,000,000 tons—in the Arigna coal area, and there is an estimated reserve of one billion, five hundred odd million tons in the Munster coal area, which has never been worked. I know as well as the Minister that a number of these areas are unworkable because of faulty rock construction and that sort of thing. At the same time I want to stress the point that you have in this country these huge reserves of coal and that no effort has ever been made by this Government to tap any of these reserves, with the single exception of Slievardagh, which is, from a geological point of view, a doubtful proposition. The faults in Slievardagh in rock formation are far more serious, I believe, than they are either in Arigna or in the Kilkenny area.

When I was on this subject I wanted to make it clear that I was not concerned with normal mining development. We all know that to train a miner takes at least two years and that mining law does not allow a miner to work on his own before he has completed a period of two years' training. We all know, also, that there are great difficulties in the way of obtaining machinery and equipment at the present time for normal mining development. What I had in mind in this matter was the possibility of developing outcrop coal, which is all over the place in Kilkenny. The Minister suggested to me that I should go down to Kilkenny and discuss this matter with the miners and hear their views upon it. I happen to be in business in Castlecomer. My people have been there for generations. We are intimately associated with the mining population of Castlecomer and these men come into me every other day and tell me the position. I am speaking from first knowledge on this matter.

This question of outcrop coal, I believe, can be tackled. There may be one difficulty in it and that is the provision of explosives. Apart from that I see no difficulty whatever except brawn and the pick and shovel and, goodness knows, we have enough of that in this country. The Minister has published a review of Irish mineral resources entitled The Geographical Survey of Ireland. Emergency Period —Pamphlet No. 1. The author is D.W. Bishopp, Fellow of the Geographical Society. In that report, which is dated as recently as 1943, he says:—

"It is perfectly true that anthracite coal has been extracted in past years from a number of the more promising points; and it may indeed be possible for local enterprise to obtain a limited quantity from scattered outcrops to assist in supplying a local demand."

That is what I am concerned with. I am putting it to the Minister that he should enable the land owners and all persons interested who have outcrop coal on their lands to quarry that outcrop coal, first of all, to supply the local demand and, after that, if there is a sufficient quantity available, to supply the needs of the country.

As I stressed in the debate on the Adjournment, we have a very distinct grievance in this matter. For generations we maintained the Castlecomer mines when nobody else did. Very few people outside the fringes of the adjoining counties ever took Castlecomer coal, and we, who for generations burned Castlecomer coal in our grates, are now in the position that we cannot get an ounce of Castlecomer coal, and we have to look at 600 tons a day leaving the village for unknown destinations. We do not know where it goes. All we know is that it goes to certain wholesale merchants, and after that it is lost to us anyway. The Minister said that the present output was 180,000, and that that represented an increase of 60 per cent. I should like to know whether that is a gross figure or not, because, away back in 1919, we were actually in Castlecomer alone producing 93,000 tons gross, and we had then over 400 miners employed.

I should also like to have from the Minister information as to the steps which he is taking to increase the number of skilled miners in the various mines through out the country. Deputy MacEoin quite properly referred to the necessity for the recruitment of miners from all over the country. You will get men in Donegal and in Mayo, as well as in the midlands, and perhaps down south, who have worked in the mines in Scotland, England and Wales, and I believe that if an appeal were made to these men they would work here. I believe further that if an appeal were made to the ordinary working men and a decent wage was held out to them, a great number of them would undertake to engage in mining, at least in mining of the type I have in mind, which is surface quarrying. We can get coal in several areas in Castlecomer by merely tunnelling from the banks of streams, and to an extent it is being done surreptitiously at present.

Since raising this matter of coal, I have received a letter from the St. Francis Abbey Brewery, Kilkenny. It would appear that, as a result of the cuts that have been made by the Minister in the ration of coal for that brewery, they will be faced with a close-down in the near future; certainly they will have to lay off a number of hands.

Before the 31st of May their ration was 87 tons of Castlecomer coal per month. For June and July, which is portion of their busiest period, they get no coal whatever. For August they are cut to 35 tons; for September to 76; for October to 58; and for November to 54. In addition to that, an embargo has been placed on the import of cross-channel ales, with the result that these people are inundated with demands for their ale and they will be unable to carry on, they tell me, unless something is done to remedy the position for them. So that here you have a firm on the spot which cannot get a reasonable ration of local coal. I ask the Minister in all seriousness to consider that particular case.

I would again ask him to reconsider his proposals for the development of electricity from turf. It will take at least three tons of turf, of the quality at least that we get down in Kilkenny, to equal one ton of Castlecomer anthracite. If it is seriously suggested that that is an economic proposition, I for one cannot see it. Furthermore, I would remind the Minister that when an experiment was made in Clonsast it was originally estimated that machine turf from Clonsast could be procured at 10/6 per ton or something like that. But, when it came to supplying 40,000 odd tons from Clonsast, it cost 50/6 per ton. We all know that the retail price of turf to-day is 64/- per ton and that that price can only be achieved by means of a subsidy; the cost is probably considerably higher. You can get a ton of Castlecomer coal wholesale at considerbly less than £4 per ton. My proposition is that, if this extension of electricity by way of burning stations is developed and steam power is to be adopted, the appropriate method of developing it is to erect the burning stations in the coal areas, if possible at or near the pitheads. The coal-burning stations could be erected at Castlecomer, Arigna, Slievardagh and perhaps elsewhere in the Munster coalfield. In that way you will save the cost of transport of the fuel and you will have a very economic proposition.

I mentioned the case of the Firoda collieries and I want to mention it again. The people of Castlecomer had correspondence with the Minister as far back as June, 1942. Like many other matters which reach Government Departments, that was apparently pigeon-holed and no progress has been made so far as the people of Castlecomer are aware. The Minister has ample powers under the Mines and Minerals Act to enter on land anywhere and carry out experiments with a view to ascertaining the value of the coal beneath the land and the commercial possibilities of development. In addition, he has powers under Section 18 of the Mines and Minerals Act to go on land where the minerals are owned in such small parcels that they cannot be conveniently worked and, if he is satisfied that they may be left permanently unworked, he can grant a licence to any person interested to work those minerals. I am seriously putting it to him that he should avail of his powers under that section to develop this outcrop coal to which I referred.

I know there will be a lot of legal difficulties and technicalities in the matter, but I think the situation is so serious that the Minister should give himself an additional Emergency Powers Order to wipe out all these technicalities. We may be told that there are royalties, franchises, or rights of private property in the way; perhaps there are, but the situation is so serious that, in the interests of the common good, these should go also, at least for the emergency period.

I understand that the Minister told the House a good deal about post-war plans, particularly for building. There is one aspect of that matter which strikes me very forcibly. With the destruction which has taken place in Great Britain and upon the Continent of Europe, it is quite on the cards that the Allied Powers, if they have not already done so, take over the steel, iron and timber resources not only of the Continent of Europe, but of the world, and that when we come to develop these grandiose plans, the quota we are likely to get from them will be very small indeed. So far as we on these benches are concerned, we have no knowledge that the Minister is taking any steps whatever to negotiate with these Powers for a share of the raw materials which will be necessary for this post-war construction. I can visualise a position, when the war is over, in which we will be left out in the cold if we do not move in the matter very soon. We have a guarantee under the Atlantic Charter that the raw materials of the world will be pooled, and that every country will get its fair quota. Are we at the moment doing anything to get our share?

With regard to the general question of protection, the Austrian economist, Friedrich List, was, I think, the precursor of protection, and in the old days of Sinn Féin we borrowed a good deal from his teachings. From his national system of economics, there developed in Germany the modern National-Socialist system of economics, and there developed in America the high tariff policy which the Americans have pursued for years, with disastrous results to themselves and to the world. We in this country seem to have learned nothing from the mistakes of the great Powers in this matter. Since List's time, every country has set out on a race against its neighbour to erect high tariff walls about itself to keep out the outside world, and to develop its internal resources to the almost entire exclusion of its neighbours; with the result that we have had two world wars in our generation fought on this very issue and on no other issue.

I put it to the Minister that we have reached the saturation point of protection in this country. Undoubtedly during the emergency period it was the duty of the Government to protect infant industries in every way possible, but the consumer in this country is rapidly coming to the conclusion that he is paying a very high price for his protection, that the home-produced article does not compare in quality with the foreign-made article and that this protection is adding considerably to the cost of living and is likely in the post-war period not to be worth a candle. I think we have arrived at the time when we ought to take stock of our economic policy and ask ourselves whether certain industries are worth protecting or not. By all means give the infant industry protection while it is getting its legs and learning to walk, but when it has reached the adult stage, it should stand on its own legs and should not get further protection.

Some Deputies appear to think it would be possible to give details of plans which have been made, or are in process of being made, for the promotion of activities of one kind or another after the war. I made it clear, when speaking earlier to-day, that I was dealing only with the projects which are under consideration in the Department of Industry and Commerce. Post-war planning as a whole is a Government responsibility and there is a Cabinet committee which directs it. Part of the task has been entrusted to the Department of Industry and Commerce, and I referred only to matters which were in train in the Department which directly related to its responsibilities. In respect of most of the projects to which I made reference, detailed proposals will come to the Dáil when the legislation designed to facilitate them is introduced.

I explained that the aim of the Government in these matters was to get the preparation of plans advanced to the stage at which action could be taken without delay when the circumstances were favourable, when the materials and equipment required were procurable. That preparatory work would include the enactment now of the legislation necessary, the giving of the requisite powers to the subordinate bodies, such as the Electricity Supply Board, to enable them to proceed, in the knowledge that they had specific responsibility to get a particular task done and the requisite legal powers, as well as the necessary financial resources, to enable them to do it.

Some Deputies made reference to the current position in respect of employment and unemployment. Deputy MacEoin is completely in error in assuming that our unemployment situation is getting worse. On the contrary, there has been a steady decrease in the number of persons unemployed in the past two or three years. That decrease was undoubtedly influenced latterly by the emigration of a number of workers to Great Britain, just as it was, at an earlier stage, influenced by the recruitment of many thousands of workers into the Army and other defence services. I merely refer to it for the purpose of stressing the fact that the number of persons unemployed is substantially less this year than last year, and was substantially less last year than the previous year. There has, of course, been some diminution in the number of persons employed as well, but it has been very slight.

I stated yesterday that the average number of persons employed in each week of 1943 was 3,000 less than the number employed in each week of 1942. That statement was inaccurate. The officers of the statistics branch sent me correct information this morning. I was quoting from the preliminary draft of a report upon unemployment which is about to be printed, but subsequent examination of the position led to a revision of the figures. The new figures would indicate that the average number of persons employed in occupations insurable under the Unemployment Insurance Acts in last year was only 1,000 less than in the previous year. The average number employed in other occupations was also 1,000 less. It is, I think, a noteworthy feature of the strength of the industrial organisation which we created before the war that it has been able to withstand all the difficulties which resulted from the war, and, at the same time continue to give not very much less employment than was given before the war. As I pointed out, it is now employing 50 per cent. more workers than were employed in all the industries of the country before the present Government came into office. The fact that those industries created only a short time before the outbreak of the war, created in circumstances of difficulty, were able to withstand at an early stage in their existence the vicissitudes of the war, is, I think, encouragement to us to proceed further with our industrial development policy when circumstances again permit of it.

During the course of the past year there was a considerable increase in the number of persons employed in agriculture and in turf production. We have reached a stage now where, in many rural parts, there is a scarcity of labour. That scarcity of labour is at present having consideration from the Government, because it is obvious that we will have to take some special steps to ensure that the exceptional labour need of agriculture during the harvest period will be met, if possible by encouraging the workers who are surplus to local requirements in the congested districts to transfer temporarily to the areas where tillage operations on a large scale were only begun during the war years, and where the local pool of labour is inadequate to meet local requirements.

That ought to be done immediately.

It will be done immediately. Deputy MacEoin referred to workers coming from rural areas to get employment in Dublin. I must admit that that may have happened. It has probably happened to an undesirable extent, but it is not due to inability to get work in the rural areas. It is due to a disinclination to take the type of work available in rural areas. There is, of course, the normal drift of population from the land into the towns. That is a feature of healthy civilisation in any country, and a great deal of nonsense is talked about it from time to time, but there are no circumstances prevailing at the moment which could be fairly described as operating to drive people from the land into the towns. Deputy Norton talked about our driving people out of the country to get employment in Great Britain. Other Deputies know quite well that the biggest problems associated with war-time emigration with which the Government has to deal arose from the inclination of the people to leave employment here in order to qualify for exist permits to go to Great Britain.

Mr. Corish

Because of Order 83.

Because, as Deputy Corish well knows, of the fantastic stories as to possible earnings in Great Britain, and of the inclination of young fellows to go where there is excitement.

And, because of the plenitude of paraffin oil and everything else in this country at the moment, they must stay here.

I know that many people who lost employment in this country proceeded to employment in Great Britain because there was not an opportunity of engaging themselves here in their own occupations. Time and again I pointed out to the Dáil that a carpenter or a plumber, or a painter or a printer, or any other person whose skill —acquired through years of apprenticeship—accustomed him to a standard of living higher than that enjoyed by the unskilled worker, could not be compensated for loss of his employment here by an offer of work cutting turf or in any agricultural occupation, and we have never felt it necessary that we should prevent such people from emigrating temporarily to Great Britain, where they could follow their own occupations, maintain their skill, and at the same time secure for themselves and their families the livelihood to which they had been accustomed. We have prohibited the emigration of persons for whom employment was available, the emigration of persons who had experience in agricultural work or turf production, but many of the people who were prohibited from emigrating by reason of the fact that they were in employment have adopted various devices in order to evade that restriction and procure exit permits for themselves.

The number of persons who emigrated last year was substantially less than the number who emigrated in 1942, and, since March last, the issue of new exit permits has been stopped entirely. The stoppage of the issue of new exit permits was due to the restrictions imposed by the British Government on travel between Great Britain and Ireland. The Government considered that it was its duty to suspend the issue of new permits until the situation clarified itself, and until there was some reasonable assurance that the persons leaving this country for employment in Great Britain could return here if they wanted to do so, or if circumstances made such a return necessary to them. That suspension of the issue of exit permits will not be maintained indefinitely, but clearly we have reached a stage in which we cannot contemplate giving to agricultural workers or turf workers facilities to emigrate from districts where there is such a scarcity of workers at the present time.

Deputy Dillon inquired as to the position concerning those exit permits, and thought there was some discriminatory treatment in force. I stated that the issue of new exit permits ceased, but anybody who had received from the Department of External Affairs an exit permit previous to the decision of the Government to cease to issue new permits could proceed to Britain on that permit if he got a visa from the British authorities. The only thing he required was that visa from the British authorities, and when that was given to him he was entitled to travel. The whole position in that regard is under active examination at the moment. I might say, in reply to a point raised by some Deputy, that those restrictions did not apply at any time to migratory agricultural workers, that is to persons from the West of Ireland who ordinarily went year after year for seasonal agricultural work in Great Britain, returning to this country when that seasonal work was completed. They have never been subject to those restrictions and are not subject to those restrictions now.

Deputy Coogan has spoken on coal production here on two occasions since the assembly of the Dáil. At one time I had all the illusions that he has now. I was under the impression that this country had vast mineral resources which had not been exploited because of the ill-will of an alien Government, and that it was only a question of putting holes in the ground to discover that those vast resources were there, to be followed by the making of arrangements for their commercial exploitation. When I became Minister for Industry and Commerce I persuaded the Government to give me a very large sum of money to carry out the mineral exploration which I thought had been neglected, and we went particularly after the areas where coal was known to exist. We employed foreign experts of the highest standing to advise us. The Arigna district was surveyed thoroughly by a French firm of experts, and the Leinster area by a British firm. Arising out of their report, the development of the Slievardagh area was undertaken.

Deputy Coogan says that was not the best place to commence any new coal development of the Leinster area. I can only reply that the best experts we could employ said it was the best place. In the Arigna area it was quite obvious that the coal resources available did not permit of commercial development on any scale greater than was in fact being undertaken by private enterprise at the time. It is true that commercial considerations do not apply now to the extent that they would apply in normal peace times.

The aim now is to get as much coal as we can out of the ground, almost irrespective of the cost of getting it out, but there are practical problems there which cannot be ignored. They do not cease to exist merely by asserting that the Government has failed to make a particular effort to cope with them. These practical problems are known to the persons who are engaged in coal mining operations, whether as managers of coal mining companies or as coal workers. For instance, we cannot put an unskilled worker underground, mining coal; he could easily kill himself and every other worker there as well. In order to prevent the employment of unskilled workers or miners underground, laws have been passed both in this Parliament and in the Parliaments of other countries, prescribing the minimum qualifications which must be possessed by any person who is permitted to go underground and engage in mining work. We have modified the law to some extent during the emergency so as to permit of the employment underground of persons who had not got the requisite amount of experience and skill in mining, but even with that modification there is still a scarcity of those who can be employed underground. Deputy Coogan and Deputy MacEoin said that if we appealed to those people living in this country who have had experience in former years of coal mining in Great Britain, to come forward now and help us, we would get a large number of them. We did that. Through the employment exchanges throughout the country, every person in the country who was known to have had coal mining experience was approached and asked to come forward. There were about 50 such people whose names were listed in the exchanges, and every single one of them was written to and asked to come forward and agree to resume coal mining here during the emergency. Not one of them came forward. That was done over a year ago, and only a fortnight ago another approach was made through the employment exchanges to persons whose services might be of value in coal production.

It must be remembered also that the coal seams of this country are narrow. Deputy Norton thinks that we could get much more coal out of the ground in this country if we had nationalised coal production rather than mining development by private enterprise, but no matter who undertakes the job, they cannot alter the size of the seams, and it is the size of the seams that determines the output of coal at any particular point. As I have said, our coal seams are very narrow. They vary from 10 to 18 inches, and rarely exceed 24 inches. That means that the output of the individual miner working on the coal face is limited, and it frequently involves that in order to get the coal out, rock or shale, over and above the coal, is also taken out and, of course, that is an entirely uneconomic proposition, as Deputies will realise. We cannot hope to have the same methods of working here as in the case of the English coal mines, with seams as wide as three and four feet. Those large seams permit of methods of working which are impracticable here. The production of coal depends on the number of miners who can be employed cutting coal at the coal face, and that depends on the size of the seam, and only to a very limited extent by the system of mine development be adopted by mine managements here.

By every possible device we have been endeavouring to secure increased output of coal, and we have got an increased output, but there are obstacles which are insurmountable. We could, undoubtedly, increase the productive capacity of individual miners in a number of mines if we could get coal-cutting machinery, but we cannot get it, or at least, up to the present, we have not been able to get it. In some of these mines the management have not been able to get even tracks for the movement of the coal trolleys, and they are driving the trolleys on wooden slats, which, as every Deputy knows, is a most unsatisfactory method of working. Nevertheless, from the Arigna area there has been a very substantial output, a much more substantial output than in the Castlecomer area. I am not going to discuss the difficulties in connection with the Castlecomer mines, but I would say to Deputy Coogan that we have found, particularly in the case of Castlecomer, where the industry has been long established and where traditions have developed amongst the workers, a considerable reluctance on the part of the workers—and, may I say, a very natural reluctance—to encourage the introduction there of a very large number of new unskilled or semi-skilled workers who may desire to remain in that employment when the war is over, whose presence would depreciate the value of the skill which the existing miners have already acquired, and who may at some future stage be the cause of considerable unemployment in the district.

The Castlecomer miners, in the days of the Cumann na nGaedheal Government, had a rather thin time, and it is rather ludicrous of Deputy Coogan to criticise this Government now for not developing our coal reserves. It is the memory of what they went through in the years when Cumann na nGaedheal was in power which makes these Castlecomer workers determined to make sure that there will be no inflation of workers there to reproduce conditions such as occurred during that period, or that continued unemployment is not again going to be the case after the war. Outcrop coal has been mentioned. Now, outcrop coal is all very well, but I think that for the quantity of coal we would get in that way it would not be worth while expending any great effort in working it. In some districts it is possible to increase the output to some extent by increasing outcrop working, but it would be wrong to imagine that we can expand our supply considerably by that means.

Deputy Coogan also criticised the project to construct an electricity station at Clonsast, to be fired by turf. He said that the right place to build a new steam station for the generation of electricity was adjacent to the Castlecomer mines or any other coal mines. I think that that idea is entirely wrong. There would be some basis for the suggestion if there was any difficulty in disposing for other purposes of all the coal produced at Castlecomer or at other coal workings, but we have not had any difficulty in securing, in recent years at any rate, a market for all the coal that could be produced, and it seems to me that the aim must be to ensure, not that we divert to electricity production Irish coal which is at present being used in other industries, but that we should endeavour to secure the production of new or other types of fuel which would add to our resources without detracting from the supplies of coal available for other industries.

Deputy McGilligan referred yesterday to a statement I made during the election campaign, concerning a new steam station in Dublin. What I said was that the Electricity Supply Board was preparing plans for a new steam station in Dublin. At what stage in the generation programme of the Electricity Supply Board a new steam station in Dublin will be introduced, has not yet been determined upon. I think that our experience during this war must compel us to endeavour to ensure that the development of electricity generating capacity in the future must, if possible, be independent of imported fuel, that we must concentrate upon the development of our rivers for water power, and supplement the output of the rivers by turf-burning stations.

There are sound economic reasons for doing so. It is a fact that a year like the present which is bad for water-power stations being particularly dry, is a good year for turf-production. The reverse is also true. A year that is bad for turf production will give an abundant supply of water for water-power stations. That consideration has turned the minds of electrical engineers in other countries to the obvious desirability of linking up hydro-electrical development with the use of turf as fuel for stand-by steam stations. I want to stress, however, that there are other considerations which must be taken into account when determining the future generation programme. If we were to have regard only to the cost of generating electricity we could, no doubt, leave other considerations aside but it would be folly to leave other considerations aside. There are even defence considerations which might induce us to decide not to erect any large steam station in Dublin, even though it might be more costly to get the same increase in capacity by the establishment of a number of separate stations in different parts of the country away from large centres of population. There are, certainly, national economic considerations which will induce us to secure the maximum independence from imported fuel supplies for the production of electricity, on which the maintenance of our essential industries and the health and welfare of our people depend.

Deputy Roddy referred to the position concerning paper. I do not think there is much prospect of increasing the output of our own paper mills. I think our own paper mills have done wonders in increasing output since the beginning of the war. Before the war, they used imported materials to a large extent, but despite the cessation of supplies of imported materials they have effected an increased output. Despite fuel difficulties they have adapted themselves to the new conditions and put themselves in a position to carry on. In fact the Clondalkin Paper Mill, which is the largest in the country was, I think, one of the first industrial concerns to undertake the production of turf for its own purposes by its own efforts and it has been working entirely on turf for a long time past. I should like to be able to tell Deputy Roddy and other people interested in the publication of newspapers that the supply of newsprint, that is the form of paper used in the production of newspapers, is reasonably secure.

I have found in the past that newspaper proprietors are fairly optimistic as to the supply position, and are always anxious to get newsprint on a larger scale than I considered prudent. I do not want to encourage any unfounded optimism. We have been able to keep up the supply to these newspapers in the past by reason of the fact that we could draw, not merely on Canada, but also on Sweden, Swedish newsprint having, as I told the Dáil, to be transported to Lisbon, and shipped from Lisbon in our ships. There is a supply at Lisbon at the moment which we may be able to import, but it is a reasonable assumption that the course of the war is likely to endanger our getting supplies from that source for some time to come. The supplies that can be obtained from Canada are, of course, limited by shipping difficulties.

Deputy Cogan asked me about shotgun cartridges, and said that farmers found, it impossible to get shotgun cartridges. I think the Deputy is unaware of the Order which I made recently for the regulation of the distribution of the available supply of shotgun cartridges. Under that Order, persons holding a 5/- licence—there are about 60,000 of them, and they are in the main farmers—can now each get 12 cartridges. Persons holding a £2 licence, of whom there are about 12,000 can get 22 cartridges each, but the £2 licence holders can get their 22 cartridges only after the 5/- licence holders have got their 12 cartridges. That arrangement does ensure an equitable distribution of the supply of cartridges. It provides that both classes of licence holders will get reasonable supplies, and it cannot in future be said that a farmer requiring shotgun cartridges for the extermination of vermin cannot get them. It will be noted that the total quantity available is very limited. There may be a further distribution later, but the 12 cartridges for each 5/- licence holder and 22 cartridges for each £2 licence holder is as much as the available supply will permit.

Deputy Roddy urged that I should give a higher allocation of explosives to county councils. I should like very much to do so, but we can only increase the allocation to county councils by decreasing the allocation to industrial users, and I think it would be bad policy to do so. The industrial users who are getting an allocation of explosives at the moment are the collieries —they are getting all the explosives they reasonably require to facilitate the output of coal—lime burners, cement works, and similar enterprises, all of which are necessary under present circumstances. I recognise that the contraction of the supply to county councils reduces their ability to organise and carry out relief works and other schemes which are important in their areas, but we could not hope to give them more unless the total supply is increased. It must not be assumed that the county councils are not getting any explosives. They are, in fact, getting the largest single allocation of available supplies, but less than their normal requirements.

I do not think there was any other matter referred to in the course of the debate that I should discuss at this stage. I think I have answered all points of importance. There will be other opportunities of discussing general policy, and most of the Deputies who have spoken were concerned with questions of general policy. It is, I think, not possible to consider post-war plans merely in relation to the activities of one Department. That question will have to be raised in a general way so that an indication can be given as to how the activities of one Department dovetail into those of another. It was because of the fact that we were discussing the activities of more than one Department that we had such a speech as that made by Deputy Dillon who referred to problems of road construction and housing which are mainly the concern of the Minister for Local Government and Public Health. No doubt they have a direct bearing on the work done by the Department of Industry and Commerce, but I could not undertake to reply to the queries which Deputy Dillon put forward in relation to these matters which he must address to the Minister for Local Government and Public Health, who is the Minister directly responsible for these matters.

I take it that the Minister's reason for giving special preference in permits to migratory workers was because of their economic position? Is that so?

The Deputy, I think, understands that these migratory workers have an economy of their own. The whole economy of their farms and their homesteads is based on the assumption that certain members of the family go every year to Scotland, and to certain districts in England for agricultural work. They do some of their own farm work before they go, and complete it when they come back. We could not attempt to interrupt that method of living which has gone on for generations in present circumstances without being able to substitute here some similar form of work for the agricultural work in Britain to which these migratory labourers go.

Does the Minister say that there was no discrimination? I know many cases of young men particularly, who could get employment in Britain, and who cannot get it here, and who are being compelled to support themselves and their people on unemployment assistance. Why should they not be permitted to go where they can get work?

The Deputy understands that the difference between migratory workers and the workers to whom he refers is that the migratory workers go over for two or three months in the year and then come back. The following year they go to the same employer and come back again. Normally, the class of person to whom the Deputy refers would have been facilitated in applying for exit permits. The suspension of that facility arose solely out of the new restriction imposed by the British authorities in March or April last. It is possible that, with the clarification of the position, some modification of the suspension will be decided upon in the near future.

Am I to take it that a man in the town of Dundalk who cannot get work there and who could get work in Great Britain is not in a position to get an exit permit?

He has not been in a position to get an exit permit for the past two or three months.

The men to whom I refer were promised jobs in England and approved of for work in England. Then the ban was imposed and they are still idle. I think that it is a great hardship on these men that they cannot get permits. They have no knowledge of agriculture. I could quite understand the Minister's concern in regard to agricultural workers, from the point of view of the shortage of labour on the land, but I cannot see any point in refusing permits to tradesmen and builders' labourers, who cannot get work at home owing to the shortage of materials but who could get work in Great Britain.

The Government normally acted in accord with the views just expressed by Deputy Coburn. The situation was, however, that the British Government announced that nobody would be allowed to travel between Great Britain and Ireland, and it was considered that we should suspend the issue of exit permits until we found exactly what that meant for our citizens, because there is an obligation on our Government to protect the interests of our citizens not only in Ireland but abroad. Attempts have been made to secure a clarification of the position since the announcement was made, and I think I can say that the whole position will be reviewed by the Government at an early date and decisions taken in the light of the information gained in the meantime.

The Government does not seem to be able to prevent some men getting away to join the British Air Force.

We do our best to prevent people from leaving the country without our permission. I recognise that some people succeed in evading the law, which is that nobody should leave the country without an exit permit.

To illustrate my contention, I know a case in which a number of young men were interviewed by an employment agency on a certain date. The majority had put in applications for exit permits before our Government imposed its ban. They got away but the remainder did not. They were all approved by the Minister's Department for employment in Great Britain.

The Deputy may expect some announcement regarding the matter in a short time.

The people to whom I referred were also approved.

The question raised by Deputy Corry is a burning question in every part of the country. These people who are not agricultural workers, but town workers living outside the town boundary, are cut off unemployment assistance at certain periods of the year, with the result that they have to go on home assistance. It is a great hardship on them because they are town workers who were put into new houses just outside the boundary. Can nothing be done in the matter?

If we have differentiation between areas, somebody will be found to be on the border, no matter where we draw the line. The Government undertook to refund to local authorities any assistance they had to give by reason of individual hardship resulting from those Employment Period Orders. The amount which the Government had to pay in consequence of that guarantee was not very large but, if there is a particular problem, such as exists in Cork, the right way to solve it is by extending the borough boundary. For some reason, Cork municipal authorities are reluctant to take the necessary steps to extend the boundary of the borough so as to include the completely urbanised area— an area in which the houses are, in fact, owned by the corporation itself. If they would take the necessary steps to extend their boundary, they would solve a number of problems, including this problem.

Some people had to go into the rural area.

The problem in Cork is that of an urbanised area outside the borough boundary.

There are 40 houses on the border of the town of Enniscorthy.

There is a local government body in the town of Enniscorthy.

Yes, but, by the regulations of your Department, those people are deprived of the dole, although they are town workers.

The only clearly distinguishable boundary we can recognise is the boundary of a local authority. It would be impossible to administer this differentiation on any other basis. If there is a particular problem in Enniscorthy, I suggest that the urban authority should consider the possibility of securing an adjustment of the boundary.

Would it not be simpler to alter the basis of qualification from residence to the place of work? I think that would be simpler and more just.

It would be completely impracticable. We considered that.

It would be much more just. Under the residence qualification, a person who resides in the city but works in the country is entitled to the city rate of assistance. If he resides in the country and works in the city, he is entitled only to the rural rate and, at certain periods of the year, he is cut off. It would be simpler to apply a qualification based on the place of work.

The differentiation is because of the place of residence. We make that distinction for the reason, amongst others, that the urban resident has higher rent and higher costs to meet than the rural resident. Therefore, he gets a higher rate of assistance than a person in a rural area.

Would this differentiation——

The debate cannot now be reopened. Only questions to the Minister are allowed when he has concluded the debate.

This is a very vital matter in many cases and any suggestions that would help to get over a difficulty, which is admitted even by the Minister, should be welcomed.

Acting-Chairman

These suggestions should have been made before the debate concluded. The procedure is that only questions are allowed when the debate has concluded.

Does not the Minister consider it unfair that people who have been removed from the city owing to slum clearance, no space being available for housing within the borough boundaries, should now suffer all these disabilities because of circumstances over which they had no control?

The circumstances are within the control of Cork Corporation.

I do not think so, because Cork County Council and Cork Corporation will be at loggerheads, and the people will go on suffering year after year.

Mr. Corish

Is the Minister aware of the roundabout procedure necessary to extend borough boundaries? It takes years to do so.

I think that the Minister for Local Government would facilitate Cork Corporation.

Would the Minister not consider issuing an Emergency Powers Order?

I do not think that that procedure would be applicable.

Vote put and agreed to.
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